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The section is an introduction to several articles about foreign policy and domestic policy by overseas directives. These papers further illustrate that foreign policy, like domestic policy, is rooted in agencies and institutions. The paper by Colin S. Gray on North Atlantic Treaty Organization's (NATO) nuclear dilemma examines NATO, an agency of military force perhaps only second to that of the International Monetary Fund at the economic level. The article by Barry R. Posen and Stephen Van Evera on the defense policy of U.S. President Ronald Reagan administration, indicates the sorts of problems faced by the agency operating strictly within the parameters of the national interest.

This essay turns from a particular process in our own society to the problem of the nature of the processes of integration which appear to be going on in the world as a whole, and which offer possibilities of a more solid basis of international order than we have enjoyed heretofore in this century. It takes the position that underneath the ideological conflicts that have been so prominent, there has been emerging an important element of very broad consensus at the level of values, centering in the complex we often refer to as "modernization." Furthermore, on this base there is the possibility of going beyond consensus at the level of values to the development of more specific integrative mechanisms. In particular, given the elements of integration that have actually existed, it is argued that the polarization which has occurred bears some interesting resemblances to a two-party system, however important it is to be quite aware of the differences. The paper was written for the symposium Preventing World War III, Quincy Wright, William M. Evan, and Morton Deutsch, eds. (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1962). In certain respects it is a companion and sequel to my earlier paper "Order and Community in the International Social System" in James N. Rosenau, ed., International Politics and Foreign Policy (New York: Free Press, 1961). Though the tensions clustering around the war in Viet Nam are so prominent at present writing, it still seems justified to say that the process of consolidation of world order through the pluralization of interest structures and the extension and strengthening of systems of procedural norms, has made considerable headway since the article was written early in 1962. Perhaps the most conspicuous field has been the relaxation of tension between the United States and the Soviet Union, as evidenced in the Test Ban Treaty, the Cultural Exchange Program, and various other developments. It is notable that by and large this detente has survived the... [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Though published a little later, this paper was written before Chapters 10 and 11. It was first worked out for a conference on Internal War held at Princeton in the fall of 1961, and was published in 1964 in a volume of that title edited by Harry Eckstein. The relation between this paper and Chapter 10 is very close, because of the sense in which the use of force is the ultimate, "end-of-the-line," negative situational sanction. It was consideration of the implications of the place of force as a "last resort" which did much to pave the way for the conception of power as a generalized medium of interchange parallel to money, with force occupying the place parallel to monetary metal. Its most important function, then, in relatively stable political systems, comes to be as a "reserve" rather than an instrumentality which is expected to be used under normal conditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to analyse and explain the interaction between individual, local and inter-state relations in border situations, using examples from Poland and three of its bordering states, Ukraine, Belarus and Germany. It is the relation between the physical boundary and the barrier function in the individual's pattern of contacts and movements that is to be discussed, against the background of the European Neighbourhood Policy. Which factors influence the local trans-boundary contacts, and in what way? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main research task is to answer the questions: 1) what does this unification process mean in terms of identity? and 2) will the success of the EU rest solely in economic and political interdependence or will a strong pan-European identity emerge in a fashion similar to what we see in the United States, Australia, France, New Zealand, etc? As the secondary research task this research paper will try to identify already existing views and models in regard to the creation of the pan-European identity before addressing additional factors which have to be taken into consideration as well as. Research methods which will lead investigation are: comparative, qualitative and quantitative ones. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Chapter 8 of the book "Interpreting Conflict: Israeli-Palestinian Negotiations at Camp David II and Beyond" is presented. It offers an analysis of the paper presented by Hussein Agha and Robert Malley in "Foreign Affairs." Agha and Malley, after presenting their interpretations of events at the failed peace negotiation in Camp David II, Maryland in 2000 in the "New York Review of Books," argued for coerced decisions from without. The author, on the other hand, argues for direct negotiation.

Chapter 4 of the book "Interpreting Conflict: Israel-Palestinian Negotiations at Camp David II and Beyond" is presented. It discusses how Palestinian President Yasser Arafat behaved in the peace negotiation with Israel at the Camp David II in 2000 based on an interview with Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak on June 13, 2000, published at the "New York Review of Books." Barak replied to the first paper of Hussein Agha and Robert Malley on Camp David II on August 9, 2001.

Airline services are one part of the inter-connected network of travel services. Brandenburger and Nalebuff (1995, 1996) suggested that firms may add value to their offerings by cooperating with other members of a firm's value net (competitors, substitutors, customers, and suppliers). In a 14-year longitudinal study, this paper explores the evolution of cooperative relationships between members of the U.S. domestic airline industry and other firms outside the U.S. domestic airline industry, with the goal of identifying performance effects associated with such cooperative alliances. Results of the pooled, cross-sectional time series regression indicate that cooperative alliances outside the U.S. airline industry contribute positively to performance when environments arc rapidly changing and variable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article introduces papers on anti-geopolitics. Anti-geopolitics can be conceived as an ethical, political and cultural force within civil society - those institutions and organizations that are neither part of the processes of material production in the economy, nor part of state-funded or state-controlled organizations (religious institutions, the media, voluntary organizations, educational institutions and trades unions) - that challenges the notion that the interests of the state's political class are identical to the community's interests. Antigeopolitics represents an assertion of permanent independence from the state whoever is in power, and articulates two interrelated forms of counter-hegemonic struggle. First, it challenges the material (economic and military) geopolitical power of states and global institutions; and second, it challenges the representations imposed by political elites upon the world and its different peoples that are deployed to serve their geopolitical interests. Anti-geopolitics can take myriad forms, from the oppositional discourses of dissident intellectuals to the strategies and tactics of social movements (although the former may frequently be speaking on behalf of the latter). While anti-geopolitical practices are usually located within the political boundaries of a state, with the state frequently being the principal opponent, this is not to suggest that anti-geopolitics is necessarily localized. For example, with the intensity of the processes of globalization, social movements are increasingly operating across regional, national and international scales, as they challenge elite international institutions and global structures of domination.

This article seeks to outline a re-conceptualization of geopolitics and its application to the general case of U.S. foreign policy. Geopolitics, some will argue, is, first and foremost, about practice and not discourse; it is about actions taken against other powers, about invasions, battles and the deployment of military force. Such practice is certainly geopolitical but it is only through discourse that the building up of a navy or the decision to invade a foreign country is made meaningful and justified. It is through discourse that leaders act, through the mobilization of certain simple geographical understandings that foreign-policy actions are explained and through ready-made geographically infused reasoning that wars are rendered meaningful. How we understand and constitute our social world is through the socially structured use of language (T. M. Franck and E. Weisband, 1971; Todorov, 1984). Political speeches and the like afford us a means of recovering the self understandings of influential actors in world politics. They help us understand the social construction of worlds and the role of geographical knowledge in that social construction. The paper is organized into two parts. The first part attempts to sketch a theory of geopolitics by employing the concept of discourse. Four suggestive theses on the implications of conceptualizing geopolitics in discursive terms are briefly outlined. The second part addresses the question of U.S. geopolitics and provides an account of some consistent features of the practical geopolitical reasoning by which U.S. foreign policy has sought to write a geography of international politics.

This article is taken from the policy statement released by the U.S., Alerting America: The Papers of the Committee on the Present Danger in 1984. Our country is in a period of danger, and the danger is increasing. Unless decisive steps are taken to alert the nation, and to change the course of its policy, our economic and military capacity will become inadequate to assure peace with security. The threats we face are more subtle and indirect than was once the case. As a result, awareness of danger has diminished in the U.S., in the democratic countries with which we are naturally and necessarily allied, and in the developing world. There is still time for effective action to ensure the security and prosperity of the nation in peace, through peaceful deterrence and concerted alliance diplomacy. A conscious effort of political will is needed to restore the strength and coherence of our foreign policy; to revive the solidarity of our alliances; to build constructive relations of cooperation with other nations whose interests parallel our own - and on that sound basis to seek reliable conditions of peace with the Soviet Union, rather than an illusory détente. Only on such a footing can we and the other democratic industrialized nations, acting together, work with the developing nations to create a just and progressive world economy - the necessary condition of our own prosperity and that of the developing nations and Communist nations as well. In that framework, we shall be better able to promote human rights, and to help deal with the great and emerging problems of food, energy, population, and the environment.

The article provides information on administrative agencies of Czech Republic and the European Commission. In this paper, location, telephone numbers and web sites of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and embassy of Czech Republic are provided.