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Copyright of Historia y Politica: Ideas, Procesos y Movimientos Sociales is the property of Departamento De Historia del Pensamiento y de los Moviemientos Sociales y Politicos (Madrid) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of International Relations / Uluslararasi Iliskiler is the property of International Relations Council and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The situation of Polish women and their rights including access to resources can have a satisfactory appearance. However, this is just a lonely, first impression. Women have to fight for status and opportunity improvement in the professional arena, which is definitely in need of strengthening and improvement. The study of women and their working area situation, based on examples from Poland assisting in the creation of the self-questioning, in a better understanding needs and lack of woman manifestation gaps. Which kind of implementation can balance the invisibility of women's work. Considerations on the stereotype of women's participation in professional areas, traditionally dominated by men, show transformations. In art and military service, men are dominant, but nonetheless there is a visible transgression of the presence of power and movement towards female professionals. Gender mainstreaming has started to exist in many areas of professional life previously unavailable for women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper looks at changes in international order nowadays, with a focus on debates about unipolarity and multipolarity. The hypothesis of the study is that the world is currently experiencing a short stage of uni-multipolarity, characterised by high instability, which is generated by the rise of new regional hegemons, the changes at the top ofpower hierarchies, the diminishinggap between the US (as the only superpower ofthe moment) and the risingpowers. The conflict between global order and regional order is, implicitly, a conflict between Western and emerging countries development models. The following decade will probably confirm the tendency for a comeback to a new type of bipolar order. An analysis of the current stage of international relations reveals that we are now witnessing double bipolarity: an American- Chinese economic bipolarity and an American-Russian military bipolarity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The structure of power in the international system has generated interest amongst scholars around the globe. Some argue that the international system is unipolar. This is premised on the notion that the United States is the only state with preponderance in all components of power - military, economic, technological and cultural. Other scholars view global politics through a multipolar lens. Unlike the 'primacists' (proponents of unipolarity), they posit that the United States has lost its primacy in the global arena and that new players have emerged that compete with it. Furthermore, many scholars posit that the structure of power in today's international system has become so sophisticated and complex that traditional models such as unipolarity, bipolarity and multipolarity are insufficient to explain the reality in contemporary international realpolitik. It is in this context that Huntington's uni-multipolarity, Grevi's interpolarity and Haass' nonpolarity can be located. Using both primary and secondary data, this article explores the structure of power in contemporary international politics. It seeks to determine whether or not existing models are adequate to explain the dynamics of such politics. It concludes that uni-interpolarity (a hybrid of uni-multipolarity and interpolarity) best explains the features of today's global politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Relaciones Internacionales, Estrategia y Seguridad is the property of Revista de Relaciones Internacionales, Estrategia y Seguridad and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

One of the controversial issues regarding the locative inversion construction (LIC) in the English language relates to the constraints on verb types. There are three influential hypotheses in this area, known as Hoekstra and Mulder's analysis, Culicover and Levine's analysis and Birner's analysis respectively. The early understanding assumed that it was the unaccusative verbs, which were permitted in LIC, whereas, in the most cases, the unergative verbs were not permitted, except for the subtype of motion, such as walk, enter, when they were used together with a directional PP. Hoekstra and Mulder (1990) propose that LIC embeds a small clause, which licenses the so-called process of unaccusativization -- the shift of unergative-type to unaccusative-type, when an unergative verb of motion occurs in a directional construction. However, Culicover and Levine (2001) argue that it is the distinction between light inversion and heavy inversion, rather than the distinction between unaccusative verbs and unergative verbs, that predicts the acceptability of LIC, due to the fact, noticed by Levin and Hovav (1995), that many other unergative types may occur in LIC, including swim-type, glitter-type, flutter-type, and even work-type, along with the unergative verbs of motion. Culicover and Levine's analysis suggests that the acceptability of a unergative verb should be highly associated with the co-occurrence of a heavy subject in the same sentence. But the further data research, conducted by Birner (1994; 1995), Birner and Ward (1998) and Hovav (1995), support the evidence that subjects in the majority of LIC are heavy, since they have to carry complex new information. Instead of the syntactic-semantic approach, Birner's analysis adopts the pragmatic approach and explores the pragmatic constraints of informationally-light verbs. The above three analyses shed light on the conclusion that it is the integration of syntactic, semantic and pragmatic factors that contributes to the constraints on verbs in LIC. Why is the sentence Into/Out of the room walked John" more acceptable, while" To the room walked John" is less acceptable? It is the syntactic-semantic explanation which permits the unergative verb walk to occur in LIC through the process of unaccusativization. The difference between the "into/out of the room" and "to the room" is that, the former emphasizes the bipolarity of motion, while the latter the process of motion. The pragmatic explanation makes it clear that the initial position in a sentence must provide the topicalized information, which can be offered by the bipolarity of motion, but not by the process of motion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The heart of the work (the subject) is the Civic Alliance Party. The paper is divided into nine parts, and approaches the following important matters: I. The establishment of the Civic Alliance Party (post political to Romanian revolution, the launching of a non-political organization the Civic Alliance, the foundation of the Civic Alliance Party); II. The Civic Alliance Party (Program and Structure); III. A presentation of the platform adopted by Civic Alliance Party (party goals, policy initiatives, local elections from February 1992, general elections, the emergence of the first misunderstandings); IV. The place of the Civic Alliance Party on the political scene (relations between the Civic Alliance - C.A.P. - N.P.C.D.P. - R.D.C.; the position adopted by C.A.P. at less than two years after beeing setting up; position held by C.A.P. in the opinion polls from June 1992); V. The evolution of the Civic Alliance Party (the year 1993, the Congress year, the doctrinal clarifications and the endless of "negotiations'' with liberal parties, the year of the first divisions; the Congress, motions and reorganizations); VI. The so-called "quiet" period after Congress (the "failure" at N.L.P. in '93 of eight deputies and a C.A.P. senator; intense and fruitful activity of the Civic Alliance Party in the summer of 1993; July 2, 1994 and the alliance between C.A.P. and N.L.P.); VII. The Civic Alliance Party in 1995 (the obvious misunderstandings in R.D.C. and C.A.P. Congress; March 14th, 1995 - the exclusion of the Civic Alliance Party from R.D.C.); VIII. Civic Alliance Party after its exclusion from R.D.C. (the most fruitful period of the Party, which produces a series of very important documents; C.A.P. independence by refusing any type alliance; the election year 1996; July 7th, 1996 and the National Liberal Alliance - N.L.A.; 1998 year and the merger with N.L.P.; the entrance into decline and disappearance of the Civic Alliance Party). The last part of this thesis is a diachronically presentation the Civic Alliance Party of Gorj County (founding members, subsequent structure, and the brief presentation of C.A.P. activity in Gorj County). The main goal of this dissertation is recalling the existing political platform after the Romanian Revolution, aiming the bipolarity atypical-typical, mass-intellectuals, popularity-unpopularity, C.A.P.- others and the effect of the political live accepted, not announced in the paper, lived! [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Reflexión Politica is the property of Universidad Autonoma de Bucaramanga, UNAB and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The present paper explores different dimensions of regional security and its implications from a NATO perspective oriented on the cooperative security approach. A main feature of regional security covered by NATO and the interests of the member states is the convergence of patterns in approaching common security within the international context after the End of Cold War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Relaciones Internacionales is the property of Facultad de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

NAM (Non-Aligned Movement), as the movement of the newly independent states came into existence after the Second World War during the bi-polar world order. It was the outcome of the historical struggle of the Asian, African and Latin American countries against the imperial and colonial Powers. At the initial stage the policy of non-alignment was criticized by the then Superpowers. The concept of non-alignment was misunderstood and confused due to various interpretations by the academicians and statesmen. After the end of the cold war and other changes in 1990's in the international arena, it is being argued that the movement is not relevant. Even some of the non-aligned countries raised the same question about the relevance of the movement. In fact the movement is still continue and working for the protection of the national interests of the developing countries in the contemporary world.. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Review of International Affairs (04866096) is the property of Institute of International Politics & Economics and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The relevance of the Non-Aligned Movement has been in question since the end of Cold War bipolarity. In the post-Cold War order, whether interpreted as cosmopolitan, unipolar, multipolar or globalised in nature, there are still challenges to the main purpose of the Non-Aligned Movement, which can be defined as the pursuit of self-determination and development for so-called Third World states. The rise of China is impacting on the current world order, possibly returning it to a kind of bipolarity, which the Non-Aligned Movement members can exploit. In addition, the 'Beijing Consensus' may provide new terms on which developing countries can be integrated into the global economy in a way that would accommodate and encourage their development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of International Relations / Uluslararasi Iliskiler is the property of International Relations Council and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article offers information on the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). It was founded as a security alliance in the 1960s. The organization developed into a genuine Southeast Asian institution after the end of systemic bipolarity. The ASEAN is often criticized for its lack of effective means to solve cooperation problems between states in southeast Asia.

Copyright of UNISCI Discussion Papers is the property of Unidad de Investigaciones Sobre Seguridad y Cooperacion International (UNISCI) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Focuses on the economic and political aspects of the doctrine of U.S. President George W. Bush called the "Bush Doctrine," based on the revised foreign policies of the U.S. Proposal by the Bush administration through the doctrine to exceed the inherent limitations of the post-bipolarism in order to catch up the program of former President Bill Clinton of total economic hegemony; Citation of the structural limit for the U.S. government in the performance of the "Bush Doctrine"; Discussion of the ideology associated with neoclassical conception of the market from the doctrine.

This essay turns upon the results of a study about the Italian management schools with which an attempt was made to single out the features of an area which appears to be in constant evolution. Characterized until few years ago by a marked opening towards the business world and its culture - but not completely out of the scholatisc values - it was found that today the area of the Italian management schools is looking for a more stable scholastic legitimation. By referring to the studies of P. Bourdieu about the French `écoles de gestion', the present bipolarism of the Italian management schools seems to be the result of their current and difficult attempt to define and structure their identity in the education area where different social groups confront each other: in particular, the social groups gravitating around the field of economic power which try to strengthen their influence in the field of cultural production and the ones gravitating around the field of intellectual power which are until now the legitimate cultural producers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author discusses the bipolarity in politics and deprivation of public governance.