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The article comments on the concept of H. C. Triandis about race as determinant of social distance. This asserts that Triandis perception concerning race as a more important determinant of social distance rather than belief, is quite contrary on the findings of the study undertaken. Triandis evaluation which is undertaken on different races is questioned due to the different philosophy employed into each subject. The author further contends that on the basis of his study which is published in his book "The Open and Closed Mind," belief outweighs race to be the basis of social discrimination and not the other way around.

The article presents information about the meetings of the First Universal Races Congress in the University of London buildings which were held in July 1910. Some hundreds of members of many races, great and small, met for the better part of a week in formal discussion and in social interaction, attending with marked regularity and with an interest that was sustained to the close. There was an entire absence of active participation by Governments, and even the great missionary societies took no particular interest, for reasons best known to themselves. The papers discussed what race means, or should mean, to particular difficulties arising from the situation of individual races or nationalities; from the consideration of the function of religion or morals or language to the wide ranging problem of the Negro or the narrowly defined problem of the half-castes of Brazil. There are some papers dealing with various methods now in operation for the organization of humanity: Treaties, Peace Conferences, the Hague Tribunal, the Press. A new project was launched by the Congress deciding to set up a small permanent Committee to arrange for a second Congress, which will probably be held in the U.S. in about three years' time.

This is a second and comparison paper on the continuance and functioning of a kin family network in contemporary industrial society. The concept of the kin network is proposed as a replacement for the one which posits that a nuclear family unit is most suited functionally for the exigencies of modern life. The kin family network is composed of nuclear families bound together by affectional ties and choice. The lifelines of the network are help and service exchanged among members of nuclear families related by blood and affinal ties. Help, service and social interaction characterize the activities of this interdependent kin family system identified as the kin family network. Help and service among kin members take many forms. The principal form of help among parents and their married offspring is financial aid. One purpose of this paper is to examine how much aid binds together nuclear related families along generational lines. In this paper the term parental aid for married children is limited to financial assistance which may be in the form of cash, gifts, or services.

The article cites a study that aims to account for the successful operation of a particular civic agency by means of an analysis of its social organization. This analysis will include both the formal and informal aspects of this social organization and the interrelationships between them. This study will not determine how well the specific, formal functions are being carried out, but rather the main focus of this paper is the success of the total organization. From a sociological point of view, social organization arises whenever people interact on a continuous basis in pursuit of common goals. However, the general field of social organization encompasses a wide variety of phenomena. Although every society is linked to a cultural system which provides a general pattern of meanings and values, the development of complex networks of social interaction requires special agencies for the effective dissemination and application of said meanings and values. These agencies or social groupings are commonly designated by the term "social institution," and their analysis falls within the area of studies concerning social organization.

A number of different experimental methods have been evoked for following the pattern of verbal interaction towards consensus in small groups. Naturally enough all of these have their shortcomings, but U.S.-based sociologist R. F. Bales' Interaction Process Analysis remains the most popular. Briefly this analysis consists of a series of logically exhaustive classifications, twelve in number, into one of which each contribution may be placed. Bales has claimed that none of these categories are of residual nature and in support of this he quotes correlations between recording observers ranging from .75 to .95. While work on this particular paper suggested a clouding of boundaries between Categories 5 and 4 and between 4 and 3, there is little doubt that the reliability is quite high. The verbal interpretation of these results is daunting. While there are some obvious conclusions to be drawn, these are so self-evident that the reader might wonder why such complex analysis has been necessary. At the same time there are some equally obvious relationships which have not been proven and the explanation of these failures is not easy.

This paper is an essay in penology, and evaluates the social relationships of persistent criminals. Investigators of groups of habitual criminals have frequently remarked upon the tenuous and unstable nature of their relations with others. Evidence suggests that a lack of satisfactory friendships with people of either sex is characteristic of those destined to become persistent offenders, even before the first brush with the police. The most influential for this kind of behavior is the contention that there is a causal connection between inability to form friendships and criminality. The belief that criminality is the result of inadequacy in personal relationships has become an important part of the thinking of those whose task it is to organize penal institutions. The satisfactions which the child derives from these early relationships have an important role to play in criminality. The study reckons that confining men in penal institutions has several consequences which are inconsistent with the intention that they should be resocialized and ultimately resettled in the community.

This paper highlights results of a study that examined certain aspects of the class differentiation in the social life patterns among the population of Warsaw, Poland. The unskilled workers are living much less intensive social life than the rest of the Warsaw inhabitants, and they possess considerably rarely the feeling of support from other people both from their friends, their acquaintances and even on the part of their nearest family. As many as 62 percent do meet at least three persons a month, and again as many as 70 percent entertain their acquaintances calling at their home at least once a month more frequently. The intensity of the social life seems to be closely linked to the economic situation and to the living conditions. It is only 18 percent of the unskilled workers that think that in the difficult situations they may rely upon their work-mates, and the same rate of percentage believe that they may rely upon their friends and acquaintances from outside their work-place and their neighbourhood. It goes beyond any doubt that the sense of stronghold on the other people has been tightly interwoven with the intensity of social life. The fact that the professionals--in a most restricted way--choose the circle of their friends and acquaintances is connected undoubtedly with their higher standards of life and in general with much more interesting life than that of the remaining social layers.

Various commentators have stated that the ideas covered by the label symbolic interaction are part of the intellectual baggage of almost all who concern themselves with human behavior. On the other hand, persons identifying themselves as symbolic interactionists commonly hold that this theory suffers from general, albeit certainly undeserved, neglect. There is a good deal of validity in both views. This paper is above all an attempt at a straightforward review of symbolic interaction theory. Its aim is to stimulate renewed interest 10 a simple, but relatively powerful, set of ideas which remain largely unexploited. It is perhaps particularly in the family field that these are open to exploitation. Theory can be taken to mean a set of assumptions or postulates with which one approaches some part of the empirical world, a set of concepts in terms of which this part of the world is described, and a set of propositions, emerging from the assumptions and relating the concepts, about the way this part of the world "works" which are checked against observations of that world.

The social relationship is defined as consisting of the interaction which occurs between the two partners to the relationship, and those portions of each of the partner's personalities which are in any respect-oriented to, or affected by, the personality of the other partner. The primary concern of this paper is the empirical study of the marital relationship. The theory, which has been indicated, will permit a rational discussion of research operations in the study of this relationship. But prior to such a discussion, it should be noted that two general strategies can be employed in marital-relationship research. The first of these is investigation as a concomitant of therapy. Under this strategy, the therapist initiates a series of interviews with the partners, in the effort to be of help. To attain this aim, he necessarily must learn about the marital relationship, and subsequently he utilizes this information to answer research questions. The author holds that the two research approaches determined by these strategies are equally valuable, and expects that the results from each will be mutually supporting and enriching.