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This paper analyses the political farces of Aragonese poets Jacopo Sannazzaro, Pier Antonio Caracciolo and Giosuè Capasso. The farces are examined with a focus on the themes of fame, Fortune, triumph and prophecy. After an analytical interpretation of what is left of the corpus, the article offers an interpretation of farces based on their main features. A comparison with other Aragonese works also underlines how the political and encomiastic component of the farces is typical of vernacular Neapolitan production as a whole. The article's interdisciplinary approach includes reflections on the history of the Kingdom, and of the theatre, aiming to draw attention to the rhetorical and literary strategies through which encomium is structured and gains legitimation, in defence and praise of the persons celebrated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of International Review of Sociology (Series 1) 1954-1985 is the property of Carfax Publishing Company and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Mauritius is a typical tropical volcanic island with a distinct elevated central plateau above 550 m.a.s.l. Rainfall depth, duration, intensity, kinetic energy, and erosivity were analysed for 385 erosive rainfall events at five locations over a five-year period (2004 to 2008). Two Mauritius Meteorological Services stations located on the west coast and three sited on the Central Plateau provide detailed rainfall data at 6-minute intervals. Erosive storm events are found to differ markedly between the coastal lowlands and the elevated interior with regard to the frequency, the total rainfall generated, the duration, total kinetic energy, and total erosivity of individual events. However, mean kinetic energy, mean and maximum rainfall erosivity (El10), and maximum intensities (I30) from individual erosive events do not show this distinct differentiation. The distribution of kinetic energy and erosivity generated by individual events at the two altitudes are also significantly different. Although erosivity measured during summer exceeds that recorded in winter, the data indicate that large percentages of winter rainfall events on Mauritius are erosive and rainfall from non-tropical cyclones can pose a substantial erosion risk. Soil erosion risk occurs from storm-scale to synoptic-scale events, and extreme rainfall events generate the bulk of the erosivity. This paper also highlights that the use of rainfall records at an event scale in soil erosion risk assessments on tropical islands with a complex topography increases the effectiveness of erosivity estimates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of International Review of Sociology (Series 1) 1954-1985 is the property of Carfax Publishing Company and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper is part of a research about collective movements and political participation of young people and students in Italy during 1977. At that time the Italian political scene was characterized by an explosion of collective violence and political protest both against the establishement and the political tine of the Communist Party. The problem is being approached from a sociology of the mass media view point, through an examination of the twenty most important Italian newspaper in the period from Febraury to May ,1977. The most relevant fact of this period was the attempt on the part of intellectuals to suggest various «explanations, by means of sociological, psychological and anthropological categories and concepts. «Suoh» explanations contribued to outline a «collective image» of the Movmment. This image built up a definition of the Movement as important as the image that the Movement tried to give itself. The«collective image» is introduced by (i) the social and political groups representative of the Movement, (ii) the aspects of collective action used for describing the Movement, and (iii) the casual categories accounting for a explanation of the Movement. According to this analysis, the explanatory of the Movement, its primum movens, is the concept of «crisis»: -- crisis of the economic system; -- crisis of consensus in the political system; -- crisis of continuity in the socialisation processes; -- crisis of legitimacy in the normative system; -- crisis of Culture. Beside the idea of crisis, and its being «visible» through insurrection, rebellion, anger, the image of the Movement is related to a «social representation, of youth, as irresponsible, frustrated, marginal, rejected, hopeless. Such «representation, is necessary precondition for any project aimed at restoring the social order to become credible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of International Review of Sociology (Series 1) 1954-1985 is the property of Carfax Publishing Company and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)