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Scholars have often seen Confucianism as a cultural source of economic development in East Asia. Such a Confucian explanation is flawed both theoretically and substantively. This paper proposes an alternative cultural approach to East Asia's economic success which is based on an agentic, dynamic view of culture and which stresses the state as an active cultural actor. Economically successful modern states have engaged in what may be called developmental moralization, namely, inculcation into common people of modern economic ethics. The East Asian states, too, have attempted to reach into the cultural lives and the minds of ordinary people to speed up economic development. These attempts culminated in a number of moral, economic campaigns for modernization in which people took direct part. This paper argues that it was primarily through these moral campaigns, through participatory developmental moralization, that the East Asian states have succeeded in transforming traditional culture into modern culture conducive to economic development. To illustrate this, this paper takes up the Local Improvement Movement in Japan and the New Community Movement in Korea. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While growing anti-colonial resistance was a historical tendency in Western colonialism in the early twentieth century, why has initially strong liberal nationalists in colonial Korea become the ?pro-Japanese faction?? Placing the ideological colonial relationship as a central sociological category, and grasping it in colonial Korea as triadic, with relationships between the colonizer, the colonized, and the West, this study examines the process by which initial anti-colonial resistance turned into collaboration, which in turn was labeled as ?pro-Japanese? behavior. My argument is that the liberal nationalist projects in colonial Korea were destined to fail, because they were located in the quite different relational setting from that in Western colonies. More specifically, this paper has two key arguments. First, it was quite risky to pursue the liberal nationalist program against the strongly assimilationist colonial state. The liberal nationalists? separatist projects modeled on the West or Western colonies were co-opted by the strongly assimilationist colonial state, which ended in their active collaboration in the last period of colonial rule. Second, in order for collaboration to be ?pro-Japanese? or anti-national behavior, as agents of naming, the existence of consistently resistant socialists was crucial. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we conduct a historical comparative analysis of the changing notion of female sexuality through the key concept of "New Woman" (atarashii onna in Japanese, and shin yosong in Korean), a new type of female image that appeared in three different societal context: in America during the latter half of the nineteenth century, in Japan during the first half of the 1910s, and in Korea in the first half of the 1920s. The "New Women" broke free from conventional constraints, and voiced women's rights, progressive marriage system and sexuality in all three societies; they played a role in raising a new concept of sexuality. Interestingly, however, the paths of their movements in each society diverged. What was criticized, scandalized, and considered "new" in their actions and statements differed depending on the existing norms and historical conditions. In fact, it was exactly these conditions that caused the rise of "New Women." The phenomenon of "New Women" was a manifestation of anxiety that accompanied the fluctuations in life and society in early modern period. Sexuality became the symbol of those fluctuations and young women called "New Women" were at its core. In short, this article compares Japanese and Korean "New Women," using America as a reference case. At the same time, it aims to evaluate the formation of, and seeks a deeper understanding of, modern sexuality in general, utilizing these two Asian cases, which in turn will help decipher contemporary sexuality and its changes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Comparing the linkage between political economy and social welfare between advanced capitalist economies in East Asia, this paper suggests a two-model approach toward the East Asian welfare states. On the one hand, there are the nation-state model of Japan, Korea and Taiwan, and the city-state model of Hong Kong and Singapore on the other. The nation-state model, in particular, is based on historical ties between these three countries and similarities in their political economic regimes that feature a strong developmentalist orientation and welfare conservatism. But the recent move towards democratization in Korea and Taiwan has destabilized the conservative model of welfare capitalism, bringing about significant welfare expansion. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract The purpose of this study is to clarify the association between political attitude (sense of unfairness about the current society) and social relationships with influential people using statistical analysis of survey data from Korea and Japan. Korea and Japan differ between themselves, as well as internally, in their typical relational resources and socio-political consciousness. Japanese people tend to have more relationships with influential people than do Korean people. Koreans have a stronger sense of social unfairness toward the current society. Our analysis supports the hypothesis that relationships with influential people reduce the sense of social unfairness (both within and between both countries). In rural areas in both countries, for instance, relatively many people have relational resources with influentials, which tends to reduce their sense of unfairness. In other words, rapid urbanization in both countries has increased the sense of unfairness. At the same time, many other factors also affect the sense of unfairness, including political distrust, an authoritarian attitude, and the preference for equality. We can call the combination of factors affecting social consciousness its "mechanism." The total mechanism affecting the sense of unfairness differs between residential areas in Japan, as well as across the two countries. In Korea, political distrust is a more strongly associated with the sense of unfairness. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As the field of public relations is growing rapidly in Asia, more females enter the field, believing this new field is less conservative and more open to women. Despite their expectations, female PR professionals in Asia often face a more difficult work environment compared with their male counterparts. This study examines how Asian female PR professionals in Japan, Korea and Singapore perceive their job responsibilities, roles and difficulties at work and their methods of coping. Online questionnaires were sent to female professionals in public relations agencies and in-house public relations departments in these three countries. Findings indicate they tend to deny such difficulties and gender inequalities while acknowledging them and trying to cope with the difficulties. The researchers conclude that their inner-conflict resolutions reflect Festinger?s theory of cognitive dissonance and Wrigley?s theory of negotiated resignation and are strongly related to social norms of collectivism and masculinity reinforced in Asian culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Technology does not exist in the vacuum of culture. The Internet is no exception. Many discussions of the Internet, however, center around technological essentialism, if not vulgar technological determinism, in that they assume inherent natures of the Internet and that they predict certain social changes based on such assumptions. For example, there are widespread claims that the Internet is "inherently anti-hierarchical" and that the anti-hierarchically organized communications technology promotes anti-hierarchical communication, and the anti-hierarchical communication leads to anti-hierarchical society. This "internal approach" assumes a one-way relationship between technology and society: technology causes social change, not vice versa. Against such common-place technological essentialism in understanding the Internet, this paper offers a context-specific analysis of the Internet in Korea and Japan through a comparative and media historical perspective. This research is basically an attempt to explore specific cultural, political and economic conditions for Internet technology to exercise a certain influence on society. Through case studies this paper argues that Korea's Internet culture and successful use of the Internet as an alternative medium is a result of the interaction of various factors including Korea's Confucian tradition, education system, governmental policies, economy, geography, and civil society that existed before the Internet was introduced. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using 1990 5 percent- PUMS data, this paper examines fertility differentials between US-born married women and foreign-born married women from China, Japan and Korea. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the early summer of 2002, Japan came down with a serious case of sokka feeva (soccer fever). Originating in this country's first ever co-hosting of the soccer world cup with neighboring Korea, the virus promptly spread through the entire nation. Soon, every aspect of Japanese popular culture, and even of the Japanese physical environment, was somehow inundated with soccer references ranging from huge posters and billboards to magazine covers to world cup comic books or hello kitty dolls. In the muggy days of June, residents of Japan' and the thousands of tourists who poured over the nation's capital to attend the games hosted in the area, wore blue soccer jerseys to the office, ate soccer cup noodles and drank soccer drinks, sang soccer songs at karaoke, used soccer graphics as their cellular phone screen savers and watched the games from home, bars, clubs, work or even the mall. All this in a country where barely ten years ago, the sport of soccer was virtually unheard of (Moffett, 2002). This paper examines the visual narratives constructed in Tokyo around this historical occasion on various Japanese popular cultural sites including advertising, public relations campaigns, magazine and other print media photographs, and television coverage. I was fortunate enough to watch these narratives unfold as I resided in Tokyo at the time the world cup took place. I am particularly interested here in addressing how Japan visually located itself in relationship to the rest of the world for both a Western audience of tourists and the domestic Japanese audience. I will also examine how Japan managed to turn this "foreign" sporting event into a specifically Japanese, or at least Asian, cultural phenomenon, domesticating Western cultural influence in the process. I believe that Japanese officials' and media producers' handling of the event is significant because it is illustrative of the larger process through which Japan has forcefully claimed its place as a major playe... [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines cultural formation of Korean popular music in relation to socio-political/geopolitical history during the Japanese colonial era. With a particular emphasis on the discursive formation of colonial modernity and quotidian life of Koreans, I explore major magazines and newspaper of colonial Korea in 1930s such as Chokwang, Samchulli and Maeilshinbo which imbued the consciousness of Korean intellectuals with the ideology of colonial regimes of militarism, of modernity, and of becoming imperial subject. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main purpose of this study is to introduce how criminal cases in Korea and Japan have been disposed by the public prosecutor's office and court for the past 10 years. Content analysis will be used, mainly focusing on the White paper on crime (1995-2004) in Korea and Japan and several research articles related to this topic. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although the crude divorce rate indicates that Korean families have recently experienced dramatic increase in marital disruption, little research has carefully documented recent trends in the risk of divorce in Korea. Moreover, very little is known about how educational differentials in divorce have changed over time. Using individual-level records of all marriages and divorces registered between 1991 and 2006, we calculate the cumulative probability of divorce for single-year marriage cohorts by marriage duration (and educational attainment). We also construct synthetic cohort estimates using the rates observed in a more recent year. The results show a rapidly rising divorce in Korea, which is driven by much faster increase among less educated people than more educated. The rapid increase in divorce in Korea is striking in light of presumably powerful social and economic disincentives to divorce. We discuss implications of growing educational differentials in divorce for children's well-being in the Korean context. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The regional gap and the inequality are important problems even in post industrial democratic societies. Even in United States, the gap between "Red America" and "Blue America" has become large topics in national elections and informal social relations are important in society. Some industries have close relation to politics and some are not. There are many inequalities in democratic countries. Political power is not equal among people and informal social relation is important in many democratic countries. In many case rural residents have many relations or social networks and have many political power. The gap of social consciousness and social network are getting important in many countries. Some people, especially older people in rural area have many networks and strong sense of political efficacy. The purpose of this study is to clarify the sense of political efficacy by statistical analysis of original survey data in Korea and Japan. Especially we analyze about the association between human relationships with influential people (relational resource) and education. There are some differences about political efficacy and other social consciousness between Korea and Japan, and there are also differences between urban and rural areas in each country. Japanese people have stronger efficacy than Korean. Both in Korea and in Japan, relational resource and education have significant effects to political efficacy. This phenomenon is the result of large social changes in Korea and Japan. Both hypothesis of relational resource and education are supported. There are remarkable effects of age to efficacy. The mechanisms of political efficacies are different between residential areas in Korea and Japan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Much of the debate in recent years concerning the developmental significance of new democratic states is premised on the assumption that democracy and development are complementary and forward-looking concepts. This is in marked contrast to the dominant consensus which endured from the late 1960s through to the mid-1980s which held that developmental progress in poor societies could best be assured by strong states. The empirical justification for this view lay in some palpable success of rapid economic growth in Japan and South Korea. However, as economic development has increasingly overshadowed social equality, the democratic forces from civil society, particularly organized labour, have often called for democratic reforms of the developmental projects designed by the symbiotic alliance between the bureaucracies and big business. The strong state was bound to invent social engineering by which the state could deal with organized labour in the sense of democratic governance, while keeping the business sector in close cooperation with the state for the purpose of economic development. To this end, this research focuses on the corporatist governance of strong states by which they pursue two objectives at the same time: neutralizing the assertiveness of organized labour; and maximizing the cooperation of economic actors for the sake of enduring development. Accordingly, the so-called democratic developmental states - Japan and Korea - in East Asia utilized corporatist intermediation as a main institutional apparatus for sustaining the political stability between the assertive challenge of democratic forces and the institutional drag of the developmental state. As regards methodology for this research, comparative-historical institutionalism will be put forward as a main analytical framework designed to reveal the different trajectories of path-dependent sequences regarding the development of the corporatist governance in Korea and Japan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Police-civilian interactions have recently been investigated from an intergroup communication perspective. While much past research has shown that civilians' sociodemographic characteristics predict attitudes toward police, recent work in the USA has revealed that perceptions of police officers' communication accommodation can be a better predictor than these measures. The current study continued this line of work in Korea, Japan, Guam, and Canada and tested a theoretical model aimed at exploring the role of communication accommodation in voluntary compliance with police. A total of 684 university students completed a questionnaire that assessed how accommodating they perceived police to be together with their reported trust in, and inclinations to comply with, them. For each location, structural equation models were tested. The findings indicated that, for all locations, perceived police officer communication accommodation predicted trust in police which, in turn, predicted attitudes about compliance with police requests. The theoretical and applied significance of the findings are discussed. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research examines Korean and Japanese media discourses and social backgrounds surrounding the success of BoA, a Korean pop singer who made success in both Korea and Japan. While Korean media, from cultural nationalist perspective, covered her story to emphasize Korean culture's superiority, Japanese media presented her as a symbol of reconciliation between Korea and Japan. Considering historical, political, and economic backgrounds, BoA could succeed in the Japanese market at least partly because she satisfied the needs of Japanese politics and entertainment industry. In addition, the changes that BoA's success brought to the Korean music industry may show the hierarchical relationship between these two countries' pop culture market: Japan as core and Korea as periphery. These findings suggests that acknowledging the contexts of the international politics, economy, and cultural policies can reveal a different picture about the structure and the driving force of the international pop culture flow. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]