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Over the past decades, Marxist-inspired approaches from the field of International Historical Sociology (IHS) have theorised the relationship between 16th and 17th Century European colonial expansion and the development of relations of production and economic growth on both sides of the Atlantic. In this article, we argue that such attempts - from Dependency Theory (DT), World-Systems Theory (WST), and Uneven and Combined Development (UCD) - are premised on a structuralist perspective which overextend the notion of capitalism and under examine the sphere of production, rendering divergent and distinct strategies of European colonialism a homogenous and under-historicised process. Embracing theoretical innovations from Geopolitical Marxism (GPM), we dispute this unitary logic of expansion, instead applying a radical historicist methodology to demonstrate that British and Spanish colonial strategies in the Americas (intra-imperial free trade vs. mercantilism) were shaped by nationally specific class relations (capitalism vs. feudalism/absolutism), generating unique patterns of settlement on the ground (mineral extraction vs. cash-crop production). Promoting historicism thus allows Marxist International Relations to better recognise "the 'making of' the international order" during the period of European colonial expansion from the 16th century onwards, and, in doing so, further understand its enduring legacies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By introducing the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), an international infrastructure investment strategy, China attracted a lot of attention. China's approach to state capitalism has opened a window of opportunity for other infrastructure investment strategies. In response, the world's largest and liberally minded economies, such as the United States of America, Japan, and the European Union, have focused on connectivity and embarked on similar strategies. In this article, I conduct a comparative analysis of infrastructure investment strategies. I analyze key tenets of the BRI and international responses through the prism of principles, priorities, funding, financing, governance, and implementation. The comparison of strategies highlights more commonalities than differences, and I identify several instances in which liberal economies act in contradiction to their variety of capitalism. The results suggest that China has opened a window of opportunity for proactive infrastructure investment strategies, and major economies have responded in kind. With overlapping emphases in similar geographic regions, these strategies lead to competition. Consequently, recipient countries profit from an advantageous negotiating position when seeking to attract foreign direct investment in infrastructure projects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Morphogenetic Régulation approach (MR) contributes to the Morphogenetic Approach by explaining the material and ideational origins of change and stasis in agency, structure, and culture. In this paper, we focus on the expressive quality of ideas and systemic persistence in three research projects. The first demystifies inclusive governance and its adverse impacts. It shows how, contrary to institutions of governance, inclusiveness is not simply a norm but actually the explication of corporate agents' ideas about rational choice institutionalism which leads to adverse impacts on vulnerable groups and ecologies known as adverse inclusion. The second investigates the role of ideas as adequacy and self-explication in guiding Palestinian actors' actions towards the deepening of neoliberalization in Palestine. The third explains the relevance of the systemic persistence problematique for understanding how three juxtaposed themes – Web2, Web3, and Artificial Intelligence (AI) – are shaping the political economy and infrastructure of the Internet. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Foreign Policy Journal (CFPJ) is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The development of antidumping (hereinafter "AD") policy has been the most frequently used method of contingent protection in the past twenty years. In this study, we conducted an empirical analysis employing a panel dataset of World Trade Organization (hereinafter "WTO") members from 1995 to 2018 to explore the determinants of AD policy based on the theoretical framework of the three Is (interests, interactions, and institutions) of the international political economy. We found that AD policymaking was a product of the interplay of interests, interactions, and institutions. Regarding interests, we found that the demands of interest groups and political pressure from exportoriented industries counterbalanced AD protection. Regarding interactions, the more WTO members disputing petitions, the stronger the motivation on the part of target countries to retaliate by initiating AD investigations. Regarding institutions, more democratic countries with WTO membership tended to initiate more AD investigations. These findings have implications for industries, national governments, and the WTO in improving the fairness and legitimacy of the global trade governance system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on the burgeoning field of Global Libidinal Economy, this article argues that informality (i.e., the informal economy) is global capitalism's unconscious, both hiding and revealing the latter's instability and shadowy, indeed "dirty" if not "dangerous," underside. On the basis of a fieldwork-based case study in Recife, Brazil, we bring out informality's exploitative dimensions—unspoken yet crucial to the functioning of capitalist markets; as well as its spontaneous and creative sides, which like the "return of the repressed," act as disturbance and potential threat to these markets. Conceptualizing informality in this (psychoanalytic) way helps foreground the antagonisms upon which capitalism is founded, forebodingly betraying themselves despite attempts to suppress and gentrify them. • The informal sector is global capitalism's unconscious, both hiding and revealing the latter's shadowy underside. • Field work on Recife's favelas brings our exploitative as well as creative dimensions of informality. • Favela stilt houses as "return of the repressed". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the 1990s and early 2000s were seen as a golden age for Global Value Chains, the 2010s have witnessed a series of crisis that shacked the political and institutional foundations of global trade. After years of neo-liberal trade policies, trend is now towards neo-realist mercantilism and trade politics. The COVID-19 pandemics and the rise of geopolitical tensions are redefining and perhaps reversing what have been the drivers of world trade since the end of the Cold War in 1989. Geopolitical and institutional uncertainties increase the chance of unpredictable or unforeseen event disrupting entire international segments of the value chain, with potentially extreme consequences. When fat-tailed black-swans run around like headless chickens, disruptions are unpredictable. Yet, understanding the main changes affecting the geo-politics of trade and the possibilities of safeguarding a functional global trade governance is expected to reduce the risks and help future managers preparing for new business paradigms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

No matter how narrowly you focus your spatial or temporal lenses, you are bound to catch sight of multiple significant challenges to human community. Many of these challenges are shared, such as Covid-19, though their impacts on individuals and groups are felt unevenly. Some challenges are immediate and existential, such as the wars in Ukraine, Syria, and Yemen. Others, such as race, gender, caste, and class-based inequalities, are deeply embedded in social structures, providing privilege and persecution, and reward and oppression in unequal measures. And climate change, though slower moving, holds out the prospect of leading to total social collapse. How to make sense of these dramatic changes? This essay explores the adequacy of theories of IR and G/IPE in explaining the emergent world (dis)order. It argues that, whether orthodox or critical, theory must find a way to centre humanity within the biosphere if theory is to adequately inform practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

[Display omitted] • Framework for multiscalar analysis of sanitation systems. • Sanitation systems' structural power in security, production, and finance. • Typology of five ideal-type sanitation bargains. Decentralisation and the flexible combination of infrastructures and technologies are advocated to expand access to safe sanitation amid rapid urbanization, worsening water scarcity, resource depletion, and climate change. Yet, narrowly technical approaches such as the citywide inclusive sanitation approach tend to underestimate social and political bargaining and the role of structural power in shaping access to basic urban services. Building on international political economy, this article develops the territorial political economy framework to explore specific sanitation systems' distribution of structural power in security, production, and finance. Utilizing this framework, the study constructs a typology of five sanitation bargains, derived from theoretical insights, expert interviews, scientific case studies, and key policy documents. Each bargain represents an ideal typical combination of technology, organisation, and finance, with the corresponding spatial and social distribution of costs, benefits, risks, and opportunities. Together, this enables a political economy analysis of sanitation systems in cities that is sensitive to both multiscalar negotiations and distributional outcomes associated with sanitation provision in the city. When expanding sanitation services to so-far unserved areas in the cities, the paper shows how the limitations of the citywide inclusive sanitation approach in its current form can be overcome. It enables to explicitly consider the implications of embedded structural power on households when assessing and selecting technological options and organizational models for providing access to safe sanitation inclusively across the city. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper mainly focuses on the development process and future outlook of ASEAN-China relations. During the past 30 years, China and ASEAN have achieved political, economic, and cultural communication and cooperation, which have had a positive effect on the economic promotion of both sides and the Asia-Pacific region. Given the existing bilateral relations between China and ASEAN countries, there exist both opportunities and risks in tightening ties. China's growing economic and political power may bring low trust ratings in ASEAN, which may paint both sides into a corner. At the same time, ASEAN is also a corridor for Chinese markets and enterprises to reach out to the world. We are willing to witness that both sides will continue to cooperate and exchange ideas and innovations in the future, face the risks, actively seize the opportunities to promote economic development, and bring more benefits to the whole world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of URVIO - Revista Latinoamericana de Seguridad Ciudadana is the property of FLACSO - Ecuador (Facultad Latinoamericana de Ciencias Sociales) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Globalisation, the ever increasing economic and socio-political international interactions, poses challenges to public policy theory and practice. This paper aims to (a) draw an outline of a discussion and research agenda for theorizing the policy process under globalisation, by (b) identifying some theoretical consensus across disciplines and epistemological paradigms. The literature shows a consensus on 'constrained' state thesis and that globalisation affects all states through structural pressures as well as the neoliberal discourse. However, policy outcomes vary across states depending on their position in the international power structure and domestic adjustment costs. The paper concludes that policy studies shall focus on the changing functions and organisational forms of the state and explicitly incorporate domestic–international interactions into the theories of the policy process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Critical decolonial assessments of International Political Economy (IPE) curricula have found a continued dominance of Euro-Western perspectives. However, these critical assessments have often been of specific programs or courses. In this article, we open the canvas wider in our quantitative assessment of privilege and marginalization, by conducting an analysis of IPE curricula from universities from around the world as well as of one of the most widely used introductory textbooks in the field. We find that scholars based outside of the Euro-West are marginal, while those based in the Euro-West continue to be dominant – in all the assessed course offerings. We also find that female voices are marginal, in all locations. Knowledge production systems privilege Euro-Western male voices and perspectives, furthering a process of systemic cognitive and epistemic injustices. Building upon our analysis of teaching and learning content, this article critically reflects on the implications of when IPE meets policy, and offers avenues for the policy engagement to avoid the same processes of privileging and marginalizing, and thereby better situating policy making to avoid repeating failures resulting from the identified entrenched biases. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The first decade of the 21st century recognised the growing salience of transnational or global governance as an analytical field of inquiry and as a normative project. In this introductory article, we argue that IPE offers a wider and deeper contextual understanding of the 'global' in a way that the scholarship of international relations, on the one hand, and that of international economics, on the other, have not done. IPE has been less strong in the context of global policy analysis that faut de mieux and, rather strangely, has been left largely to the economics discipline as other disciplines have slowly ceded the policy playing field to economics – at times with disastrous outcomes for policy. In light of these strengths and weaknesses of IPE as a framework for policy analysis, greater efforts at triangulating the insights of IPE and global public policy may help provide richer and more nuanced analyses of policy and politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Central banking as an avenue of research has been of interest to scholars from International Political Economy (IPE) and Public Policy and Administration (PPA) disciplines. Nevertheless, there is very little dialogue between these two perspectives to bridge macro, meso, micro-level analyses and examine the reciprocal relationship between the global and domestic political economy context and monetary policy conduct. This article investigates the Turkish experience to bridge IPE and PPA scholarship on central banking in emerging economies. In doing so, we adopt an analytic eclectic approach combining multiple structural, institutional, and agential causal explanations with particular reference to the Structure, Institution, and Agency (SIA) theoretical framework. This is because analytic eclecticism complements, speaks to, and selectively incorporates theoretical approaches such as the New Independence Approach (NIA) of IPE and institutional and ideational PPA approaches. Drawing on the empirical context of the historical evolution of the Turkish political economy, we explore domestic and international interactions among micro, meso, and macro levels that shape central banking behavior. Our analysis also reveals how global dynamics are translated into domestic policy choices and how particular ideas influence the policymaking process. The analysis underscores the constraining and enabling influence of international dynamics, politics of ideas on emerging economy central banking, and the essential role individual and organizational agency play in the policymaking process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although IPE and GPP overlap conceptionally and empirically, there is a case for keeping GPP and IPE analytically distinct. To simplify: GPP tells us why we need international regimes for energy, while IPE tells us why we only have incomplete ones. Although many scholars draw on both sets of literatures, the two approaches to the study of energy market, regulation and politics entail asking different types of questions based on distinct theories and assumptions. The central propositions in this article are that i) in a rapidly changing world of energy scholars from both camps need to be aware of and open to insights from the other school; ii) that the distinction between market-focused liberal scholars on one hand and security-oriented or realist scholars on the other is increasingly important; and iii) that although IPE and GPP scholars can fruitfully accommodate insights from each others literature, the two approaches to the study of energy policy are best valued by their own analytical contribution – even as we grapple with new, cross-cutting issues such as the geopolitics and geo-economics of global energy transitions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of International Relations / Uluslararasi Iliskiler is the property of International Relations Council and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Relações Internacionais is the property of Relacoes Internacionais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Does the factor endowment (FE) of trade partners influence mass support for free trade agreements (FTAs), and if so, how? Preference models based on factor endowment expect that individual attitudes toward trade partners should systematically vary by factors of endowment and respondents' skill level. This paper provides the first systematic examination of the effect of trade partner's FE on mass support for FTAs. Using a conjoint analysis design on a sample of respondents from developed and developing economies (the US and India), the findings show that respondents consistently favour trade partners with a highly educated workforce and a higher level of gross domestic product per capita. Moreover, preferences for these country attributes hold regardless of respondents' skill level or their country's FE. Data from a nationally representative survey on Canadian trade preferences offer additional corroborating evidence. Together, the findings offer limited support for economic preferences derived from factor endowment trade models, indicating that individuals, within and across countries, may share a common bias against trade with lesser-developed states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cumhuriyet Üniversitesi Fen-Edebiyat Fakültesi Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi is the property of University of Cumhuriyet, Faculty of Sciences & Arts and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Does foreign direct investment (FDI) decrease access to clean water in developing nations? Governments use economic growth from globalization to fund investment in infrastructure to improve water access, but FDI is hindering these efforts through pollution and increased water usage that put pressure on the supply of this public good. I test the hypothesis that growing pressure from increased use and pollution of water by foreign investors reduces water access in developing countries, where impacts are felt more acutely than in developed countries where public goods institutions are stronger. Using a country-year fixed effects regression model on a panel data set of over 130 countries from 1990 to 2010, I assess whether FDI increases or decreases potable water access in developing countries, and the role that development plays in moderating this effect. I find strong evidence of a negative relationship between FDI and access to potable water in developing countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of International Social Research is the property of Journal of International Social Research and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

From 1978 to roughly 1990, China focused on "bringing in" foreign direct investment. After 1990 it began "going out" in earnest as part of its new diplomacy. Between 1990 and 2005, China's outbound investment was concentrated in the developing world. Since 2005, China has expanded its overseas investment to the developed world, and in recent years such activities have accelerated. This qualitative transformation of China's global business expansion is taking place as China is poised to overtake the United States to become the world's largest economy. What explains China's new wave of global investment? How will it affect international political economy? What challenges do China's businesses face in the West? Through empirical analysis, this study examines the rationale, strategies, and impact of China's growing investment in the West. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of International Social Research is the property of Journal of International Social Research and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of International Social Research is the property of Journal of International Social Research and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista UNISCI is the property of Unidad de Investigaciones Sobre Seguridad y Cooperacion International (UNISCI) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Since it was first proposed in 2000, the concept of the Anthropocene has evolved in breadth and diversely. The concept encapsulates the new and unprecedented planetary-scale changes resulting from societal transformations and has brought to the fore the social drivers of global change. The concept has revealed tensions between generalized interpretations of humanity’s contribution to global change, and interpretations that are historically, politically and culturally situated. It motivates deep ethical questions about the politics and economics of global change, including diverse interpretations of past causes and future possibilities. As such, more than other concepts, the Anthropocene concept has brought front-and-center epistemological divides between and within the natural and social sciences, and the humanities. It has also brought new opportunities for collaboration. Here we explore the potential and challenges of the concept to encourage integrative understandings of global change and sustainability. Based on bibliometric analysis and literature review, we discuss the now wide acceptance of the term, its interpretive flexibility, the emerging narratives as well as the debates the concept has inspired. We argue that without truly collaborative and integrative research, many of the critical exchanges around the concept are likely to perpetuate fragmented research agendas and to reinforce disciplinary boundaries. This means appreciating the strengths and limitations of different knowledge domains, approaches and perspectives, with the concept of the Anthropocene serving as a bridge, which we encourage researchers and others to cross. This calls for institutional arrangements that facilitate collaborative research, training, and action, yet also depends on more robust and sustained funding for such activities. To illustrate, we briefly discuss three overarching global change problems where novel types of collaborative research could make a difference: (1) Emergent properties of socioecological systems; (2) Urbanization and resource nexus; and (3) Systemic risks and tipping points. Creative tensions around the Anthropocene concept can help the research community to move toward new conceptual syntheses and integrative action-oriented approaches that are needed to producing useful knowledge commensurable with the challenges of global change and sustainability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Czech Journal of International Relations / Mezinárodní Vztahy is the property of Ustav Mezinarodnich Vztahu, v. v. i. (Institute of International Relations) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this paper, the main goal is to contribute to the debate, which concerns the interaction of economic interdependence between rival states. So far, this debate was between Liberals and Neo-Marxist, whose argument was that trade promotes peace, for the former, and that asymmetric trade creates either conflictual relations or more cooperation, according to the balance of power. This paper is built on the theoretical basis of Realism and more specifically, on Gilpin's approach of international political economy. By developing a new analytical framework, which consists of determinants such as the geographic specificity and worthiness of the disputed area, meaning the added value the conflictual area gives to the state's influence and therefore to its power, we examine the case of conflict between India and Pakistan, arguing that trade, commercial relations and economic interdependence, in general, does not deter conflict or militarized disputes, because states’ dominant objective is not the economic growth and prosperity but the access to areas which provide them with more possibilities of exercising their influence, through economic or other means. We conclude, that economic interdependence does not promote peaceful relations between adversaries, since conflict is not eliminated, and for that reason, a potential reduce of conflict levels or militarized disputes provides a sense of virtual national security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revue d'Études Comparatives Est-Ouest is the property of Presses Universitaires de France and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The goal of this article is to contribute to R. Gilpin's theory about how states use their economic diplomacy in order to provide their national security. According to Gilpin, Realists are right when they consider “security” as a main objective in order to achieve others, but state, in order to achieve prosperity, is willing to sacrifice financial resources. The main argument here is that states in conflict, invest in their armed forces but, although, they use their financial resources through economic diplomacy, in order to raise their security levels, they remain insecure. To examine that, we focus on case-study between states in conflict, at this paper, U.K. and Spain, by using determinants, such as trade, relative gains and alliance. The conclusion is that although economic diplomacy enhance the state's influence, cannot deter a conflict or war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Political Science Almanac / Politikos Mokslų Almanachas is the property of Vytautas Magnus University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Emergency Safeguard Mechanism (ESM), a proposed instrument to respond to adverse economic challenges arising out of trade liberalization in services in the World Trade Organization (WTO), has drawn intense attention over the past decades. This issue is highly controversial, especially during WTO multilateral trade negotiations. Due to the diversity of views amongst WTO members, agreement on how to address this issue has not been reached. A factor contributing to this disagreement is a lack of consensus between some developed countries (such as the United States, Australia, Canada and Japan) and several developing economies (such as the Association of Southeast Asian Nations) (ASEAN). China, as the biggest developing country, a newly industrialized economy, and one of the leading traders in the WTO, has a significant interest in this issue. Nonetheless, so far China's attitude towards emergency safeguard measures in services trade has been ambiguous. On the one hand, in its free trade agreements (FTAs) with ASEAN and Pakistan, there exist specific provisions to address emergency safeguard measures for services between negotiating parties. However, on the other hand, it is interesting that China takes a comparatively conservative position in WTO forums even though it has occasionally expressed some views on emergency safeguard measures. This paper aims to analyze and discuss emergency safeguard measures from a political economy perspective by taking China as a case study. An overview of emergency safeguard measures in services trade will first be presented. This is followed by an examination of ESM provisions embedded in FTAs that China has engaged in with its trading partners, including the ESM provision in China's domestic law. The paper then moves to discuss China's position regarding the ESM by addressing China's domestic politics as well as economic conflicts and analyzing as to why China takes such a stance. Finally, some observations as well as a concluding remark will be offered to point out the implication of China's case in the context of the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS) during WTO multilateral trade negotiations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the U.S. Multinational Corporations implications and Canadian economic policies during 20th century. It discusses how the U.S MNCs put a heavy drain on the Canadian economy and what the Canadian government took different steps to counter them. The Canadian economy is heavily dominated by multinational corporations, which are nearly concentrated in all the sectors of its economy. This 'undue' foreign control caused a lot of balance of payments problem and developed a truncated industry in Canada. To overcome these problems the government appointed different commissions which submitted their recommendations to increase the national employment levels, diversity of employment, technological advancement, competitive strength, export volumes and reduce imports. In the light of these recommendations, the government adopted different policies to achieve its national economic goals. It gave taxation concessions to the local periodicals and publications to make them competitive with the U.S MNCs. Trudeau government announced National Energy Program (NWP) which put ownership restriction on the foreign MNCs and put them at disadvantageous position compared to Canadian MNCs. The Canadian government also introduced FIRA (Foreign Investment Review Agency) which was a screening body for the foreign investment and which caused a lot of resentment among foreign investors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Estudios Internacionales is the property of Instituto de Estudios Internacionales de la Universidad de Chile and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article examines the growth of U.S. Multinational Corporations and Canadian concerns in the 20th Century. In the 19th century, Canada was dominated by the British foreign investment. However in the 20th century, the share of the British investment in Canada decreased whereas the share of U.S. increased. The Canadian government took various economic measures in the late nineteenth century that forced the American companies to establish their industrial plants in Canada. The developments of multinational corporations in Canada reveal the United States MNCs shifted their affiliates because of high tariff introduced by the Canadian government intermittently. The United States MNCs found it difficult to compete with their rivals by exporting goods to Canada. Secondly, the multinational corporations' investment in Canada shows that it has not spread evenly or randomly across all industrial sectors. Hence all high profit sectors of the economy were dominated by the American MNCs, which sparked nationalism among the Canadian masses. The Canadian government responded to this nationalism by establishing various investigation commissions to evaluate the performance of these foreign MNCs. The reports highlighted that these MNCs had been deteriorating the economic performance of Canada and threatening its national sovereignty. To cope with these problems, the reports recommended some measures to the government which were implemented in piecemeal by different governments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Sociologia e Política is the property of Revista de Sociologia e Politica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Abstract: At first, it may seem as if the sustainable transition would force us to make a cynical trade-off between (a) the immediate needs of the global poor and (b) the future needs of the global rich. Crucial objectives, such as climate stability, are commonly held to be unattainable if the rest of the world would come to enjoy present Western living standards. Challenging this pessimistic analysis, this essay explores the possibility of opening up advanced technological paths to environmental sustainability by means of a “global Fordian compromise”. Built around trade reform, such a compromise would resemble its historic namesake by not seeking individual moral reform, as emphasized in environmental citizenship theory, but rather by drawing on the momentum of existing socio-economic dynamics. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Russia's vision of itself has largely coalesced around that of a unique regional power, with the natural resources, glorious history, and will power to be a major player in a future multipolar world. As seen by most Russians, under the guidance of President Vladimir Putin, Russia has become an economically powerful actor with an important and independent voice on the international stage, including rebuilding historic economic alliances with states described as rogues by the United States and forming a strategic partnership with China. Some have seen the challenges to the West combined with Russia's close relationship with China as a threat to the United States; but this threat should not be overblown. As China continues to assert itself and eventually challenges Russia's declared dominance of Central Asian resources, the two states may well clash. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

American hegemony has passed its peak. The twenty-first century will see a more multipolar international system. Yet Western European countries may not be the United States' main foils in upcoming decades. Four new poles of the international system are now known in the business and financial press as the "BRICs economies" (Brazil, Russia, India, and China). Does the concept of "the BRICs" also have meaning within a rigorous political science framework? From the perspective of neoclassical economics, the category's justification is surprisingly weak. In contrast, a political or economic realist's framing instructs the United States to focus on states that are increasing their relative material capabilities, as each of the four is. Finally, within a liberal institutionalist's model, the BRICs are a compelling set, yet one with a deep cleavage between two subgroups: large emerging powers likely to remain authoritarian or revert to that state, and states that are securely democratic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Sociologia e Política is the property of Revista de Sociologia e Politica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Africa Spectrum is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)