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Copyright of Zeitschrift für Politikwissenschaft is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Politik is the property of Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

While the discussion in historical scholarship to date has focused undoubtedly on Wilson’s importance to the postulate of national self-determination, this paper shifts the focus and shows that the linchpin of Wilson’s thinking was democracy. First, in this article the development of Wilson’s positioning on democracy and national self-determination is unfolded in detail. Then, the discussion of the concepts of leading nation-state actors in Germany, Poland, and Czechoslovakia is summarized. In particular, it becomes clear that the debate about democracy and nationhood in these states was by no means first triggered by Wilson and his slogans. The following section examines the impact of Wilson’s postulates on the contention over disputed border territories. Specifically, it deals with an area of neighboring regions—Upper Silesia, Teschen Silesia, and the Orava River—that found themselves in a tri-border area between Germany, Poland, and Czechoslovakia during the transition period after World War I. The following section examines the impact of Wilson’s postulates on contested border areas. With regard to these regions, his ideas were by no means without effect. Along the lines of the core idea that peoples should be able to decide for themselves who governs them, and thus should also decide for themselves on their state affiliation, referendums were scheduled in the three regions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Politikwissenschaft is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Politik is the property of Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Conflict & Communication is the property of Verlag Irena Regener and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The paper discusses Albania's progress towards a stable and vibrant democracy against the background of the recent elections on 23 June 2013, both on their eve and in their wake. The landslide victory of the Socialist Party (SP) lead coalition of Edi Rama over the Democratic Party (DP) lead coalition of incumbent Prime Minister Sali Berisha was generally perceived as good news. The authors are taking a closer look on issues that can help turning the anticipated positive changes into reality; they also pay attention to developments in Albania today that might keep the further progress of the country hostage of the past. Citizens are more and more changing into citoyens and civil society in Albania is getting stronger and more self-confident whereas the dialogue and consensus willingness of the Albanian politicians remain still limited. In this context, the paper is arguing that granting Albania the EU candidate status and hopefully starting EU accession negotiations as soon as possible are the appropriate ways to use citizens' and civil society's energy for the sake of a democracy meeting European standards and values in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper deals with the limited electorate democracy in the countries of ex-Yugoslavia and its relation to weak and dysfunctional welfare states, discussing it within the framework of the current debates on transformation and democratisation. The first question is why the ex-Yugoslav region has remained a rather undiscovered area within the democratisation studies? Another puzzle lies within the dilemma why the liberal type of Yugoslav socialism has caused so many difficulties during the democratisation processes since 1989, contrary to other East European countries which had faced more difficult preconditions for democratisation. Starting from the in-depth knowledge of the regional debates, the paper perceives two complex sequencing problems of the political change in post-Yugoslavia, while it concurrently criticises western bias towards the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Iceland experienced a hard financial crisis, but could employ a rather successful crisis management. The country, however, generated international admiration because of the deliberative constitutional reform attempt, which finally shipwrecked because of the dynamics of party competition. This paper argues that nepotistic tendencies of the Icelandic democracy are not captured by empirical measurements of the quality of democracies. These nepotistic defects partially urged the severeness of the financial crisis in Iceland. The Icelandic form of democracy complicated the deliberative process of a constitutional revision. In the end, the constitutional revision was blocked by party competition in a divided society lacking consensual institutions of democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the end of the military rule in Brazil (1985), when law was deemed illegitimate as a whole, and the introduction of a new, democratic constitution in 1988, new and old theories, most of them imported from other countries, have tried to solve the problem of interpretation o flaw. These theories, from Robert Alexy's Theorie der Grundrechte to old juridical theories as well, reminiscent of the old legalism of the XIX century, don't take into account the peculiar aspects of Brazil's condition as a late modern nation. This paper, following the trail of Hans-Georg Gadamer's philosophical hermeneutics and Ronald Dworkin's theory of law as integrity, advances a critique of those theories, based on what Prof. Lenio Streck called his Crítica Hermenêutica do Direito (CHD - Hermeneutical Critique of Law). His CHD follows the lessons of Prof Luis Alberto Warat, a pioneer in the study of jurisprudence and the relationship between language and law, stating that the innermost problems of jurisprudence trace back to the problems of philosophy of language, as well as to other sociopolitical dilemmas. Grounded on those premises, we set forth a harsh critique to the importation of Robert Alexy's Theorie der Grundrechte, whose Abwägung was misunderstood by lawyers and judges all around Brazil. In the same way, principles were understood as simple rhetorical assertions, used in every way to legitimate illegitimate and discretionary judicial rulings, again based on a misreading of Alexy's theories. Judicial activism also has been a problem, putting democracy and the democratic legitimation of judicial decisions in question. In the end, we demonstrate the necessity of a way to control judicial decisions in Brazil," judges have to feel bound by the constructions set forth by the jurisprudence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The „production of space“ describes competitive social processes that reflect existing and changing power relations. This paper discusses the spatial differentiation of power and domination in „Bolivarian“ Venezuela; more specifically, it analyzes changing modes of state control over spatial usage and appropriation. These transformations are by no means accidental. Rather, the Venezuelan government considers the re-dimensioning of spatial power relations and the control over strategic resources to be central to political and strategic considerations within the country. Thus, since 2007 Chávez fostered the communalization of the state and a communalism-inspired model of society. Looking at the project of political and social transformation in Venezuela, the article addresses how, by whom, why, and with what effects political-territorial and socio-spatial rescaling and territorialisation processes are initiated and promoted. In so doing, the political importance of spatial dimensions and, thus of democracy and power, are underlined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reviews post-apartheid South Africa through Fanon's critical analysis of decolonization. Since, for Fanon, apartheid represented the purest form of the Manichean politics of space that characterizes colonialism, a Fanonian perspective on South Africa asks to what extent has the geographical layout of apartheid been remapped? Addressing this question necessitates shifting the "geography of reason" from technical discourses of policy-makers to the lived reality of the "damned of the earth From this perspective, Fanon's critique becomes relevant in two ways, first as a prism to understand the rise of xenophobic violence as a symptom of the degeneration of the idea of South Africa's "promised land" and second as a way to listen to a new grassroots shack dweller movement, Abahlali baseMjondolo, that is challenging both neoliberal and progressive assumptions by advocating a quite different geographic layout for a "truly democratic" society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal for Sociology of Education & Socialization / Zeitschrift für Soziologie der Erziehung & Sozialisation is the property of Julius Beltz GmbH & Co. KG Beltz Juventa and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The structures and processes that lead to political news reporting in the mass media are crucial for modern democracies. There has been continuous research concerning the interaction between politicians and journalists at both the national and subnational level, but long term comparisons are still lacking. In this paper we aim to compare survey data about the interactions and mutual perceptions of political and media elites from 1988 and 2008. Our goal was to detect changes and consistencies concerning the role models and social cohesion of these elite groups. The study draws on the theoretical concept of political communication cultures, addressing the empirically observable orientations, norms and values of politicians and journalists that guide their interactions. Findings indicate a shift from a rather informal culture of mutual give and take to a rather formal culture of distinct functional responsibilities. While politicians allow proximity to occur, journalists increasingly assert their professional autonomy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In June 2009 the president of Honduras, Manuel Zelaya, was deposed by the military and sent to Costa Rica. While the international community put pressure on the de facto government to reinstall Zelaya before the end of his term in January 2010, a new president was elected in October 2009. He took office on January 27. The main reason for Zelaya's deposition was his effort to reform the constitution and to convoke a constituent assembly. Thus it might be argued that the rigidity of the Honduran constitution was one the reasons for the political crisis. In this paper, the Honduran case will be analyzed from a comparative perspective. It will be demonstrated that the Honduran constitution is not so rigid and that there have been quite a number of reforms since 1982, covering a variety of important topics. Honduras is not a deviant case with regard to the frequency of reforms and the topics of these reforms. Yet the ouster of President Zelaya demonstrates how the combination of short-term political interests and populist rhetoric with the topic of constitutional reform can put democracy at risk. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the formulation, contents, and revision of a paper entitled "The Concept of a Russian Model of Democracy," first written in 2008, detailing how the Russian Federation might move forward toward democratic liberalization and political modernization under the regime of President Dimitri Medvedev. The plan outlines steps leading from central economic planning to a market economy, from a totalitarian system to a proto-democracy, and from a multi-national ideological state to a multi-party, modern nation.

The discussions on the „Balkans" as a particular „historical unit" often refer to a specific "Balkan political culture", which -- as a result of long historical and cultural traditions -- is usually seen as a "deficit", so far preventing the establishment of a stabile democratic order and civil society. The article describes elements of political culture in the Balkans since the 19th century and discusses their historical and cultural context. Using Detlef Pollack's categories of "thick cultures" and "thin cultures", the paper debates the question, if these .elements of political culture are the result of historical and cultural longue durée-factors in Balkan history or if they should rather be seen in the particular context of "transition", going beyond any regional and cultural specifics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Politikwissenschaft is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Politikwissenschaft is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Politikwissenschaft is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Politikwissenschaft is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Synthesis Philosophica is the property of Croatian Philosophical Society and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Ten years after the inauguration of the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (EMP), its aim of creating a Security Community based on common democratic values has still not been achieved. One of the causes for the EMP's modest results, namely in the security baskets (I) and (III), is the absence of democracy in the region and the EU's reluctance to push authoritarian regimes towards political reform. This reluctance contradicts the EU's conviction that democracy is a prerequisite for the creation of a zone of peace, stability and prosperity, the three explicit goals of the Barcelona Declaration. How can the EU's incoherence be explained? This paper argues that role theory might be a key to the answer. The conflict between the EU's normative role as a promoter of democracy conflicts with its newly established role as an international promoter of security and with the role of every single member state as a guard of its national interest. However, since role concepts are not static, there is a chance for change. Western policies of democracy promotion have triggered off high expectations in the Arab world which have led to a lively discourse on political reform. Unfortunately, these dynamics have not yet resulted in concrete changes on the political ground, as the latest regional policy approaches of the EU prove. The path towards a zone of peace, stability and prosperity therefore still seems to be long. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents a critical reply to the paper " Warum war Athen eine Demokratie? Ein spieltheoretisches Modell ," by Hanno Scholtz. The author writes that Scholtz's hypothesis on why Athens, Greece was formed as a democracy, when all the other city-states and countries were autocratically ruled. The author also further examines the model devised by Scholtz, using game theory, although he does provide some criticism on Scholtz's use of the term "democracy."

The article analyzes the role of constitutional courts in Bosnia and Kosovo, both characterized by their partly internationalized membership, in the adjudication of cases that are highly controversial between the different ethno-political factions. The main focus is on the Constitutional Court of Bosnia, which presents one of the richest and most interesting examples of "lawfare" in divided societies. The concept of lawfare has been adapted to refer to the continuation of political battles by ethno-political actors through legal means, in this case, constitutional adjudication. In Kosovo, the Constitutional Court has been an important defender of diversity, albeit its primary focus and merit are to have contributed to the establishment of a concept of democracy close to the people of Kosovo. The article concludes that constitutional courts represent important institutions of internal conflict resolution in divided societies, which have been instrumental in shaping multiculturalism in these post-conflict societies divided by deep ethnic cleavages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article compares the electoral law for the Carinthian Assembly with electoral laws of other European realities. The focus is on the impact of these laws on the representation of minorities in the respectively elected bodies. The author looks into the question of whether measures for the effective participation of minorities in public and political life are requested not only because of democratic but also legal considerations regarding the principle of equality. The article ends with suggestions on how the Carinthian legislator could reform the electoral law in order to allow for the representation of the Slovene minority. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]