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Despite women being disproportionally affected by cancer deaths at young ages, there are no global estimates of the resulting maternal orphans, who experience health and education disadvantages throughout their lives. We estimated the number of children who became maternal orphans in 2020 due to their mother dying from cancer in that year, for 185 countries worldwide and by cause of cancer-related death. Female cancer deaths—by country, cancer type and age (derived from GLOBOCAN estimates)—were multiplied by each woman’s estimated number of children under the age of 18 years at the time of her death (fertility data were derived from United Nations World Population Prospects for birth cohort), accounting for child mortality and parity-cancer risk associations. Globally, there were 1,047,000 such orphans. Over half of these were orphans due to maternal deaths from breast (258,000, 25%), cervix (210,000, 20%) and upper-gastrointestinal cancers (136,000, 13%), and most occurred in Asia (48%: India 15%, China 10%, rest of Asia 23%) and Africa (35%). Globally, there were 40 new maternal orphans due to cancer per 100,000 children, with a declining trend with a higher Human Development Index (range: 121 in Malawi to 15 in Malta). An estimated 7 million children were prevalent maternal orphans due to cancer in mid-2020. Accelerating the implementation of the World Health Organization’s cervical and breast cancer initiatives has the potential to avert not only millions of preventable female cancer deaths but also the associated, often-overlooked, intergenerational consequences of these deaths.

Young people who have lost parents to the pandemic need urgent support and long-term study to avert the cascade of adversity that can follow. Decades of research into the HIV epidemic provide a solid foundation.

A sizeable literature documents the associations between adverse childhood experiences (ACEs) and poor health in later life. By and large, ACEs are measured using retrospective self-reports. Little is known about the longitudinal consistency of these self-reports in panel data with multiple measurements. This is especially true in adolescence, as most studies using ACEs self-reports have been conducted among adults. Furthermore, very few studies have explored the consistency of ACEs self-reports in low- and middle-income countries, where the reported prevalence of ACEs tends to be higher than in high-income countries. Addressing these gaps, the current study examines the consistency of ACEs self-reports among a cohort of adolescents (N = 1,878, age 10 to 16 at survey baseline) in rural Malawi. We use data from two waves of the ACE project of the Malawi Longitudinal Study of Families and Health carried out in 2017-18 and 2021. In addition to the high prevalence of self-reported ACEs among adolescents in our sample, we document very low consistency of self-reports over time (average Kappa coefficient of 0.11). This low consistency is attributable not only to adolescents reporting more ACEs over time, which could be due to new exposures, but also to adolescents reporting fewer ACEs over time. Analyses of survey vignettes indicate that individual and sociocultural perceptions of abuse do not explain this low consistency. We find that external events (such as changes in socioeconomic status and negative economic shocks) and internal psychological states (such as depression and post-traumatic stress disorder) both predict inconsistencies in ACEs self-reports. Compared with results from prior studies, our findings indicate that the longitudinal consistency of ACEs self-reports may be lower in adolescence than in adulthood. Taken together, these findings suggest that ACEs self-reports provided by adults may be biased by key processes unfolding in adolescence.

We provide new evidence of the association between moderate negative economic shocksin utero or shortly after birth and adolescents’ cognitive outcomes and educational attainment in Malawi. This is one of the first studies to analyze the effect of not one, but multiple moderate negative economic shocks in a sub-Saharan African (SSA) low-income country (LIC). This focus is important as multiple economic shocks in early life are more representative of the experiences of adolescents in LICs. Combining data on adolescents aged 10–16 from the Adverse Childhood Experiences (ACE) project with the Malawi Longitudinal Study on Families and Health (MLSFH)(N = 1, 559), we use linear and probit regression models to show that girls whose households experienced two or more economic shocks in their year of birth have lower cognitive scores, which are measured using working memory, reading and mathematical tests. Girls also have lower educational attainment, conditional on age. These effects are gendered, as we do not observe similar effects among boys. Overall, our results point to lasting effects of early-life adversity on adolescents, and they highlight that, even in a LIC context where early-life adversity is common, policymakers need to intervene early to alleviate the potential long-term educational impacts ofin utero or early life shocks among girls.