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Objective: The leadership of the American Surgical Association (ASA) appointed a Task Force to objectively address issues related to equity, diversity, and inclusion with the discipline of academic surgery. Summary of Background Data: Surgeons and the discipline of surgery, particularly academic surgery, have a tradition of leadership both in medicine and society. Currently, we are being challenged to harness our innate curiosity, hard work, and perseverance to address the historically significant deficiencies within our field in the areas of diversity, equity, and inclusion. Methods: The ASA leadership requested members to volunteer to serve on a Task Force to comprehensively address equity, diversity, and inclusion in academic surgery. Nine work groups reviewed the current literature, performed primary qualitative interviews, and distilled available guidelines and published primary source materials. A work product was created and published on the ASA Website and made available to the public. The full work product was summarized into this White Paper. Results: The ASA has produced a handbook entitled: Ensuring Equity, Diversity, and Inclusion in Academic Surgery, which identifies issues and challenges, and develops a set of solutions and benchmarks to aid the academic surgical community in achieving these goals. Conclusion: Surgery must identify areas for improvement and work iteratively to address and correct past deficiencies. This requires honest and ongoing identification and correction of implicit and explicit biases. Increasing diversity in our departments, residencies, and universities will improve patient care, enhance productivity, augment community connections, and achieve our most fundamental ambition--doing good for our patients. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using a post-structural lens, I make arguments against homogenising people's conditions and circumstances. In particular, I acknowledge that the post-1994 reform agenda intended to streamline the previously fragmented and segregated higher education landscape under the apartheid regime. Black women, who are the main target of this article suffered triple marginalisation - race, social class and sexism. The aim of the article is to show the tensions that exist within the White Paper: A Programme for the Transformation of Higher Education (DoE 1997). The said tensions have stifled the attainment of gender equity and equality; effectively widening the gender fissures in post-1994 South African higher education. I argue that we should not take for granted phrases such as "equal opportunities" and "equal access" in policies. Instead, we should seek their meaning and achievement inter alia in earnest for the targeted group. Therefore, I postulate that gender and gendering is complex and very fragmented. For this reason, formulating transformation interventions on the premise of equality for all does not necessarily guarantee gender equality or gender equity. With this in mind, a "one-size fits all" approach to redressing gender equality is implausible and does not suffice in addressing salient gender injustices. I propose a multifaceted approach, which encompasses a realistic and holistic outlook on the divergent needs of black women in particular and women in general as a possible solution to the current challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

All refereed convention papers sponsored by the Magazine Division of the Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication (AEJMC) in the period 1999-2008 were content analyzed. Benchmarks for both institutional and individual magazine research productivity were established within the framework of the Carnegie Classification System. A gender gap regarding both top paper productivity and regular refereed paper productivity was determined. While female authors dominated top paper productivity, male authors commanded regular paper productivity. A strong correlation between institutional top paper productivity and institutional regular paper productivity was identified though a weak link between individual top paper productivity and individual regular paper productivity was also found. Implications of these findings were discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Anti-abortion regulation and criminalization in Nigeria raises questions about religious, societal, and cultural dispositions to abortion. If one defers to religious and cultural norms that are against abortion, what remains are concerns about discrimination based on gender, age, and economic status. At the regional level, the focus of abortion activism has consistently been on the legal justification for permitting abortion on recognized grounds, particularly under the African Women Protocol, known as the Maputo Protocol. This work analyzes socio-economic grounds for legal justifications for permitting abortion, focusing on how inequality and discrimination can shape the regulation and governance of abortion, especially within developing and highly genderunequal societies like Nigeria. This paper argues that the systematic maternal deaths resulting from unsafe abortions are avoidable as they stem from social status and an unequal distribution of economic resources. This paper adopts the theory of feminist intersectionality by Crenshaw to expose how inequities on multiple grounds contribute to ineffective reproductive governance, especially concerning abortion in Nigeria. It discusses the potential application of international and regional human rights instruments, especially the Convention of the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) and the Maputo Protocol, and challenges in implementing their provisions within Nigerian reproductive rights jurisprudence. It identifies the doctrine of "Dual Publics" by Peter Ekeh and effects of legal pluralism on the regulation of abortion in Nigeria. It also draws lessons from similar treatment of such issues by the relevant human right bodies through their constituent instruments, case-laws, and jurisprudence. The paper argues that adopting an equality or intersectional approach to address the complexities surrounding abortion in Nigeria holds immense potential for mitigating the historical, legal, and cultural challenges that women face in accessing reproductive healthcare services. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Women' s health-related human rights are contested. Beyond the recent pushbacks on abortion rights, more subtle developments are discernable. This paper dissects one case study illustrating how professional self-regulation in pharmaceutical law can undermine equal access to emergency contraception (EC). In Switzerland, around 100,000 "morning after" pills are sold through pharmacies per year. Empirical evidence demonstrates how traumatic or shameful the experience can be for women. Because if regulation was liberalized in 2002 and EC has since been available without a doctor' s prescription, access remains subject to strict professional gatekeeping. Women must undergo a compulsory interview with a pharmacist in a pharmacy backroom. They must indicate their contact details, answer an intrusive questionnaire archived for twenty years, receive information about sexually transmitted diseases, and bear the costs. Prices for EC vary and peak in the evening and on weekends. The exceptionalism of access to EC, despite formal legal liberalization, highlights gender bias and perpetuates shame and stigma surrounding women's sexually active behavior. Switzerland's normative position on access to contraception is based on individual responsibility and formal equality. Every woman is responsible for avoiding unwanted pregnancy, and access to EC is guaranteed since it is available in all pharmacies. In reality, access obstacles created by EC dispensing mechanisms result in intersectional inequalities, depending on women's age, socio-economic background, and migration status. This paper critically deconstructs the intricate intertwining of a liberal focus on individual responsibility and the disciplining power mechanisms of professional gatekeepers affecting female bodies and choices. Going beyond the personal and the political, it demonstrates how backsliding on sexual and reproductive rights can happen through the backdoor of professional self-regulation. Finally, this paper focuses on a substantive concept of equality for realizing women's health-related human rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The article presents abstracts of several papers related to mass media, including "The Meaning of Modernization: US media and the Sandinista Story," by Oddgeir Tveiten, "Discourses of Egalitarianism in Popular Journalism: The Case of Norwegian Prime-Time Combined-Genre Shows," by Espen Ytreberg, and "Behind the Media Content: The Liane Model," by Tuomo Mörä.

Adivasis are the original inhabitants of India, and their history has been plagued by suffering and deprivation. From the Aryan invasion of 1400 B.C. to the British colonial period, Adivasis have been subjected to domination, displacement, organized loot of resources, and suppression. They are still experiencing forced displacement and other forms of injustice and inequalities in the name of capitalist development. The Indian government took many positive steps to change the condition of Scheduled Tribes (the constitutional term for Adivasi), but despite these governmental actions, no significant changes have been witnessed in their livelihood. A vast majority of the Adivasi population cannot use governmental facilities. The condition of Adivasi women is even worse than that of Adivasi men. PRADAN (Professional Assistance for Development Action), a nonprofit, non-government organization started in the 1980s with the vision of bringing positive changes to the lives of less privileged people, primarily works on problems of severe poverty, illiteracy, high infant mortality, and social evils like dowry, slavery, and wife burning. The present work presents a brief history of the Adivasi and the constitutional debate over the term Adivasi, a highlight of the measures taken by the government, and a discussion of the difficult life circumstances faced by Adivasi women. This paper critically explores the pattern of crime against Adivasi women. It further focuses on the innovative and effective strategies and community-based approaches that PRADAN embraced in helping to improve the lives of Adivasi women. Specifically, this paper will discuss how Adivasi women are becoming united through PRADAN's Self-Help Groups (SHGs) and other women's organizations formed by PRADAN, such as Narmada Mahila Sangh (NMS), Damodar Mahila Mandal (DMM), and Nari Adalat (Women's Court) that provide justice and hope to Adivasi women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

BACKGROUND: Longevity and old age are two aspects of the same phenomenon, representing a major concern for modern societies. There is universal consensus among scholars about the need for new frameworks and measures to define older people in a more effective and dynamic way. OBJECTIVE: The aim of this paper is to compute prospective old-age thresholds (POATs) in six countries characterised by disparate progress in survival. To outline possible strategies to counter population ageing, the paper also examines trends in POAT and disability-free POAT (DF-POAT) in Italy by gender, geographical area, and education. DATA AND METHODS To compute the POAT, we use life tables from the Human Mortality Database (HMD) and the Italian National Institute of Statistics, Istat. In addition, to compute the DF-POAT, data on mortality and health by geographical area and education were retrieved from Istat. RESULTS: During the period 1950-2020 the POAT advanced everywhere, albeit in different rhythms by country, gender, and period. However, great differences in POAT and DF-POAT have emerged, depending on place of residence, education, and health. CONCLUSIONS: The POAT changes the evaluation of population ageing and could reduce the alarm caused by measures based on static chronological old-age thresholds. Using Italy as a case study, we show that overcoming geographical and social inequalities would counteract the population ageing process. CONTRIBUTION: The paper highlights how individual and population ageing is a relative concept, as acknowledged by James W. Vaupel in his studies where he explores the equivalence between ages based on mortality risks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective of this study was to identify indicators of social inequalities associated with mortality from neoplasms in the Brazilian adult population. A scoping review method was used, establishing the guiding question: What is the effect of social inequalities on mortality from neoplasms in the Brazilian adult population? A total of 567 papers were identified, 22 of which were considered eligible. A variety of indicators were identified, such as the Human Development Index and the Gini Index, which primarily assessed differences in income, schooling, human development and vulnerability. A single pattern of association between the indicators and the different neoplasms was not established, nor was a single indicator capable of explaining the effect of social inequality at all levels of territorial area and by deaths from all types of neoplasms identified. It is known that mortality is influenced by social inequalities and that the study of indicators provides an opportunity to define which best explains deaths. This review highlights important gaps regarding the use of non-modifiable social indicators, analysis of small geographical areas, and limited use of multidimensional indicators. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

»Dynamiken der Selbstoptimierung: Eine Einführung«. This introduction explores the increasing pervasiveness of discourses and practices of selfoptimisation in present-day societies. These are evident in activities such as self-tracking, fitness training, cosmetic surgery, neuroenhancement, or the consumption of nutritional supplements. The growing appeal and diffusion of these various practices testifies to the overall cultural attraction of self-optimisation, which is a multifaceted phenomenon. Against the dominant interpretation of self-optimisation as mainly driven by the logic of maximisation and growth, we argue that it can also be about minimalism or balance. At the same time, self-optimisation is strongly connected to dynamics of power and social inequality, potentially reinforcing existing social inequalities and creating new forms of domination and control. The paper starts by charting the existing research and theoretical approaches to self-optimisation, presents the contributions to the special issue, addresses a set of key domains of self-optimisation (therapeutic culture, health and well-being, digital technologies, work, and economy), and finally draws conclusions and suggests some avenues for future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The interplay of religion and gender is a relevant factor in the labour market disadvantage experienced by Muslim women. Despite widespread recognition of the importance of addressing disadvantage through an intersectional lens, the domestic equality law framework in Britain continues to adopt fixed and discrete classifications of status inequality, undermining protection for Muslim women in the workplace. This paper uses doctrinal and socio-legal method to expose the disregard in the application of British equality law in its international human rights context to the interaction of religion with gender and to present opportunities for development through case law of an intersectional analysis of disadvantage. After highlighting the labour market disadvantage experienced by Muslim women and making the case for an intersectional response, the paper will assess the application of the British equality law framework in relevant cases and will highlight its contribution to the emergence of a 'conflict' narrative. This paper will argue that there is, however, scope in human rights, proportionality and harm analyses to highlight experiences of discrimination at the vector of religion and gender. It will conclude that litigants who avail of these opportunities can contribute to development of law and policy which better reflects lived experience. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will argue for routine, reciprocal and meaningful partnerships between the University and the local community. Participation in both policymaking and the generation of knowledge has traditionally been dominated by over-represented groups, drawing on the limited expertise of professionals and practitioners. However, an increasing body of research indicates that the inclusion of individuals and communities living with disadvantage enhances the effectiveness of policymaking, delivery of services and generation of research. With a particular focus on the social sciences, this paper argues that the business of Universities - teaching, learning and research – must have a greater regard for the local community and the voluntary, community, faith and social enterprise sector (VCFSE) if they are to play a role in bringing about radical social change. This is even more crucial in the face of wicked problems, such as entrenched poverty, the mental health crisis in young people and the climate crisis, that require a multi-disciplinary, multi-organisational and multi-actor approach to generating solutions capable of disrupting the status quo. Drawing on the principles of coproduction, critical pedagogy and social pedagogy, and rejecting the concept of ‘employability’, this paper will argue that Universities need to pay more regard to local knowledge and the lived experience of those communities most affected by the consequences of wicked problems. This would promote a community- centric approach to research and pedagogy – and the nurturing of graduates that do not just ‘fit into’ the capitalist culture of consumerism that is killing us. Otherwise the potential for social change will be limited, the environment will continue to degenerate and social inequalities will persist. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Women laborers form an important part of the labor workforce in India; however, not all are recognized, not many are protected, and very few are treated equally to men. The Equal Remuneration Act of 1976 clearly states that persons doing "same work or work of a similar nature" are not to be discriminated against on the ground of gender. The Factories Act of 1948 has special provisions for women workers pertaining to washrooms, changing rooms, creches, and work hours. The Maternity Benefit Act of 1961 entitles a woman, inter alia, to twenty-six weeks of paid maternity relief. The protection given to women under the Sexual Harassment of Women at Workplace (Prevention, Prohibition and Redressal) Act of 2013 is also of vital importance for women workers in India. The laws prima-facie seem to be protecting the rights of women workers, but a deeper analysis of their effectiveness is required to take the concerns of women into account. It is to be noted that one of the areas of concern is the amount of unpaid labor put in by women in Indian households and home industries, which remains unrecognized. This paper offers a feminist analysis of labor legislation affecting women laborers in India from the perspective of women and their rights. Also analyzed are the various schemes of the Government of India pertaining to welfare and empowerment of women, various international instruments, and international labor standards. The research methodology used is a combination of analytical and critical research. Pay parity and equality in opportunity, recruitment, promotion, transfer, and facilities at the workplace are a few pertinent steps towards the amelioration of the conditions of women laborers in the country. The ultimate goal is to address the issues which need to be resolved for women workers to exercise their rights at par with the other labor categories. These issues are significant and have far-reaching implications. This research has found that the Indian legal framework with respect to protection of rights of women laborers is quite progressive and in tandem with the changing needs and requirements of the time. However, the implementation of these schemes in true letter and spirit is the real challenge that lies ahead. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Pädagogik is the property of Julius Beltz GmbH & Co. KG Beltz Juventa and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

With the arrest of a former U.S. President, the Post-Covid19 pandemic, and all the social uprisings and awareness of 2020 to 2023, perhaps there has never been a time in American history where students and educators at all levels need to consider and adapt more effective and innovative approaches to addressing the elephant in the American -- room' and that being the issue of racism. This paper presents meaningful dialogue on Curriculum Development for Adult Learners in Discussions and Exploration of Social Inequalities and Racism against African Americans. These approaches to learning can be useful for examining both educators and adult learners in examining the dark impacts of racism towards African Americans in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This editorial contextualizes the new phase of the Dramatherapy journal (DJ) at Intellect, in light of the journal's history. It presents its new features, its editors and its sections, briefly summarizing the articles that comprise the current issue. Engaging with Cervantes's Don Quixote as an inspiring metaphor, the editors outline the adventure they have embarked on, defining it as a quixotic journey that requires to navigate the complexity of current global situations while supporting the values of acceptance, cooperation, mutuality, equality, love and respect for nature, that dramatherapy advocates both in its theory and in its everyday practise. The editors present the Call for Papers for the next Special Issue on 'Diasporas in Dramatherapy'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This editorial contextualizes the new phase of the Dramatherapy journal (DJ) at Intellect, in light of the journal's history. It presents its new features, its editors and its sections, briefly summarizing the articles that comprise the current issue. Engaging with Cervantes's Don Quixote as an inspiring metaphor, the editors outline the adventure they have embarked on, defining it as a quixotic journey that requires to navigate the complexity of current global situations while supporting the values of acceptance, cooperation, mutuality, equality, love and respect for nature, that dramatherapy advocates both in its theory and in its everyday practise. The editors present the Call for Papers for the next Special Issue on 'Diasporas in Dramatherapy'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The subject of inequality represents a present phenomenon in the contemporary society, even though the issue was analyzed by various authors, since the beginning of the Industrial Age. Ideologues, philosophers, economists or social scientists devoted researches on the subject of inequality, offering various interpretations or solutions, more or less viable, about this issue. The present paper will try to argue, from the viewpoint of International Relations Theory, that social inequality represents the expression of a liberal hegemonic model, still influent at the international system. This hegemonic model is based on the liberal ideology, thus assuming the phenomenon and outcome of inequality as natural. From a theoretical point of view, this paper is based on the hegemonic stability theory, an approach from the International Relations Theory. The main actor which sustains this hegemonic model is represented by the United States, as the hegemonic power in the international system, the world leader that sustains the liberal political and economic institutions at the systemic level. From a methodological point of view, the research adopted a qualitative perspective, with the case study on the influence of the liberal hegemonic model on the subject of inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study focuses on the time politics involved in applying for a residence permit in the Czech Republic, with a focus on non-European Union (EU) applicants. It examines how governmentality and state superiority are represented and performed within the bureaucratic procedure of the application process. Based on the results, I argue that the application process bureaucracy is tied to time politics – practices that govern others through time. The paper is based on research realised in Brno, the second-largest city in the Czech Republic, and uses qualitative, ethnographic observations and semi-structured interviews with immigrants from non-EU countries who applied for a long-term residence permit. The paper examines time politics within this process, highlighting its unpredictability, disrupted temporal linearity and chrononormativity. In this context, the respondents describe the waiting period as a moment of being in between – temporally, spatially and socially. Therefore, I argue that the time politics experienced throughout the application process significantly influences the lives of applicants. The interviews revealed that the applicants were caught in a liminal position with an uncertain ending, exemplified by the impossibility of moving (temporally, spatially and socially) – a feeling often described as stuckedness. Consequently, this time politics and the temporal inequality and disadvantages experienced during the process contribute to exclusion from mainstream Czech society and produce structural invisibility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article assesses the notion of gender parity and its function towards inclusive advancement in the Kenyan context. Gender parity has been extensively acknowledged in the 2010 Constitution of Kenya, although its intended outcomes still need to be attained. Men and women have different needs, which should be harmonized for efforts geared towards achieving inclusive advancement. Both are entitled to equity in the advancement agenda. Through secondary research, this paper reviews the international, regional, and national frameworks on gender equity to which Kenya is a signatory. These frameworks are significant in supporting the country's efforts towards gender equity. The paper further maps out the four major structural impediments to gender equity: poverty, lack of education, uneven access to resources, and retrogressive cultures. These structural impediments have maintained the status quo as they are socioeconomic and linked to gender inequity indicators. Additionally, this paper argues that for inclusive advancement to be realized in Kenya, the notion of gender parity must be acknowledged; both men and women should be empowered for equitable gender participation. This development is only possible with the meaningful involvement of both genders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Nosileftiki is the property of Hellenic Nurses' Association and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Filosofia UNISINOS is the property of Universidade do Vale do Rio dos Sinos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Discourse: Journal of Childhood & Adolescense Research / Diskurs Kindheits- und Jugendforschung is the property of Verlag Barbara Budrich GmbH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper explores the spatial distribution of the built environment in the 10th and 11th centuries a.d. in the periphery of Lamanai, a Precolumbian Maya site in northern Belize. Analysis of structures, labor investments, and ceramic distributions indicates that the periphery was characterized by a small, monumental core between Lamanai and Ka'kabish, known as Coco Chan, which radiated outwards, with smaller structures in the periphery. Ceramic assemblages and their distributions show that artifacts are concentrated near Coco Chan, which may indicate differences in access to materials in the periphery of Lamanai. The Gini Index, a method used to measure dispersion, shows that the settlement (i.e., area per structure) has a relatively high degree of economic equality as compared to other areas in the Maya world. The structures and ceramic assemblages in the periphery of Lamanai may help to explain its uninterrupted occupation history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aim: The aim of this paper is to highlight the need to consider oral health during the first 1000 days of a child's life with a view to developing appropriate educational programmes. Context: The first 1000 days of life represent a window of opportunity for prevention in children. This concept is built on a consideration of the overall health of mother and child, taking into account social inequalities in health. It is now established that the oral health of the mother determines the oral health of her child. Furthermore, parents' knowledge and behaviour have a direct influence on their child's health. Conclusion: The majority of the population does not have the necessary skills to adopt behaviours that promote oral health. The need for oral health education begins in the first 1000 days of life. Following the model of family health education, these programmes would involve providing pregnant women and, therefore, families with the skills they need to manage their own oral health and that of their future child as early as possible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Economic policies that concentrate wealth and aggravate socioeconomic inequalities often have negative impacts on human rights. For example, evidence points to the unequal impact of austerity measures--such as the defunding and privatizing of health care--on already disadvantaged groups and individuals. Despite its detrimental impacts, austerity often appears as a necessary evil in times when difficult choices must be made. Justified through arguments of trickle-down economics to support growth, the realization of human rights is postponed. Human rights are sidelined as guidelines that inform rather than limit such measures. The assumption that wealth concentration and the consequent reduction of human rights standards may be justified suggests a problematic conception of equality in human rights law. In this paper, I critically examine the way that this assumption informs the exclusion of distributive considerations from the scope of equality within human rights law. I identify and evaluate the emerging interpretations of equality beyond the legal-technical notion of equal treatment and the prohibition of discrimination and the extent to which equality in human rights may take on a distributive function in combating policies of wealth concentration such as austerity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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OBJECTIVES This paper investigates ethnic and regional disparities in fatality rates in the Russian military in 2022-2023 during the war in Ukraine. METHODS The analysis uses a new crowdsourced dataset comprising the names of over 20,000 Russian soldiers killed in Ukraine between February 2022 and April 2023. This dataset was compiled by a team of volunteers who gathered information from social media and other accessible sources. The dataset is incomplete and therefore the findings reported in this paper are tentative. Mortality rates and relative risks are estimated by ethnic group and region, and a linear model is fitted to assess the correlation between the ethnic composition of the population, socioeconomic factors, and regional fatality rates. RESULTS The study reveals significant disparities in military fatality rates across Russian regions, with the highest mortality observed among soldiers originating from economically disadvantaged areas in Siberia and the Russian Far East and the lowest among soldiers from Moscow and St. Petersburg. Buryats and Tuvans are overrepresented among the fatalities relative to their population share. However, when regional socioeconomic disparities are accounted for, ethnic differences in mortality rates are considerably reduced. CONCLUSIONS The observed regional and ethnic fatality disparities appear to be driven by socioeconomic inequalities between regions. CONTRIBUTION This paper evaluates social inequalities in fatalities in the Russian military in Ukraine and compares these findings with research on US military casualties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• Power relations shaping climate-migration-gender interactions are underestimated. • Feminist political ecology reveals power differentials across multiple scales. • Addressing global and local forces shaping gender and social inequities is crucial. • Intersecting inequities shape local experiences of climate change and migration. • Policies must tackle unequal exchange and local injustices to address root causes. Research on climate and migration interactions has greatly evolved from environmentally deterministic explanations to more sophisticated and complex accounts of human (im)mobilities in a changing climate. Despite acknowledging gender and social inequalities as key factors shaping vulnerability and resilience, the multi-scalar power relations influencing human (im)mobility in the context of climate change have been underestimated. This paper argues that a feminist political ecology of migration can enhance our understanding of the gender and social inequities embedded in the climate-migration nexus by conceptualizing power relations across different scales in our world economy. Through a critical review of the literature, this paper highlights the ways in which a feminist political ecology approach can help unpack the power differentials that shape climate and migration interactions. The paper concludes that a more nuanced understanding of power relations across different scales is crucial for both advancing the conceptual understanding of the complex nexus between climate, migration, and inequality, and addressing the root causes of these challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Debates on the neoliberalization and privatization of education have recently contributed fresh impulses to the critical engagement of geographies of education, which is known for its longstanding interest in the reproduction of social inequalities. This paper furthers this engagement in two ways. First, it draws on an empirical study of a private, nonprofit preparatory programme that trains aspirational students from disadvantaged backgrounds for a highly selective entrance examination for state-funded secondary schools in Zurich, Switzerland. In doing so, the paper moves beyond the Anglophone pivot in the field, which has been a source of self-critique. Second, we take this empirical site a point from which to think through the study programme as an 'object multiple' that is engrained in Actor-Network Theory. Drawing on the four ontological metaphors of region, network, fluid, and fire, we assert that educational transitions serve as magnifying glasses which lay bare complex social effects of supplementary education on students, increasing social inequalities and subtle forms of conforming to and resisting of the neoliberalization of education and uncomfortable, yet thought-provoking aspects of discrimination. We conclude that the replication of white supremacy requires more reflection not only within a programme that was installed with the intent of supporting young people from disadvantaged backgrounds but also in our engagement as critical geographers within educational schemes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Lagos is often depicted as a city of immobility and inequality. Based on a micro-sociological study in the public transit system and an ethnographic study in an urban neighborhood, this article provides a nuanced analysis of situational inequality. Given the enduring traffic congestion and prevailing social inequality in the city, moments of aggressive cutting in line on roads and disputes over light collision accidents demonstrate a spontaneous unequal power relationship that is at odds with the existing social inequality structure. These moments can impose a sense of frustration on the private car drivers who are assumed to have a higher social status while bringing delight to minibus (danfo) drivers and passengers who have lower status. This emergent situational inequality, the paper argues, provides lower-class people with affective elements which can contribute to making sense of (im)mobilities, urban lifestyle, and conceptualization of Lagos. However, the effects of situational inequality are limited to the individual level, as it cannot largely transform the spatiality and temporality of traffic congestion, the socioeconomic class structure, and the traffic governance in Lagos. This dialectical situational inequality does not become a practical living strategy but reifies their individual philosophies of living in Lagos embodied through narratives. The sociological account of situational inequality in this paper showcases an approach to interpret the meaningfulness of micro mobility experiences with regard to macro urban conditions, thereby enriching our understandings of the relationship between mobility and inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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INTRODUCTION: Whilst acknowledging that child-welfare-involved pregnant women occupy a uniquely precarious position in terms of their human dignity and rights, this paper focuses on the vulnerabilities of fathers of children subject to child protection assessment before the birth of a child. APPROACH: This article draws on data from two qualitative research studies, both focused on social work practice in Scotland. The first study created ethnographic data with and about eight fathers who were experiencing pre-birth child protection involvement with their babies. The second study did not include fathers themselves, yet research data were created through interviews with 10 birth mothers, which reinforced findings of the prior research in relation to men being written out of planning and legal processes before their children were born. FINDINGS: Taking a reproductive justice lens to the findings of the two studies reveals how this population of fathers are exposed to legal and social precarity in relation to their paternal role. Through the advice of social workers, women were encouraged not to name the fathers of their as yet unborn infants on their child's birth certificate, creating an immediate barrier to fathers' involvement. IMPLICATIONS: The article demonstrates that a reproductive justice framework (L. Ross & Solinger, 2017) can be applied in order to understand how men's rights to parent their children may be compromised by child protection involvement in the family. Acknowledging the power held by social workers is a crucial first step in beginning to address the social inequalities around "reproductive destiny" (L. Ross, 2006, p. 4) experienced by fathers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We reply to the objections raised in Polis 40 (2023) by Ryan Balot and Manuel Knoll to our original paper 'Recognition and Redistribution in Aristotle's Account of Stasis ', published in Polis 39 (2022). We argue that Knoll is correct in arguing that Aristotle distinguishes between democratic views of distributive justice and his own, but wrong to argue that this wholly resolves a tension in Aristotle's exposition between views of democratic justice as, in one sense, based on equality 'according to worth' and in another based on arithmetic equality. Balot, we contend, misconstrues our original argument when he represents us as claiming that, according to Aristotle, the injustice which leads agents to engage in stasis exists entirely in their own minds. We did not and do not hold that view and therefore (pace Balot) are in no way committed to any of its alleged implications. Balot's misunderstanding on that point entails a wholesale misrepresentation of our original argument. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social and economic inequalities are both significant and important issues in the study of globalization, while global forces have widened their consequences such as unleashing poverty and gender imbalances in terms of equality. The reasons lie in the reformulation of economic power associated with burgeoning free-market economies and accompanying diffusion of instrumental rationality, commoditization, and secularism. In contrast to the economic downturn and global softening of labor markets, which call for greater social protection, the welfare state has been replaced by a "non-sovereign power" wary of its global positioning but less powerful in shaping daily lives of its populace among social forces including the role of nongovernmental organizations (NGOs). However, nation-states still serve important functions in a globe dominated by transnational corporate interests. With few options and having to make controversial choices, welfare provision has seen trends towards the commodification of social welfare whilst globalization is affecting social contracts across nation-states. This paper critically engages in these challenges to governance and development, and assesses how social welfare has been redefined and extended while many populations become embedded in greater forms of poverty creating unevenness across nation-states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• ASM sector is an 'unregulated' space that facilitates capitalist accumulation. • Principle of risk and profit-sharing is a tool for labour absorption and control. • Customary practices prevent women from ascending the ASM labour hierarchy. • Labour processes are moulded around pre-existing social identities and relations. Despite the expanse of studies on artisanal and small-scale mining (ASM) in Africa, discussions on how the organization of workers and the division of work tasks influence labour outcomes in the sector remain marginal. There are growing concerns that ASM may account for rising income inequalities in communities. Using a case study from Ghana and relying on qualitative data from semi-structured interviews with miners and other stakeholders, this paper examines processes of labour exploitation and domination in ASM. It is revealed that ASM labour processes facilitate capitalist accumulation among elites as the organization of work in the sector is moulded around pre-existing social identities and relations. The production of social differences, such as class and gender, is integral to labour exploitation, value extraction and profit accumulation in ASM. The deeply entrenched patriarchal system influences mining practices and facilitates the domination of women in ASM, producing inequalities between men and women. It is argued that capital-labour social relations underpin extractive activities in the sector hence the need to recognize ASM as a capitalist form of production. The paper concludes that the development potential of ASM will not be realized without addressing the persistent gender inequities and prevalence of exploitative relationships in the sector. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper proposes a new theory of Conditional Social Equality (CSE) which in some ways challenges the theory of cumulative advantage/ disadvantage (CAD), which postulates that inequalities and social divisions necessarily increase over time. Using evidence from informal learning groups in Men's Sheds in three countries, we conclude that some social divisions between homosocial groups, in this case groups of older men, may actually decrease -- but only under certain conditions. Male-gendered learning groups that were relatively homogeneous by age helped erase class divisions and softened gender stereotypes. Our theory of conditional social equality (CSE) predicts the following: i) in-group homogeneity can enable the acceptance of some aspects of heterogeneity, ii) some other aspects of in-group heterogeneity may not be tolerated, thus maintaining in-group cohesion, and iii), in-group homogeneity and boundary setting towards out-groups may be prerequisites for the acceptance of (some) aspects of in-group heterogeneity. All of this has important implications for adult learning in both heterogeneous and homogenous groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Papers: Revista de Sociologia is the property of Universitat Autonoma de Barcelona and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)