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This article argues that positive US-China relations enabled China in 2004 to diversify its strategy toward Haiti, a staunch supporter of Taiwan, by contributing its first-ever Formed Police Unit (FPU) to the United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH). The organizational readiness of the China Peacekeeping Police Training Center (CPPTC) also played a large role in shaping this development. With the contribution of its FPUs, China intended to influence Haiti and reset bilateral relations. However, the limited training capacity of CPPTC meant that China could only contribute one FPU at a time—even though contributing more FPUs would have strengthened its influence on Haiti even more. When US-China relations turned negative and Zhou Yongkang, the chief patron of the Chinese police, lost power in 2012, China terminated its participation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Revista de Relaciones Internacionales, Estrategia y Seguridad is the property of Revista de Relaciones Internacionales, Estrategia y Seguridad and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Sino-Russian strategic partnership, among its many facets, includes broad alignment in the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) on issues of intervention, and their similar (if not identical) stances on the controversial Responsibility to Protect (R2P) doctrine in regard to Darfur, Libya, or Syria are well known—but the Libyan R2P-inspired enforcement action (intervention absent the consent of the host state) is relatively rare. Less work has been carried out on Russian and Chinese discourse on UN peacekeeping, viz consent-based operations. We fill a gap by examining and comparing their discourse on UN peacekeeping in UN Security Council meetings, demonstrating that their converging views have begun to seep into the previously 'safe space' of peacekeeping. The controversy surrounding the 'protection of civilians' encapsulated in the Libyan resolution 1973, which was used for regime change, caused concern for Russia and China. New directions in UN peacekeeping—in particular, stabilization missions—which emphasize the protection of civilians, are testing UN peacekeeping doctrine. A comparison of Chinese and Russian voting patterns in the UNSC reveals a fairly similar line taken on voting to extend peacekeeping mandates, yet upon examining the discourse in UNSC meetings regarding three UN stabilization missions between 2011 and 2022, as well as more generic meetings on peacekeeping, subtle differences emerge, which reflect differences in Russian and Chinese narrated global identities and status concerns. These differences show that alignment is based more on converging interests than converging values. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article informs about the 30th anniversary of the Paris Peace Agreement on Cambodia, closed during which the Khmer Rouge "Killing Fields" caused the deaths of up to two million persons and brought old civilization to the point of obliteration. Topics include improbable diplomatic success offers a chance to assess the effectiveness of American diplomacy in the 1990s; and how, despite one extremely unfortunate regression, Indochina and Southeast Asia were irrevocably changed by accord.

The article explores how Sub-Saharan Africa fit into America's 21st-century national security strategy. Topics include disabled civilians were then labeled to be non-identified buried in communal graves, like Jaime Castillo; understanding of accountability in international criminal law that has the potential to shift transitional justice practice; and civilians were lured under false pretenses to remote locations and killed by members of the Public Force in a region where political instability looms large and transnational organized crime.

This article presents the impact of Global Governance on the United Nations peacekeeping operations. As the world becomes more and more complex and interconnected, the number of conflicts around the world increases day by day. These challenges are the result of globalization and the progress in the field of technology, as well as the appearance of new actors. All these global problems go beyond the borders of individual states to resolve these issues by themselves at the global scale, taking into consideration the fact that there are no strong enforcement mechanisms and strong approaches which may reduce the risks worldwide. This transformation process directly affects different sectors, such as: good governance, the rule of law, human rights and democratization, which are imperative for the world. This article also examines the connection between peacekeeping operations and the concept of global governance, and how this concept has become integrated in the UN peacekeeping operations. It is essential to have a clear understanding of global governance, especially, of global norms and policies; because they are connected directly to the mandate of the mission as the success of the mission mainly depends on the transformation of these norms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

COVID-19 proffered the opportunity to promote intergroup solidarity and enhance coexistence in the dichotomised island of Cyprus. Nevertheless, devices put in place as drastic preventive measures not only incited internal and external reactions, but also resulted in further distancing the two communities. Preventive policies and mecha-nisms implemented during the pandemic were introduced in the form of exceptional orders' which prioritised the protection of public health; thus, they remained in an external relationship to normative constitutional law. In an attempt to cope with the COVID-19 state, emergency measures that generated ambiguities within the exercising powers, since different parts of the Cypriot Consti-tution delimit the role of each government branch, were determined. Ergo, constitutional-compliance questions emerged as per the laws applied and interpreted in the aftermath of the emergency promulgation, examining whether rights under human rights law remained aligned with the rule of law and whether these means were upheld in the context of the pandemic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers information of reformed multilateralism" at the United Nation's 75th anniversary session in September 2020 stressed the need for equal participation by member-states in UN decision-making. It mentions that the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) acknowledged the inter-linkage between peace, security, and development with its universal scope, Agenda 2030 on Sustainable Development has become the central focus of the United Nations (UN) for the foreseeable future.

The article discusses the United Nations, observed a step removed with all its parts and mandates, has remarkable global reach spanning multiple issue areas. Topics include the small group of people created the Charter of the United Nations might be surprised at the scale; and the Charter enshrines a commitment to human rights and incorporates a focus on economic and social development.

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An introduction is presented in which the editor discusses articles in the issue on the topics including study on cashless society and the impact of COVID-19 on cash in Greece and Cyprus; and implications of the pandemic on human rights and the right to health.

The article offers information on the origins of the blue helmets and berets worn by United Nations (UN) peacekeepers. Topics include the emergence of U.N. peacekeeping in 1948; the development of the blue helmets during the 1956 Suez crisis; and the significance of the color blue as a symbol of peace in opposition to the color red, often used to represent conflict.

Discourses borne out of United Nations Security Council resolution (UNSCR) 1325 (adopted in 2000) and UNSCR 2242 (adopted in 2015) argue that the current global security environment requires more women peacekeepers to support the specific needs of women and girls caught up in conflict. The emphasis is on increasing numbers of women peacekeepers in visible and interactive tasks with civilians, as well as in senior decision-making roles. In the UN discourse, women peacekeepers are positioned as role models who can inspire local women to become formally involved in post-conflict reconstruction. However, numbers of women peacekeepers remain low, at three per cent globally. National militaries, such as the Irish Defence Forces (DF), are encouraging women to join their ranks by using targeted recruitment campaigns. Yet still the numbers remain fairly static: between five and six percent of personnel. This article discusses some of the gender discourses active amongst officers in the DF prior to the adoption of Ireland's national action plan on UNSCR 1325. The participant accounts reveal how the dominant discourse on gender-'equal but different'-can inhibit women's inclusion in peacekeeping missions. While women's difference is deemed a positive in the UN discourse on UNSCR 1325, this difference can be perceived as problematic for women soldiers and the militaries in which they serve. This article unpacks this paradox of women's difference and discusses what is being done in the UN and the DF to increase women's participation in peacekeeping missions. It argues that discourses that position women 'as a problem' will need to shift before the numbers of women will increase in peacekeeping missions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article emphasizes the need to bring the United Nations Security Council's (UNSC) outdated structure into the 21st century in order to effectively address global challenges and improve its ability to protect and defend human dignity through increased legitimacy. Topics include the UNSC's role in the authorization of peacekeeping missions, sanctions and conflict resolution, the important role of the U.S. in leading the UNSC reform effort, and brief history of the UNSC membership. Other topics include UNSC past expansion efforts recommendations to expands UNSC's permanent membership to 12 to include countries including Brazil, Germany and Japan.

The article looks on the effectiveness of the United Nations (UN) peacekeeping missions in Africa as of June 2015. Topics include the UN peacekeeping missions in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), South Sudan and Côte d'Ivoire, the Security Council's renewal of the mandates for these missions, and the UN's continued collaboration with DRC President Joseph Kabila, South Sudanese President Salva Kiir and Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir. Also discussed is the peacekeepers' support on these individual political leaders, which compromises the UN's impartiality.

The article examines the effectiveness of the United Nations (UN) peacekeeping forces, discusses the differences between peacekeeping and peace enforcement and offers policy recommendations for the UN peacekeepers to regain better success rates. It outlines the four vital indicators by which peace operations might be assessed including violent deaths, conflict containment and conflict resolution. It explains the differences between peacekeeping and peace enforcement as stipulated in the UN Charter. Also discussed is the UN's use of force in its complex peacekeeping missions in the Central African Republic.