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A chronological synopsis of the history of the technology used in experimental and testing work relating to artillery pieces is presented. The period covered is from the mid-seventeenth century up to the Cold War era of the mid-twentieth century. Although the focus is on the development of ballistics measurement in Britain, there are important links to related work in continental Europe. The locus for much of what is described is the Royal Artillery proof and experimental range at Shoeburyness and the key individuals and groups of men and women who worked there. There are longitudinal connections between the very earliest technologies of mechanical chronometry, with paper screens and paper-based calculations, and the later technology where timings, screens and calculations had all become electronic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on classic articles on the field, approaches of New Area Studies and primary research on journals and study programmes, this article discusses the current state of Southeast Asian studies from a German perspective. Southeast Asian studies has transformed from a field informed by particular political interests into a container category subsuming various different scholarly programmes. Some of these are closely connected to various disciplines, others are trans- or interdisciplinary; some are in close contact with Southeast Asian policy-makers, for instance by educating their future bureaucrats and politicians, and others remain at a distance. Thirty years after the Cold War formally ended, Southeast Asian studies programmes differ vastly in their respective characteristics and outlooks. This article maps some of these and explores their similarities and differences as well as their relationships to the established disciplines. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although they were situated in a democratic, politically pluralistic environment, the position of the West European communist parties was similar to that of the parties in the Soviet block, as they were subordinated to Kremlin and connected both ideologically and doctrinally to the Soviet model of constructing socialism. Starting with the 60s, in the West European communism, the political identity of these parties is changing. The détente between the East andWest in the early 70s would create a favourable context for the affirmation of the West European communist parties on their own political scene. From that moment on, collaboration with the socialists and the social-democrats would be necessary. Moreover, the West European communist parties also needed a change of their Soviet-inspired political discourse. The implementation of communism had to be reinterpreted. Communism had to be adapted to the concrete historical and political realities in their own states. Therefore, on the international communist movement's level, the consolidation of the political identity had to be marked by the emancipation from the Soviet tutorship. The need for unity of the Left political forces in Western Europe, the disagreement with both power poles of the Cold War, together with the approach of the Euro-communism thesis, they were all aspects of the centrifugal tendencies towards Moscow's policy and of the affirming of their own political identity. The identity struggles of theWest European communism did not bypass the Belgian Communist Party (BCP). In the case study of this article, the author analyses and interprets the transcripts of the meetings between the Romanian Communist Party and the Belgian Communist Party. Using as research method the document analysis, the study reveals the West European communist parties' efforts to affirm their identities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Relaciones Internacionales, Estrategia y Seguridad is the property of Revista de Relaciones Internacionales, Estrategia y Seguridad and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article focuses on socialist political and social movements in Europe during the 20th and 21st centuries. Several topics are discussed, including the history of social and political movements, such as the socialist Bolshevik and October Revolutions in Russia, the French (or July) Revolution of 1830 in France, and the communist Red Revolution in Germany, how labor unions and socialist parties in Europe steadily gained in membership during the second half of the 19th century, and how World War I spawned social and political revolutions or movements that toppled monarchies in European countries such as Germany and Sweden. Also discussed is the struggle between the American economic system of capitalism and the European systems of socialism and communism during the 20th century.

Since the end of the Cold War, the EU and Russia have managed to create an original framework for institutionalised cooperation despite asymmetric characteristics. Yet, the way these two main security actors interact has an impact on the (non)-resolution of security issues in Europe, ranging from ''frozen conflicts'' to the discussion of the security architecture. Since the second mandate of President Putin, the relation has been characterised by two paradoxical features. On the one hand, the methodology and the domains of cooperation have reached a high degree of achievement. On the other hand, the political quality of the relationship has deteriorated and it is not able to achieve the desired ''strategic partnership'' that should be based on a common set of values and principles. This article aims to define multilateralism as a paradigm applicable to EU-Russian relations. It examines their relationship in the security and defence realm and the Union's reactions to a new security approach by Russia since the 2008 Medvedev proposal. The article questions how the EU-Russian political dialogue impacts on multilateralism in the security field. The conclusion considers EU-Russian relations as a peculiar multilateral playground addressing common security challenges, which still needs to be developed further in order to be instrumental in the search for collective and legitimate solutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Pregled is the property of University of Sarajevo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Medunarodni Problemi is the property of Institute of International Politics & Economics and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Relações Internacionais is the property of Relacoes Internacionais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Relações Internacionais is the property of Relacoes Internacionais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article surveys the development of Europe-China relations over the last 30 years. It focuses on the main themes that have characterized the relationship. It gives due attention to the role played by the Central and Eastern European Countries (CEECs) in Europe-China relations, both during the Cold War period and after accession to the EU in 2004. It is argued here that the role of the CEECs has evolved from a situation of marginal significance during the Cold War to a new strategic role after accession. This is mainly due to their more Atlanticist' foreign policy attitude paralleled by the emergence of the US factor in EU-China relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Communist sport policy in Europe, that dominated large parts of it during the Cold War, is dead. The collapse of Soviet-style communism gives an opportunity to look back on the characteristics of communist sports. Especially its achievements should not be underestimated, as it promoted social mobility, equal rights for women and helped integrating national minorities as well as modernising societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the economization, securitization and Europeanization of migration. It recalls the economization of migration in Europe during the 19th and the first half of the 20th century. It cites two examples for the securitization of migration directly after the end of the Cold War. It looks at different periods of development of the Europeanization of migration, the period from the formation of the European Economic Community (EEC) until 1986, and the period exemplified by informal governmentalism from 1986 until 1993.

Copyright of Futuribles is the property of Futuribles SARL and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article discusses the European phase of the Cold War with reference to the fight between the European Economic Community (EEC) and the Soviet Union-led Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (Comecon). The Soviet Union reacted strongly to the economic integration of west-central Europe. In response to EEC, Soviet Union President Nikita Sergeevich Khruschev reformed Comecon in 1957. Comecon formed in 1949 as an institutional response to the U.S. Marshall Plan became a viable institution. Thus, each satellite state should become efficient in producing whatever it could in terms of cost and quality.