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Copyright of Ankara Barosu Dergileri is the property of Ankara Bar Association and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper aims to present a profile of Rosa Luxemburg, who embodies complex and diverse Polish-German relations at the turn of the 20th century. She began her career in the Polish labour movement in the Russian Partition and later continued it in the Social Democratic Party of Germany. She was engaged in all forms of political activity gaining international recognition. The centenary of her tragic death is a good opportunity to look back at the life of a woman who evades simple categorisation and came to be known as an intellectual and leader in a world at that time dominated by men. The focus is on Rosa Luxemburg's involvement in actions against the impending world war. Contrary to the militaristic mood prevailing in the German political circles and German society, she courageously and tenaciously carried her pacifist message, which remains valid to the present day, that a war waged in the interest of a minority brings only destruction and victims. For her peaceful beliefs and uncompromising approach she paid with years of imprisonment as she spent almost the entire war period in prisons: in Berlin, Wronke (now Wronki) near Poznań and Breslau (now Wrocław). The authorities were keen to keep her away from soldiers and workers who were becoming increasingly susceptible to her message. She was not released from prison until 9th November 1918, when the German revolution broke out. It is important to highlight her insightful criticism of the then attitude of the SDP, whose decision to support the imperialist plans of the government ultimately resulted in a split within the labour movement in Germany. The inconsistency and irrecoverable loss of unity of the left as well as its incoherent actions paved the way to power for the Nazis. The paper draws upon Rosa Luxemburg's rich epistolary and journalistic writings and the literature of the subject (which are mostly German sources). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of the paper is to present the profile of Rosa Luxemburg as an example of complex and diverse Polish-German relations at the turn of the 20th century. She began her career in the Polish labour movement in the Russian Partition and later continued developing her career in the Social Democratic Party of Germany. She engaged in all forms of political activity gaining international recognition. The research problem is to review the figure of Rosa Luxemburg on the centenary of her tragic death, as a woman who evades simple categorization but came to be known as an intellectual and a leader in a world then dominated by men. The focus is on Rosa Luxemburg's involvement in actions against the impending world war. Contrary to the militaristic mood prevailing in the German political circles and German society, she courageously and tenaciously carried a pacifistic message - which remains relevant to the present day - that unleashing a war for the benefit of a minority brings only destruction and victims. For her peaceful beliefs and uncompromising attitude she paid with years of imprisonment as she spent almost the entire time of war in prisons: in Berlin, Wronki near Poznań and Wrocław. The authorities insisted on keeping her away from soldiers and labourers who were becoming increasingly susceptible to her words and influences. She was released from prison only on the 9th of November 1918, the day of the outbreak of the German revolution. It is important to highlight her insightful criticism of the then attitude of the SDP, which decided to support the partition plans of the imperial government which ultimately resulted in a split of the labour movement in Germany. The author states the thesis that the inconsistency and irrecoverable loss of unity of the left-wing party as well as its incoherent actions paved the way to power for the Nazis. The research method used in the study was analysis of Rosa Luxemburg's rich epistolary and journalistic output with reference to mostly German literature on the subject. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista UNISCI is the property of Unidad de Investigaciones Sobre Seguridad y Cooperacion International (UNISCI) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The aim of the paper is to present the profile of Rosa Luxemburg as an example of complex and diverse Polish-German relations at the turn of the 20th century. She began her career in the Polish labour movement in the Russian Partition and later continued developing her career in the Social Democratic Party of Germany. She engaged in all forms of political activity gaining international recognition. The research problem is to review the figure of Rosa Luxemburg on the centenary of her tragic death, as a woman who evades simple categorization but came to be known as an intellectual and a leader in a world then dominated by men. The focus is on Rosa Luxemburg’s involvement in actions against the impending world war. Contrary to the militaristic mood prevailing in the German political circles and German society, she courageously and tenaciously carried a pacifistic message – which remains relevant to the present day – that unleashing a war for the benefit of a minority brings only destruction and victims. For her peaceful beliefs and uncompromising attitude she paid with years of imprisonment as she spent almost the entire time of war in prisons: in Berlin, Wronki near Poznań and Wrocław. The authorities insisted on keeping her away from soldiers and labourers who were becoming increasingly susceptible to her words and influences. She was released from prison only on the 9th of November 1918, the day of the outbreak of the German revolution. It is important to highlight her insightful criticism of the then attitude of the SDP, which decided to support the partition plans of the imperial government which ultimately resulted in a split of the labour movement in Germany. The author states the thesis that the inconsistency and irrecoverable loss of unity of the left-wing party as well as its incoherent actions paved the way to power for the Nazis. The research method used in the study was analysis of Rosa Luxemburg’s rich epistolary and journalistic output with reference to mostly German literature on the subject. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of IBEROAMERICANA. América Latina - España - Portugal is the property of Vervuert Verlag and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This essay traces the evolution of the attitudes of Valentin Fyodorovich Bulgakov, a Tolstoyan Christian anarchist, pacifist, and Russian emigrant, towards the institution of the state, mainly during his interwar period of exile in Czechoslovakia. Its goal is to capture the way the following influences worked together in shaping his ideological conceptions: the Russian prerevolutionary and revolutionary milieu translated into the Central European reality of a national state with a liberal democratic regime; the influence of collaboration with western European pacifist organizations; the influence of the atmosphere in an interwar Europe split into defenders and implacable opponents of the Soviet regime; and of course the influence of the social and political development of Europe between the two world wars and during the second of them. The research methodology is based in an analysis of Bulgakov's journalistic work, organizational activities, and correspondence which is found in the materials from his written estate that are stored in the Memorial of National Literature in Prague, and the Russian State Archive of Literature and Arts in Moscow. These sources are examined in the context of the development of religiously and secularly-motivated pacifism. From the analysis, it is evident that despite his rigorous insistence of maintaining the principle of not participating in armed activities of the state in the interwar period; a time when, particularly in the 1930s, a substantial part of the pacifist contingent was inclined towards some form of armed resistance to the war, the shock of the Nazi expansion represented a turning point for Bulgakov that marked his retreat from ethical radicalism towards a more conformist defense of the purportedly peaceful politics of the Soviet Union. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the period between 1889 and 1914, the debate on peace and war in international socialism was deep and wide. In this essay I will focus on the left-wing positions identifying two models. On the one hand, the "anti-capitalist pacifism", which connects peace to the political and social revolution: the position of Rosa Luxemburg serves as an example. On the other hand, the "political pacifism", which pursues peace here and now as the basic premise of socialism: this position is represented by the anarchist-socialist Gustav Landauer. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Due to the impact of the First World War the New Liberalism is aware that democracy is at risk. L.T. Hobhouse and J.A. Hobson realize that in order to champion the reforming process they deem necessary to emancipate the working classes in the UK, a change is needed in their respective political visions. Whereas Free Trade cannot be given up, they are persuaded that Cobden's optimism is no longer well-grounded. The link between Free Trade and peace, on the one side, and that between war and protection, on the other, is still sound, but it has to be made stronger thanks to a federal view which prevents democracy from becoming authoritarian. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]