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Copyright of EurAmerica is the property of EurAmerica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article uses a thematic inductive analysis to identify the channels through which Soviet propaganda from Radio Vilnius (Lithuanian SSR radio) reached the press of Lithuanian Americans during the Cold War. The study covered 31, 681 issues of the newspapers Dratigas, Diron, Naujienos and Vilnis. The study results show that the circulation of radio propaganda in the press was uneven. Two peaks of citation can be distinguished: 1953-1965 and 1988-1990. Radio Vilnius produced special external radio broadcasts for Lithuanians living in the diaspora, mainly in the USA. However, the Lithuanian American press received radio content, including radio propaganda for the interior of occupied Lithuania, which was not heard abroad from eleven different sources. The content of Radio Vilnius for the interior of Lithuania was mainly received through the Radio Vilnius tracking station, established in Germany on the initiative of the VLIK. Although the newspapers constantly criticized the content of Radio Vilnius, they also printed advertisements about the possibility of purchasing short-wave receivers to hear Radio Vilnius. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the discourse on India in Bengali travelogues on Russia/the USSR. In the first half of the twentieth century, Russia attracted a particular type of Indian travellers, politically engaged individuals interested in the ongoing transformations in Russia, to learn potential lessons for India. Later, during the Cold War era, many members of India's intellectual elite travelled to the Soviet Union at the invitation of Soviet institutions and some wrote their accounts after these visits. A distinctive feature of these travelogues is the strong focus on providing readers with information regarding Soviet social and economic developments, together with frequent comments on the contrasts between the USSR and India. The article demonstrates how Bengali travel narratives on Russia are constructed around similarities and differences between the two countries, but ultimately concentrate on the challenges for India in fields such as education, poverty, agriculture, gender equality and housing. Seven travelogues were selected for this analysis. The earliest, on Revolutionary Russia, is Soumyendranath Tagore's Biplabð Rå›iy˙å (Tagore, 1930), while the most recent sample is Sunil Gangopadhyay's Rå›iy˙å Bhramaµ (Gangopadhyay, 2012 [1985]). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Comparative Connections chapter on US-India relations covering the period September to December 2022 highlighted the challenge of getting past Cold-War era differences to fully capitalize on Indo-Pacific synergies. In the months between September and December of 2023, Cold War-era differences took center stage in the bilateral partnership. As a sliver of hope that the partnership would transform into a formal alliance emerged earlier in the year, these di_erences were spoilers. Differences in outlook brought to light the perennial challenges in the relationship and the need to get past the muscle memory of the Cold War for substantial engagement as defense and security allies. Despite these political and security differences, economic and technological cooperation largely expanded with increased cooperation in critical technologies and supply chain diversification initiatives. US industries broke new ground in expanding their footprint in India, and Indian conglomerates invested in the US, capitalizing on the Biden administration's Inflation Reduction Act and other industrial policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In seven decades of the multiparty democracy period, Turkey has experienced four military coups. Even though the coups are thought to be a cold war phenomenon in the literature, they are still relevant. The failed coup attempt in 2016 reminds us that the military coup is still a critical issue in Turkish democracy and the economy. Interestingly, there is not an adequate amount of empirical research on the political economy of Turkey's military coup experience. This study's motivation is to provide empirical evidence for the economic growth-coup nexus literature with a core focus on Turkey, which is a remarkable case in many aspects. For this purpose, we extend an open-economy Cobb-Douglas production function with coups and use the autoregressive distributed lags (ARDL) method for the period 1950 to 2014. According to the study's empirical findings, coup d'états negatively affect real GDP in Turkey. Through structural reforms, Turkey should strengthen its democratic institutions to prevent such antidemocratic attempts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1951, the Organization of American States established the Centro Interamericano de Vivienda y Planeamiento (CINVA) to provide specialized training to tackle the housing problem. Based on archival documentation examined at the Rockefeller Archive Center and the Central and Historical Archive of the National University of Colombia, this article explores two significant episodes in which the story of one of the Center's most successful outputs connects to the history of the Cold War. It thus contributes to the literature investigating the architecture and related technologies of development aid in the historical context of the Cold War with a precise focus on the role of non-governmental actors. After detailing the history of the CINVA-Ram machine, the pressing machine to produce rammed-earth blocks developed at the Center and later exported to America, Europe, Africa, and Asia, the article explores its deployment in two different fronts of the Cold War: Ghana and South Vietnam. As highlighted in the conclusions, the significance of CINVA-Ram use in these contexts is manyfold. Firstly, its diffusion, although appearing as a successful case of south-to-south cooperation, was in fact possible because of the Rockefeller family-controlled IBEC's involvement. Secondly, it shows the global outreach of the intertwined action of governmental agencies, private companies, and NGOs, when fighting poverty and housing shortage via aided self-help initiatives were complementary strategies to the armed containment of Communism. Finally, it discusses the role played by US governmental and non-governmental actors in advancing US interests through technoscience, highlighting how the battle against poverty in the so-called "Third World" was in this case fought with one of the oldest and simplest construction techniques in the ideological framework of self-help. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Turkish Culture & Haci Bektas Veli Research Quarterly is the property of Turkish Cultur & Haci Bektas Veli Research Quarterly and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study aims to analyse historical continuity and change in Turkish foreign policy (TFP) within the framework of Critical Theory as elucidated by Robert Cox. It suggests asking how TFP has been affected by the historical changes in relations of production and world orders. Within this framework, it aims to explain the changes in TFP within the relation between the production, the world order and the form of state. It analyses TFP in three historical periods such as the Interwar Years, Cold War and post-Cold War. It exposes that Turkish state (re)formation and foreign policy making has succumbed to the global capitalist relations of production and corresponding world orders. These two have been the major framework(s) of change and continuity in Türkiye’s 100 years-old foreign policy. Its main argument is that the continuity and change in TFP has shown an interplay of relations between production and world order. It concludes that TFP has been in line with the global relations of production so there has been a clear and substantial continuity; and that the arguable changes have been the repercussions of global relations of production and world orders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, the example of Cold War heritagizations in a Swedish context is utilized to reflect on conceptualizations of heritage regarding identity and authenticity within critical heritage studies and research on Authorized Heritage Discourse (AHD). Herein, heritage is perceived as a difference machinery in which difference-produced identities are enacted and performed, and a Deleuzian and Butleresque antiessentialist perspective is adopted to show how the illusion of actual, nondifferential identities is underpinned by a hypostasized reification of AHD. Based on the analysis of how gender has been actualized within official and informal heritagizations, the central discussion concerns the purported benefits of heritages and heritagizations from below, often articulated within critical heritage studies literature. It is argued that both official and informal Cold War heritagizations construct a naturalized gendered logic of protection, with the consequence that security policy issues regarding protection and military violence are placed in a nonnegotiable, extrapolitical sphere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose—The article seeks to determine what prevented North Koreans’ collective resistance against their leadership in the late 1980s when many of their East European comrades revolted. Approach—North Korea, Romania, and Albania were historically and comparatively analyzed in terms of some totalitarian traits. Romania and Albania were selected because they eventually diverged from North Korea with the anti-regime uprisings of their populations. What most distinguishes the North Korean political system from these other regimes is the sheer longevity of its existence, and one aspect of totalitarian regimes, isolation, more than physical control and indoctrination, seems to be the major cause of this divergence. However, the three elements reinforce one another. Findings—The ruling regimes of Romania and Albania, though unusually repressive by East European standards, were ultimately unsuccessful in isolating their populations from outside contact, whereas in North Korea, ordinary citizens have hardly been able to realize that their socioeconomic problems are a result of the policies of the country’s top leadership. Practical Implications—Organized dissent was unthinkable in North Korea for multiple reasons, and the people’s drive for revolution may begin to awaken if the thick blanket of isolation is lifted by the outside world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper considers how many of the Communist refugees — German, Austrian and German-speaking Czechs — who were in exile in Britain during the Second World War, followed the dictates of the Party and returned home after the war to help rebuild their war-torn countries physically, politically, economically and socially. While the British authorities permitted the Czechs, as 'friendly aliens', to leave without too much delay, obstacles were put in the way of the German and Austrian refugees who frequently could not leave Britain until late 1946 or thereafter. The paper examines the relations between frustrated refugees and British officialdom as well as the reception the refugees received from their compatriots on their eventual 'homecoming'. Generally speaking, the returning Communists did not fare well. In Austria, the returnees, many of whom were of course Jewish, were met with continuing antisemitism as well as anti-communism; in Czechoslovakia, as the Cold War set in, some were arrested while others fled once again; and in the GDR, the preferred destination of the returning German Communists, the label of 'Westemigrant' could prove a considerable handicap. All in all, despite the initial idealism, the common experience was one of disillusion and disappointment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Indias is the property of Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientificas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The United States' strategic narrative on the rise of the People's Republic of China (PRC) has evolved throughout a half-century of changing world orders and mutual perceptions of strategic intent. From the early 1970s and during the last two decades of the Cold War, the US saw a bipolar world in which it sought to assist China's own rise as a partner in Soviet containment and economic globalisation. During its "unipolar moment" in the post-Cold War era, Washington maintained strong economic engagement but increasingly perceived Beijing as an uneasy partner and rising competitor. With the acknowledgement of the transition towards multipolarity, a bipartisan consensus emerged in Washington about the necessity to contain China's rise as a global political and military power and to blunt its challenge to the "rules-based order" (RBO). The evolution from globalisation "friend" to global "foe" points to three directions of the current US strategic narrative on China's rise: defending the RBO, de-coupling to secure Western-normed globalisation, and shaping the Indo-Pacific security environment. The paper concludes that while the US has succeeded in aligning the three forms of strategic narrative (system, identity, and policy), it faces considerable challenges, including from China's counter-narratives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Foreign Policy Journal (CFPJ) is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article focuses on an art exhibition "Art Histories of a Forever War" exploring modern art in post-war Taiwan and its lasting impact within the context of the Cold War's convergence of art, design, and technology.

Copyright of Medunarodni Problemi is the property of Institute of International Politics & Economics and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The study of federalism brings together both political scientists and constitutional lawyers. It is one of those fields of study where the scholarly and the applied are inextricably interlinked. However. studies on and from the non-Western world tend to be underrepresented in the field. subsequently leading to both scholarly and applied shortcomings. This article is an attempt to start undoing that unevenness by identifying four lessons from the African continent. While doing so, we pursue two simultaneous intellectual goals: One is to use Africa to help shari)en the theoretical insights and conceptual tools of comparative federalism in general - applicable to both the West and the rest. And secondly, running parallel to this, the article also exposes the reader to the varieties of federalism in Africa. This not only enriches our scholarly repertoire but will also help nuance and finetune some of the prevailing theoretical assumptions in the field. and thus improve the chances of federalism to deliver on its promises in applied terms. The comparative lessons drawn from the African experience can be grouped under four categories. 1) The article builds on the conceptual distinction between federalism and federation; and argues that ideas and practices of federalism in Africa are more numerous than the formal federations of the continent. 2) The pre-colonial and imperial history of the continent is marked by British-style amalgamations of constitutional documents, practices, unwritten rules, and customs - some at the imperial level. some regional, some local. 3) International-level factors. especially the arrival of colonialism, and then later, the geopolitical pressures of the Cold War. played key roles in influencing the choice and workings of constitutions on the continent. 4) History has left each African country with certain dynamics unique to them making cutting and pasting best practices from abroad without attention to the local context problematic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Iberoamericana America Latina-Espana-Portugal is the property of Vervuert Verlag and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Soziologie is the property of Campus Verlag GmbH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article presents the discussion on structural distortions in knowledge production on Ukraine arguing for the need to critically addressing the underlying colonial and Cold War legacies. Topics include Ukraine providing useful insights, in particular, into popular agency, grassroots mobilisation, and extra-institutional democratisation; and revealing the extent where the field beng overfocused on Russia to the neglect of studies of the other countries in the neighbourhood.

The article uses data from the Spanish Virtual Library of Historical Newspapers (BVPH) and the digital archive of the Madrid daily ABC to trace the promotion and theatrical run of John Ford's Cavalry Trilogy in the Spanish capital. We begin by describing the main features of the local film market at the time of the movies' release and how the shifting relationship between the US government, Hollywood, and the Franco dictatorship at the dawn of the Cold War affected it. By relating this with the archival data, we propose that Fort Apache was the most successful of the films in the Trilogy, despite its blatant non-alignment with the regime's uncritical militarism. We also contend that the commercial prospects of She Wore a Yellow Ribbon and, especially, Rio Grande were damaged by the delay in importing them and what seems to have been an attempt to use them to help naturalize the U-turn in the regime's relationship with and discourse on the United States in the early 1950s, and the concessions it had to make in the Pact of Madrid (1953). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the life and career of music critic Henry Pleasants, highlighting his contributions to music criticism and his involvement in US military intelligence during World War II and the early Cold War. It discussed that pleasants is recognized for his argument that jazz, rooted in the "Afro-American idiom," was the greatest musical achievement of the twentieth century, challenging the dominance of modernist classical music.

There are times when small nations can make "great history," and after 1964 Romania made such a history for a decade or so. The communist government in Bucharest--and to a far lesser extent the Romanian people--benefited from the international perception that its foreign policy was able to generate in the specific environment of the Cold War. The honors with which Nicolae Ceausescu was received everywhere in the civilized world were the most visible expression of this state of affairs. A key dimension of the Romanian foreign policy was its focus on the crisis in the Middle East. The Bucharest leadership was widely praised for intermediating the contacts between Israel and Egypt, which ultimately led to the signing of the 1978 Camp David Accords. The reasons behind this foreign policy of the Bucharest regime arc investigated in-depth, as the Romanian leaders themselves surprisingly stated that they were not mediators in that crisis, while investing a great deal of energy and resources in finding a solution to it. One interesting explanation arose from the archives of the Romanian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, which ascribes Ceausescu's efforts in the Middle East to the elusive dream of gaining the international recognition brought by the Nobel Peace Prize. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of EURE is the property of Pontificia Universidad Catolica de Chile and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

As a leading financial hub, it is long assumed that Hong Kong plays a limited role in the region's geopolitics. However, its unique status as a semi-autonomous and open city under the otherwise authoritarian rule of Beijing means that it has always been ripe for contention, influence, and subversion not only from the West but also from a China that increasingly seeks to project its power beyond its shores. Unlike its fortified neighbors situated at the fault line in the ongoing US-China rivalry, we argue that Hong Kong is no less consequential to the rivalry. We discuss how Hong Kong has been used as a leverage in the two superpowers' competition in other non-military issue-areas, as a resource to promote their respective mode of governance (authoritarianism versus liberal democracy), and as an exemplar for countries contemplating between the choice of a Chineseversus American-led international order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Pädagogik is the property of Julius Beltz GmbH & Co. KG Beltz Juventa and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Geographies and borders have become often-debated concepts, especially in the view of the increasing impact of globalization and regional integration processes. In such cases, borders are attributed certain imagined meanings and more so, they are associated with feelings. Considering such dynamics, EU-Turkey relations can be considered a good example of how borders, emotions and spatial dimensions interact. However, not much attention has been given to the emotional facets of spatial relations. By utilizing the concept of "hot places", this study tries to fill this void. We separate EU-Turkey relations into three phases: the Cold War, post-Cold War, and the peak of migration politics, driven by the Syrian Civil War. We argue that there is a specific hot place for each of these periods: Kreuzberg, Berlin for the period between 1959 and 1989, Cyprus for the post-Cold War period, and the Syrian conflict for the last period. Thus, this paper aims at suggesting a novel approach to the study of emotions, spatiality, and EU-Turkey relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How are opportunities to critically reflect upon military violence and militarization shaped by museal representations of a country's military history? Inspired by a critical heritage perspective and feminist international relations research, this article contributes to the scholarly discussion of the political implications of military memory making. The aim is to analyse how military violence is framed in official heritagization of the Cold War period in Sweden. Based on fieldwork at three military museums, the article discusses how framings of violence affect opportunities to politically and ethically engage with military issues and the use of force. A central question concerns how gender underpins representations of violence at the museums and how this gendering affects politicization. The analysis discloses that military violence is framed as sacred sacrifice, as 'pure' technology, as play and as (male) omnipotence. The argument made is that such gendered frames obscure and depoliticize problematic aspects of military violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Politica: Tidsskrift for Politisk Videnskab is the property of Politica: Tidsskrift for Politisk Videnskab and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Politica: Tidsskrift for Politisk Videnskab is the property of Politica: Tidsskrift for Politisk Videnskab and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

During the Cold War, US extended deterrence commitments mostly focused on deterring nuclear or strategic conventional attacks against allies in Europe and Asia. In the decades following the end of the Cold War in the early 1990s, the emergence of new technologies and domains for conflict, particularly the cyber domain, prompted new thinking for alliance management and extended deterrence. In this article I explore how the system of US bilateral alliances and informal strategic groupings in the Indo-Pacific affects the crafting of allied cyber deterrence strategies in the region. Based on deterrence and alliance theory, I survey cyber threats faced by US allies and partners in the region and views of cyber deterrence to form a general framework of allied cyber deterrence strategy. The US-South Korea alliance is used as a case study for allied cyber deterrence strategy, with a special focus on the impact that South Korea assuming wartime operational control of allied military forces could have on cyber deterrence on the Korean Peninsula. Just as concepts of extended deterrence had to evolve, the cyber domain will force the United States and allies to reconceptualize peacetime and wartime operational control. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Araucaria is the property of Araucaria-Revista Iberoamericana de Filosofia, Politica y Humanidades and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Via Panorâmica: A Journal of Anglo-American Studies / Revista de Estudos Anglo-Americanos is the property of Universidade do Porto, Faculdade de Letras and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

THE PRESENT PAPER REPRESENTS A COMPARISON BETWEEN THE POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC INSTITUTIONAL SETTINGS OF THE UNITED STATES AND SOVIET UNION IN THE MOMENT OF THE END OF THE COLD WAR, FROM THE THEORETICAL LENSES PROVIDED BY THE NEW INSTITUTIONAL ECONOMICS MODEL AS DEVISED BY DARON ACEMOGLU AND JAMES A. ROBINSON. THIS PAPER TRIES TO ANSWER THE QUESTION OF WHY THE UNITED STATES PRESERVED THE SUPERPOWER STATUS AND THE SOVIET UNION DID NOT. THIS PAPER ARGUES THAT THE UNITED STATES HAD BETTER POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC INSTITUTIONS THAN THE SOVIET UNION. THEREFORE, THE SUPERIOR CHARACTER OF THE AMERICAN INSTITUTIONS MADE THE DIFFERENCE AT THE END OF THE COLD WAR, THE UNITED STATES BEING ABLE TO PRESERVE ITS SUPERPOWER STATUS, WHILE THE SOVIET UNION COLLAPSED AND DISAPPEARED AS A STATE. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Antíteses is the property of Universidade Estadual de Londrina and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Antíteses is the property of Universidade Estadual de Londrina and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Anuario de la Sociedad Argentina de Historia de la Educación is the property of Argentinean Society of History of Education and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

During the Cold War, linear and future-oriented temporalities were enforced to accelerate social transformation on both sides of the Iron Curtain. Despite efforts to control time by bracketing complex human conditions, children were routinely engaged in everyday activities that followed different rhythms. Building on Barbara Adam's notion of timescapes and drawing on collective biography research, this article examines different temporal experiences through childhood memories of harvesting in a forest, a family garden, and a collective farm. These memories reveal emotionally intense-embodied and embedded--temporal experiences of children entangled within timescapes of multiple and sometimes contradictory dimensions of human and more-than-human times. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper critiques the study of Gibson, Hoffman, and Jablonski (2015) on the relationship between technical assistance and patronage spending in sub-Saharan Africa after the Cold War. It identifies errors in the authors' methods, including severe collinearity, exclusion of available data, undue use of the logarithm transformation, and missing values in key variables. After making the necessary corrections, the paper finds that technical assistance was positively and significantly related to political concession, as originally claimed by the authors, but negatively and insignificantly associated with the proxies for political patronage. This suggests that while technical assistance may have promoted political concession, it cannot be confidently held that it reduced patronage spending in the region post-Cold War. This raises concerns as the authors' conclusion in this regard is central to the belief, in both literature and aid projects, that technical assistance from donors and institutions contributed to reducing political patronage in sub-Saharan Africa post-Cold War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The similarities and contacts between early Soviet Indologists and Indian Dalit intellectuals, as regards the critique of Indo-European philology is explored. Attention focuses on A.P. Barannikov's works of the 1930s and 1940s in which colonial philology is presented as the result of collaboration between colonial and indigenous Brahman intellectuals, which challenges the common conception of such philology as a European imposition in postcolonial studies today. The eclipse of Barannikov's work in Soviet Indology when, during the Cold War, support for a unitary Indian nationalism was promoted in opposition to Western colonial narratives, is also considered. Consideration of Barannikov's work in the light of Dalit studies today shows its renewed relevance, and points to ways in which the limitations of some of the rigid dichotomies of Postcolonial Studies can be overcome. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the 1950s, as leaders across the African continent organised campaigns for political independence from European colonial powers, the international spiritual movement Moral Re-Armament (MRA) invited African trade unionists and politicians to its headquarters – a renovated hotel building in Caux, Switzerland. In light of recent recognition of MRA's global reach and Cold War entanglements, this article uses the account of a visit to Caux by Ugandan student Abu Mayanja to shift our gaze towards the cultural. MRA's attempt to curate a transformational experience within Mountain House elaborates the role of religious internationalism in the decolonising Cold War world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]