Search

This paper aims to investigate how and to what extent 'critical' global citizenship is reflected in middle school English textbooks in Korea. Framed within Freire's concept of critical literacy, the study is concerned with analyzing the written texts in two English textbooks, with a focus on the issue of representations. Using critical content analysis, the research centers on unpacking how race, racism, or racialization, especially in the United States, is represented, and to what extent these representations may be associated with global citizenship education in English language learning. The major findings indicate a notable absence of sufficient sociohistorical and cultural contexts of race in the United States as presented in the concerned English textbooks. Based on the analysis, this paper calls for an expansion of the dimensions of critical global citizenship in English language learning settings, aiming to provide students with broader opportunities to question colonial discourse and challenge issues related to power and systemic oppression. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Education Policy Analysis Archives / Archivos Analíticos de Políticas Educativas / Arquivos Analíticos de Políticas Educativas is the property of Educational Policy Analysis Archives & Education Review and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Education Policy Analysis Archives / Archivos Analíticos de Políticas Educativas / Arquivos Analíticos de Políticas Educativas is the property of Educational Policy Analysis Archives & Education Review and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Education Policy Analysis Archives / Archivos Analíticos de Políticas Educativas / Arquivos Analíticos de Políticas Educativas is the property of Educational Policy Analysis Archives & Education Review and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article aims to suggest a model of critical literacy in English as a Foreign Language (hereafter EFL) contexts. The paper will introduce previous critical literacy models in first or second language teaching and learning and those in EFL contexts. Then, several empirical studies based on the models are introduced suggesting important issues to consider in implementing critical literacy in EFL contexts. A model of critical literacy in EFL contexts is, consequently, suggested with the three key elements for successful critical literacy implementation in EFL contexts, language for criticality development, affects and criticality development and citizenship and criticality development. The model pursues balancing conventional literacy education, critical literacy education and citizenship education. The researchers suggest balancing conventional skill-based literacy, affective pedagogy, and citizenship education with the development of critical literacies. Teacher-initiated practice and guidance, incorporation of community-sensitive topics and materials, and students' active participation are key elements practitioners should consider in their adaptation of critical literacy instruction in EFL contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The discussion is focused on critical analysis of sources, with an emphasis on analysis of the contents of a concept of democracy, its perceptions, assessments and forms of contemporary experiences by young people, also, on conceptualisation of the concept of security and implications.. The aim of this paper is to present the theoretical considerations and results of the pilot empiric study on perspectives on security (the paper analyses the concepts of citizenship and democracy, its history and current state, also some findings of a pilot empiric study on security are presented). Methods of critical reference analysis and survey were used for the development of this paper. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A corollary to the exponential growth of digital technology is the increase in research interest in the construct of digital citizenship (DC) in diverse disciplinary areas. Although the term DC is used widely in research, scholars do not commit to a common definition. This integrative review investigates the conceptualizations and measurements of DC, across disciplines, in the extant literature. A systematic search of 11 databases identified a total of 350 unique items that contain "digital citizenship" in the title or keywords published by December 2018, with the majority published after 2010. Of these, 114 were peer-reviewed journal articles published in a wide range of discipline-specific venues, more than half of which were education-related. In-depth analyses show that each of the dominant conceptualizations of DC has been adopted by different disciplines, albeit with different popularities in adoption. Findings also revealed widely shared stakeholder concerns and research foci in DC research across the disciplines. However, there is a stark lack of empirical research on the young children, and an absence of commonly deployed research instruments in DC-related research. The present integrative review implicates the need for interdisciplinary collaboration for significant advances in DC research to address issues in policy and practice. • Exponential increase in digital citizenship (DC) literature over past two decades. • Half of peer-reviewed papers in digital citizenship published in education journals. • Core constructs of digital competence and online participation lack advancement. • Lack authoritative research instruments for measurement of digital citizenship. • Strong multidisciplinary interest, scarce interdisciplinary DC research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Education Policy Analysis Archives / Archivos Analíticos de Políticas Educativas / Arquivos Analíticos de Políticas Educativas is the property of Educational Policy Analysis Archives & Education Review and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper examines the introduction of Visual Thinking Strategies (VTS) in Denmark and its potential as a pedagogical tool used throughout Danish education culture and particularly in Danish primary schools. The first active Danish users of and trainers in VTS in the country provide purposive qualitative interview data through structured e-mail interviews focused on their experiences with VTS and their impressions of this pedagogical tool in the Danish education culture context. The analysis of this qualitative data indicates that VTS is highly and widely adaptable to Danish education culture which, like other Scandinavian education systems, is based on bildung didactic principles. In their contemporary manifestation, these principles value the emancipation of the individual and the promotion of democratic learning processes. The introduction of VTS is still a work in progress in the Danish context and is not yet formally used in the school system. However, it is precisely there that a rich vein of opportunities exists for VTS in Denmark. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The literature linking education with global identity is well established; presumably increased education is correlated with higher rates of global citizenship and identity. However, most empirical work in this area is superficial at best, raising further questions about the operationalization of global identity and how institutions of higher education in particular are positioned to support such cultivations. To provide deeper insight into these problems, this paper examines online survey data collected at a medium, midwestern university, which measures the nuances and idiosyncrasies that may exist in global identity formulations. A fuller understanding of the overlap and variance between education and global citizenship development is made. Discussion considers the implications of this research on curriculum/program development, professional preparedness, and other related reflections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ever-increasing numbers of teachers are expressing commitments to social justice education today, but few experienced critical or democratic education in their own schooling or in their teaching practicum. Thus, teachers' critical democratic commitments can be difficult to put into practice, especially in classrooms where students with diverse and unequal positionalities are engaged in learning together -- what I call "heterogeneous" classrooms. Education that is "democratic" (that includes a range of warranted perspectives) can seem to come into conflict with education that is "critical" (that elevates and centers marginalized perspectives). We have little research depicting how educators meet such challenges. This paper depicts an experienced and committed social justice educator wrestling with difficult problems in the enactment of critical democratic education. Mr. Crane regularly engaged his racially and linguistically heterogeneous students in discussions of social issues, and during these discussions regularly encountered practical facilitation challenges posed by inequality among students. He wrestled with how to elevate students of color's views without spotlighting them, and how to challenge dominant perspectives without shaming the students who voiced them. Drawing on qualitative data from classroom observations and interviews, I depict Mr. Crane making sense of and mobilizing emergent instructional responses to these challenges -- with, by his own reckoning, mixed results. One instructional routine, an impromptu version of a critical inquiry, was flagged by Mr. Crane as a promising method for navigating some of the trickiest problems of critical democratic education practice. This paper's findings demonstrate that enacting critical democratic education is not easy. Even experienced and committed social justice educators struggle with how to put their critical values into practice. By making visible one experienced critical democratic educator's recurring problems of practice, my research acknowledges the difficulties of this work and contributes to problem-framing. Furthermore, by deconstructing a promising routine for impromptu critical inquiry during classroom discussions of social issues, this research contributes a model of effective critical democratic education in practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The widening cracks in the foundations of American democracy are leading to appeals for higher educational institutions generally, and public affairs programs specifically, to offer more courses on civil discourse. In this paper, we conduct a curriculum scan to evaluate the extent to which public affairs programs have answered these calls at the undergraduate level. The findings indicate that civil discourse-themed courses are essentially absent in the largest undergraduate public affairs programs, leaving the calls woefully unanswered. Then, analyzing students' pre-post survey responses from a new course that offered content on the intersection of civil discourse and public policy making, we find that a civil discourse-themed course can simultaneously answer the calls and ensure that students meet the objectives of baccalaureate public affairs education recommended by the National Association of Schools of Public Affairs and Administration. The results are encouraging for public affairs education and democratic governance alike. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Education Policy Analysis Archives / Archivos Analíticos de Políticas Educativas / Arquivos Analíticos de Políticas Educativas is the property of Educational Policy Analysis Archives & Education Review and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Education Policy Analysis Archives / Archivos Analíticos de Políticas Educativas / Arquivos Analíticos de Políticas Educativas is the property of Educational Policy Analysis Archives & Education Review and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper discusses the role of scaffolded reading instruction in democratic education. Focusing on a case study of a high school civic unit on the Syrian civil war and refugee crisis, it argues the importance of such reading instruction. Students noted the challenges they experienced when reading complex texts on the topic. Yet, scaffolded reading activities that helped students interpret and respond to the texts yielded student engagement with disciplinary material and were praised by the students. This paper illustrates the use of such supports and discusses the ramifications of their absence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Until now, the higher education system in the Democratic Republic of Congo has relied on the traditional face-to-face teaching method, which consists in the real physical presence of students and teachers during classes and lectures. Thus, the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) is currently advocating e-learning as the only alternative for education in the COVID-19 era. It goes without saying that this requires specific frameworks and appropriate resources, including access to a good quality internet connection. Several countries around the world have implemented this recommendation since the first quarter of 2020 to protect their populations from the significant risks of Covid-19 contamination. In educational environment however, given the disadvantageous realities of the Democratic Republic of Congo, including the cost and quality of internet, the low rate of electrification, and the lack of experience of the educational stakeholders involved, the shift to e-learning remains a challenge. Thus, we propose in this paper a blended learning model that can smoothly introduce e-learning through a platform specially designed to integrate the traditional way of delivering courses in Congolese higher education with e-learning based on ICT. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Agora (0211-6642) is the property of Universidad de Santiago de Compostela, Servicio de Publicaciones and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista CESUMAR: Ciências Humanas e Sociais Aplicadas is the property of Revista Cesumar - Ciencias Humanas e Sociais Aplicadas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Patriotism is an important and well-accepted value in educational institutions. As a civic virtue, it has always been included in education/training programs. This study aims to compare research articles on teaching of patriotism that were conducted in the last 20 years. The document analysis method was employed in the study for this purpose. The data were collected through the international databases e.g. Wiley, Jstore, Elsevier, Taylor&Francis. 218 articles were found by searching the keywords "patriotism", "patriotic education", and "teaching of patriotism". Upon initial analysis, it was decided that 110 articles would serve the purpose of this study. Content analysis technique was employed to reveal patterns of the selected articles. The number of articles published on patriotic education in each countries, the publication dates of these articles and the comparison of these articles according to countries, purposes, is presented in this study. The paper at hand shows that only some articles have a critical perspective on patriotism. Implications is made based on results. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Education Policy Analysis Archives / Archivos Analíticos de Políticas Educativas / Arquivos Analíticos de Políticas Educativas is the property of Educational Policy Analysis Archives & Education Review and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Purpose - Although social studies teachers are charged with explicitly teaching about citizenship, all teachers in a school implicitly teach about citizenship. That is, in their daily interactions with students, whether specific to subject area content or not, teachers impart lessons to their students about what citizenship is and what it means to be a citizen. The paper aims to discuss these issues. Design/methodology/approach - Examining the "powerful" stories of three teachers, only one of whom teaches social studies, this paper focuses on "informal citizenship education" across schools. Findings - It concludes with implications for workers in and beyond the field of social studies education. Originality/value - Ultimately, it suggests that as notions of citizenship education expand to include informal citizenship education, teachers will better teach students to be effective citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Heightened political polarization challenges civic educators seeking to prepare youth as citizens who can navigate affective boundaries. Current approaches to civic education do not yet account for the emotional basis of citizenship. This paper presents an argument for critical affective literacy in civic education classrooms. Drawing from concepts and theories in critical emotion studies, affective citizenship, and agonistic political theory, critical affective civic literacy challenges the rationalistic bent of civic education, and offers instructional strategies for educating the political emotions of students. The voices of late-arrival migrant youth enacting affective citizenship are featured in order to help illuminate the contributions of critical affective literacy to social studies research and practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the turn of the century, citizenship and civic education enjoy a renewed attention by scholars, educators and politicians. This attention follows the apparent, worrisome state of democracy, the decline of social cohesion and the rise of populistic figures. Citizenship and civic education have figured as the preferred answer to these societal challenges. They focus on the acquisition of skills and attitudes required to be a full-fledged political member of society and thus on becoming a good citizen. In this paper, the value of these initiatives is recognized, but there is also critique: on the one hand towards an idealized notion of the good citizen, on the other hand towards citizenship as a mere form of political socialization. Using the idea of the political difference (the difference between politics and the political) this article explores how subversive and disruptive forms of citizenship-education can be considered as forms of democratic engagement. We build on the works of Carl Schmitt, Chantal Mouffe, and Jean-Luc Nancy to explore the consequences of the political for citizenship and civic education. This article advocates and underlines the importance of a space where citizens can question the boundaries of the societal order and redefine the political playing field. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose - The purpose of this paper is to focus on the political attitudes, experiences, and habits of young adults in the USA, with particular focus on their voting habits. Since young adults are just beyond Kindergarten-12 (K-12) schooling they are the voting segment arguably most affected by this experience, and their political habits and attitudes inform educational policy and practice. The concern under focus is that studies have found that this group votes at low rates, especially during mid-term elections (just 22 percent of citizens ages 18-29 voted in the 2014 elections). Design/methodology/approach - Relevant theoretical and empirical research on these topics were reviewed and interviews were conducted with 40 young adults. They were asked to reflect on their childhood, adolescent, and adult familial, social, and academic experiences; their voting habits throughout their lives; and their interpretations of factors that encouraged or discouraged their habits and dispositions toward citizenship. Findings - The majority of participants reported that they did not vote in the 2014 mid-term elections and provided a range of reasons why they did not vote. Many participants also reported a reluctance to discuss politics with family members and friends. Originality/value - Building on theories regarding the role of voter turnout for democracy and juxtaposing them with competing theories of neoliberalism and individualism, and in light of the struggles for suffrage and against voter suppression in the USA, this paper argues educators can take action to better prepare young adults for participation in electoral politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose - The purpose of this paper is to focus on the political attitudes, experiences, and habits of young adults in the USA, with particular focus on their voting habits. Since young adults are just beyond Kindergarten-12 (K-12) schooling they are the voting segment arguably most affected by this experience, and their political habits and attitudes inform educational policy and practice. The concern under focus is that studies have found that this group votes at low rates, especially during mid-term elections (just 22 percent of citizens ages 18-29 voted in the 2014 elections). Design/methodology/approach - Relevant theoretical and empirical research on these topics were reviewed and interviews were conducted with 40 young adults. They were asked to reflect on their childhood, adolescent, and adult familial, social, and academic experiences; their voting habits throughout their lives; and their interpretations of factors that encouraged or discouraged their habits and dispositions toward citizenship. Findings - The majority of participants reported that they did not vote in the 2014 mid-term elections and provided a range of reasons why they did not vote. Many participants also reported a reluctance to discuss politics with family members and friends. Originality/value - Building on theories regarding the role of voter turnout for democracy and juxtaposing them with competing theories of neoliberalism and individualism, and in light of the struggles for suffrage and against voter suppression in the USA, this paper argues educators can take action to better prepare young adults for participation in electoral politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper outlines a proposal for a 'European Democratic Citizen Service', and summarises some reactions to this proposal from several feedback discussions with young people and students. The paper is written as a programmatic proposal like a 'business plan' or an 'ERASMUS for all' - describing the objectives and then an appropriate possible structure. The second part reports the experiences of the two-dozen informal feedback group discussions with young people. Overall, the proposal of a multiculturally designed Citizen Service is welcomed by most young people; they, however, need moderate financial support. Formulating a structural design is an exercise, which could give the impetus for a new foundation for European identity building, for multicultural understanding and pan-national cohesion. This article aims to encourage discussion about how to structure and organise inter-national groups for cooperation on partially very difficult tasks. Multicultural education can happen while learning 'on the job'; young people travelling in different European countries in pursuit of a common task means practical education, thereby appropriately reflecting the common challenge of our century. The proposed participation can become a large social experiment relating to truly cross-national, cross-ethnic, cross-cultural organisation-building, i.e. especially if intelligently and with care 'multicultural teams' are composed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Deliberative models of democratic education encourage the discussion of controversial issues in the classroom (e.g., Hess, 2009); however, they tend to curtail conflicts for the sake of consensus. Agonism, on the other hand, can help support the deliberative model by attending to antagonism in productive ways (Ruitenberg, 2009). In this paper, I present how agonistic deliberation (the infusion of agonism into deliberation) can work as an account of the political that may help empower young people. The paper presents two classic democratic classroom practices--structured academic controversy (SAC) and debate--together as examples of how agonistic deliberation can help students engage politically. This paper suggests that while deliberation can help students learn about political participation, agonistic deliberation (with its focus on conflict) has the potential to help students harness social frustrations into political action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Croatian Journal of Education / Hrvatski Časopis za Odgoj i Obrazovanje is the property of Uciteljski Fakultet u Zagrebu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Croatian Journal of Education / Hrvatski Časopis za Odgoj i Obrazovanje is the property of Uciteljski Fakultet u Zagrebu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In recent years, schools around the world have started to adopt curriculums that attempt to transform students into "global" citizens. Global citizenship education is, however, a homogenising abstraction that has been criticised for reflecting and reproducing (neo)liberal Western values; as such, it can be undermined by its delivery and everyday applications in non-Western contexts. This problem is pronounced in international schools, and is especially pronounced in China. By exploring the spatial subversions of international schools in China, this paper offers a new way of understanding the problems associated with delivering global citizenship education, and constructing global citizens. It draws on 76 interviews and small group discussions with students, parents, teachers and administrators representing three international schools in the eastern city of Suzhou. Specifically, it considers how the spaces of the official school, the informal school and the non-school can enforce exclusionary attitudes and behaviours, which in turn can undermine the imagined inclusions of global citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Deliberative democracy surfaces disagreements so that people holding conflicting stances understand each other's reasons for the purpose of decision-making. Democratic education approaches should provide students with the opportunity to learn and practice how to address conflict in the collective decision-making process. In this paper, I examine the Foxfire Course for Teachers, a professional development retreat in which teachers learn to practice democratic teaching by themselves experiencing democratic decision-making. In particular, a series of disagreements among course participants is analyzed in detail to understand the learning that resulted and the conditions that supported that learning. As a result of this experiential learning opportunity, teachers came to realize the importance of allowing students to experience and reason through disagreement although it may cause discomfort. Teachers also came to view democratic participation as a developmental process that requires practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Electrónica Interuniversitaria De Formación del Profesorado is the property of Asociacion Universitaria de Formacion del Profesorado (AUFOP) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

By establishing a set of theoretical frameworks to view and compare the work of youth organizers and youth commissioners, and through personal interviews, the authors of the paper "Youth Change Agents: Comparing the Sociopolitical Identities of Youth Organizers and Youth Commissioners" presented their explanation of the development of the sociopolitical identities and civic commitments of each group. This response paper asks questions about the authors' limited use of context and complexity to explain how their youth arrived at their opinions, perspectives, and ultimately their sociopolitical identities. Their work also raises questions of how and why civic engagement and social activism took place based upon the provided evidence of actual changes that occurred. Finally, it poses methodological concerns associated specifically with relying on youth memories, years after the fact, of their tenure in these two groups and uncoupled from any interactive variables, as well as the absence of triangulated data that would further substantiate their findings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

North Korean refugees in South Korea often struggle to adapt in an ultra-competitive environment that largely centers on capitalistic principles, innovation, and swift development. Additionally, many South Koreans are not well informed about the experiences of North Koreans. It is important to develop a university course that examines the experiences of North Korean people from a multicultural lens with an ultimate aim of promoting global citizenship. This paper provides a framework for the development of a university course that examines the experiences of North Koreans. The conceptual framework is rooted in the five dimensions of multiculturalism (Banks, 2012). Three course concepts are expanded on including: understanding the everyday lives of North Korean people, storytelling and discussion, and global citizenship education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While active citizenship education programs are assumed to have positive benefits for the active citizenship practice of participants (UNESCO, 2009, p. 4), there is actually little evidence that programs do (de Weerd, Gemmeke, Rigter & van Riji, 2005, p. vii). This paper discusses a research project that aimed to determine and increase the impact of an active citizenship education program that incorporates education for sustainability principles. The inquiry's findings showed that while the program developed in graduates the active citizenship characteristics desired by Australian governments, graduates encountered significant systemic blocking factors related to power relations when they attempted to put what they had learned during the program into practice. The findings also highlighted the risk of the program producing a cohort of 'expert citizens'. To address these findings and improve the interactions and working relationships between program graduates, paid community workers and other community members, a new program has been developed that is informed by complexity and adult education planning theory. This new program recognises active citizenship as a 'wicked' problem, takes a systemic innovation approach, incorporates a participatory budgeting process, and supports participants to pass on their skills and knowledge to other community members. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose -- Due to the complexities of place and the limited knowledge of citizenship education in rural contexts, the purpose of this paper is to examine civics teachers' perceptions of place in rural schools and its influence on their decision making about the curriculum. Design/methodology/approach -- A qualitative case study design was utilized. Four 12th grade civics teachers were sampled across three rural schools in a southern state. Data came from interviews, classroom observations and teaching artifacts. A constant comparison method of data analysis led to the emergence of a major theme: the paradoxical treatment of place in civic education in rural schools. Findings -- Participants implemented place-based pedagogies while simultaneously promoting the narrative that students leave their home communities after graduation due to limited post-secondary opportunities (i.e. place-based learning for future (dis)placements). Participants reconciled leaving narratives and the displaced futures of students by emphasizing "the basics" devoid of place. Originality/value -- The paradoxical treatment of place, as influenced by teachers' perceptions and civic sensibilities, contrasted with theoretical perspectives on place-based education that emphasize inhabiting and attending to place. Findings suggest the need to prepare rural civics teachers for place-conscious civic pedagogies to challenge paradoxical treatments of place and engender democratic investments in rural communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent surveys have indicated a worryingly low level of support for democracy among Australian youth and around the world. For example, in the 2017 Lowy Institute Poll, 36% of Australians indicated that, in some circumstances, a nondemocratic government is preferable. Such concerns, while hardly new, have triggered calls for more civic education and civic involvement. Linked to these concerns are discussions about the way new media (including mobile accessibility, the internet, and social media) is reshaping our understandings of public participation in democracy, especially the way that we conceive of the public sphere. Schools are often seen as important sites for the development of civic values in democratic countries. Having the skills and knowledge to navigate the public sphere in a critical way as well as contribute to it meaningfully is an important part of any activist approach to citizenship education. This paper presents one such example of radical citizenship education, Justice Citizens, and presents a framework that fellow critical educators might use to encourage young people to contribute to the public sphere not as citizens-in-waiting but as justice-oriented citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Life & School: a Magazine for the Theory and Practice of Education / Život i škola : časopis za teoriju i praksu odgoja i obrazovanja is the property of Zivot i Skola and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper investigates how conceptions of 'diversity' and 'equity' in U.S. education have become amenable to global neoliberal economic educational discourses that rest on competitive global market demands. The argument outlined in this paper suggests that the approach and knowledge about and for democracy and social justice education, particularly in prominent multicultural education scholarship and practice, is increasingly commodified and risks being embedded in market rationalities. Further, this paper tries to point out the possible dangers of surrendering the goal and scope of multicultural education to neoliberal educational principals, which increasingly mirror a human capital model of society and individual subjectivity. The paper seeks to illustrate how the discourse of neoliberal multiculturalism dictates a commercial and competitive sense of social justice which also further facilitates the repression of political difference—particularly for populations that do not identify with neoliberal educational reforms—while administering mechanisms of social control through neoliberal processes of subjectification. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the last few decades, foreign language instruction in Higher Education institutions (HEIs) has changed from its traditional teaching mode (transmission of knowledge) to a more modern teaching mode (development of competences); however, this change has been implemented in disparate ways in different contexts around the globe. In terms of foreign language teaching (FLT) methodology in an international context, these changes may be seen to represent an Evolution, in certain contexts or a Revolution, in others. This study aims to give voice to FLT practitioners from just such different educational settings: professionals who are concerned with developing better FLT methodology. How difficult are the ideas of [R]evolution in education to describe? How easy or how hard is to put the new educative practices in place?. The conclusion is that nowadays teachers' interpretations of what is 'modern' is based on modifying students' learning behaviours through the use of effective, cognitive methods based on social-cultural interaction. The paper suggests that further methodological change has the potential to help make significant progress towards strategic development in 21st century society, particularly with issues related to interculturality, global citizenship education and the implementation of glocally (Global and Local) appropriate approaches to FL teaching and learning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of challenges facing higher education in South Africa since 1994 as outlined in the White Paper is "to redress past inequalities and to transform the higher education system to serve a new social order, to meet pressing national needs, and to respond to new realities and opportunities."(White Paper,3;1). Access to higher education and education in general has been a problem particularly for African people. This is important to understand the present challenges facing higher education as South Africa enjoys its second decade of democracy. In order to meet these challenges, the post-apartheid government enacted new policies to redress past inequalities in higher education. This article analyzed how new policies have transformed and democratized the higher education system and what challenges it still faces. Whether higher education institutions are ready to meet these challenges remains to be seen. The article, despite new policy initiatives, assumes higher education continues to face a number of challenges ranging from transformation, redress and equity, to having an inclusive curriculum. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Interuniversitaria de Formación del Profesorado is the property of Asociacion Universitaria de Formacion del Profesorado (AUFOP) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Due to the current political challenges facing democratic societies, including an apparent presence of populist rhetoric, the question of how political discussions should take place in democratic education is as urgent as ever. In the last two decades, one of the most prominent approaches to this question has been the use of deliberative theory. However, the deliberative approach has been criticized from an agonistic perspective for neglecting the role of emotions in political discussions. Deliberative theorists have in turn responded to this critique and argued that the agonistic approach tends to put too much emphasis on students' emotions and identities in political discussions. Recently, as a contribution to this debate, the idea of assimilating agonism with deliberation has been suggested as a way of overcoming the differences between agonism and deliberative theory. The purpose of this paper is to contribute to the educational debate between agonism and deliberative theory by exploring the deliberative critique from the vantage point of agonism. I claim that the deliberative critique of agonism is unfounded and based on a misreading of Mouffe's agonistic theory. Furthermore, I argue that the attempt to assimilate agonism with deliberation is not compatible with Mouffe's agonistic theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to intertwine current literature in social studies education with practical suggestions for integrating dialogue and controversy into the practicing teacher's classroom. The works of John Dewey (1926), Diana Hess (2004), and Walter Parker (2003) will serve as the foundation of this essay; placing an emphasis on their respective arguments advocating for the school as a place where students learn to develop the ability to participate in informed dialogue and understand the foundational elements of a functional democracy. The essay will place emphasis on the necessity for teachers who incorporate controversial social issues into their lessons through various forms of discourse. To that end, a foundational analysis of the benefits of integrating controversial issues into the social studies classroom will be provided and followed by a description of four practical lessons that have effectively fostered dialogue amongst students at the secondary level. The aim of the paper, ultimately, is to provide practicing social studies teachers at the middle and high school level with feasible lessons that are grounded in the theories and philosophies of the leading scholars in social studies education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper proposes a project that aims to construct a general framework of civic competency that will help understand civic competence as a blended measure of civic knowledge, skills, attitudes, values, beliefs, behavioural intentions and behaviours. By distinguishing between civic potential, civic behaviour and civic outcomes, with empirical datasets from the International Civic and Citizenship Education Study (ICCS) on 14 year-old European students, the framework will describe how these constructs are related and measured, and show their impact on future civic competence and active citizenship. In this project, by considering the effect of different social, political and cultural contexts, the framework will accommodate measures of civic dimensions that are common to all societies as well as those specific to particular societies and regions. This will challenge the quest for a universal model for civic competence. Given that cultivating civically competent citizens ready for active citizenship is an important educational outcome for many educational systems, this paper has the potential to expand understanding of citizenship, citizenship education and the relation of the two. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Education for active citizenship has been a key development in social policy over the past two decades, leading to a number of initiatives that have sought to strengthen political, social and moral literacy. This paper briefly reviews the UK policy context by situating this within communitarian definitions of citizenship. Despite the growth of initiatives designed to promote active citizenship, there has been comparatively little focus on the role of universities in addressing locally based civic, social and political challenges. Drawing on literature and a case-study of an innovative university community engagement project, this paper investigates to what extent universities can - and should - play a more active role in their local communities. In doing so, the paper argues that a potential =public good' value of universities can emerge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Education / Revue Canadienne de l'Éducation is the property of Canadian Society for the Study of Education and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In order for democracy to be sustained in any state, it is fundamentally crucial that the education system should teach citizens about democracy and how to participate in the democratic process. Participation in the socio-political process should be the foundation of active democratic engagement by citizens. Educational institutions are supposed to be platforms for social justice where the learner is given a chance to be heard. In a democracy, schools are supposed to educate the citizens so that they can participate in all matters affecting them. This paper contends that in order for Botswana's citizens to actively participate in the democratic process, there is need for schools to shift their focus and promote democratic education in which pedagogies used are seen to be nurturing awareness of the concept of democracy among the learners. The paper argues that failure to promote `democracy education' in schools could ultimately compromise the pursuit of democratic principles. The paper further argues that a pragmatic curriculum would be well placed to help foster civic-mindedness and political consciousness among the citizens, thus enabling them to fully participate in the country's democracy. The paper concludes by noting that Botswana's education system has not done enough in terms of addressing the relationship between education and democracy, and puts forward a number of suggestions on the way forward. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]