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This paper analyses the World Bank's (WB) claim that Mexico presents a positive example of how land grabbing in poor countries can be turned into a „win-win“ situation with opportunities for rural development. The WB suggests that clear, affordable and accessible (collective) land rights - as they allegedly exist in Mexico - in combination with a voluntary code of conduct for large scale land transactions, will help to ensure positive outcomes for rural development. However, WB documents and an analysis of the Mexican situation reveal that: (a) the 1990s attempt to privatise Mexico's communal lands only partially succeeded, which now, 15 years later, is being proclaimed by the WB as a success in preserving communal land; (b) the WB's conclusion that this cadastral project reduced land conflicts is drawn from a faulty database; and, (c) that numerous land conflicts belie this conclusion. Three case studies are presented in contra to WB claims. In conclusion, this text argues that in countries ridden by corruption and human rights violations, large scale land transactions reinforce social inequality instead of contributing to rural development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Qualitative Forschung (ZQF) is the property of Verlag Barbara Budrich GmbH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Most inter-state comparisons of education systems are limited to figures on participation in higher education. In contrast, this paper presents a new metric that takes into account the hierarchical structure of education systems and focuses on access to higher education. These continuation rates were collected for up to 180 countries and 120 years and show that, although expansion started in the 1990s, a relatively high number of education systems currently still have rather elite access to higher education, despite high enrolment rates in secondary schools. Interstate differences are attributed in this paper, among other things, to colonial pasts. Although a clear association of rising continuation rates and rising unemployment among the highly educated is not apparent, it is worth considering regional variation in labour markets. This is because in the regions of West Asia and North Africa, which are characterised by above-average youth unemployment, the unemployment rate among the highly educated is also rising sharply. Here, expanding access to higher education does not appear to fulfil the promise of education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Discourse: Journal of Childhood & Adolescense Research / Diskurs Kindheits- und Jugendforschung is the property of Verlag Barbara Budrich GmbH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Discourse: Journal of Childhood & Adolescense Research / Diskurs Kindheits- und Jugendforschung is the property of Verlag Barbara Budrich GmbH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

During the Asia Pacifi c War (1937-1945), the Japanese Imperial Army forced women in Japanese East Asian colonies to work as so-called “comfort women” (sex workers). The justice movement for these women is an international intersectional alliance of feminists from Japanese ex-colonies in East Asia, the former colonial power Japan, and other societies, such as Australia, Germany, and the USA. This long-term feminist justice movement has campaigned for an apology and compensation from the Japanese government, as well as for recognition of “comfort women‘s” suff ering and of sexual violence in war in cultural memory. Through researching this justice movement from a processual intersectionality perspective, this paper shows that it gained power and legitimacy from refl ecting and working on its internal intersectional inequalities. This included refl ecting on the class hierarchies between many former “comfort women”, who had power of defi nition, and intellectual feminist activists, as well as on the postcolonial divide between former Japanese colonies and the former colonial power Japan, leading it to develop horizontal cooperation and practices. Following an overview, the paper outlines the movements in South Korea, Japan, and Germany, and highlights the different postcolonial constellation between East Asia and Germany, the main actors, and their aims. While the Japanese government rejected the justice movement‘s demands and the right wing mobilised against it, has been able to infl uence cultural memory to widely recognize sexual violence in war and the dignity of the “comfort women”. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to revisit a plea by global south elites, particularly leaders and opinion- makers in Africa, to recast the debate around the Russian invasion into Ukraine along the axis of larger questions about the international order and attendant security systems. Accordingly, the article traces contemporary articulations of African non-alignment, which have held the question of Ukraine rights, Russian concerns, and NATO ambitions as three separate questions that are not to be confused or confl ated as morally and legally indivisible. Though consistent with international norms and the principle of a rule-based international system, such views have confused European analysts and angered US policymakers opera ting on the predicate that the guidance of Europe and the West is of global normative utility, if not a desirable universal good. This has led to a false charge of African indiff erence toward Ukraine, exemplifi ed in the repeated, if insinuated, contrast between a civilized liberal democratic Europe and an Africa that has yet to understand the stakes of international morality, law, and security. Against this misinformed judgement, the paper seeks to illuminate the competing memories and lessons of histories that African elites hold, which are neither part of the European/Western nor Russian commonsense. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Qualitative Forschung (ZQF) is the property of Verlag Barbara Budrich GmbH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Discourse: Journal of Childhood & Adolescense Research / Diskurs Kindheits- und Jugendforschung is the property of Verlag Barbara Budrich GmbH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Discourse: Journal of Childhood & Adolescense Research / Diskurs Kindheits- und Jugendforschung is the property of Verlag Barbara Budrich GmbH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Discourse: Journal of Childhood & Adolescense Research / Diskurs Kindheits- und Jugendforschung is the property of Verlag Barbara Budrich GmbH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Discourse: Journal of Childhood & Adolescense Research / Diskurs Kindheits- und Jugendforschung is the property of Verlag Barbara Budrich GmbH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper considers the geopolitical and geoeconomic power relations around several recent high rise, commercial, and tourism-based projects in what can be described as a future site of a “downtown” Colombo. These urbanisation projects also provide examples to critique and imagine the historically developed postcolonial relations of globalisation. The paper specifically discusses the Colombo Port City project – a reclaimed land project that is backed by the Chinese government and Sri Lanka’s Ministry for Megapolis and Western Development, and includes a 99-year lease for the 575 acres added to the island for China – and John Keel’s Cinnamon Life project – a project supported by both local investors and American hedge funds, that contributes not only another large hotel, but also apartments, shopping, restaurants, and a casino. Similar to other hotel developments, such as Shrangi-La, the evictions of Slave Island for the Cinnamon Life developments indicate a trend whereby individuals and/or communities are forced out either by government interference or rising prices. The authors suggest, first, that the politics of Colombo’s urbanisation can be traced through the theme of “reclaiming”, which includes not only the physical reclaimed land of the Colombo Port City project, but also the land reclaimed from the Slave Island evictions and the ongoing possibility to exercise eminent domain power for the “public good”. In addition, this theme asks: do these different investments and partnerships indicate reclaimed or ongoing colonial power relations, or is Sri Lanka re-claiming their position as a geo-strategic partner within international relations? Second, and towards these questions, the authors argue that a dynamic and multi-scale lens – from the macro-economic and political international investments, to the micro-level of individuals – is necessary in order to engage a postcolonial critique of globalisation and contemporary geopolitics. Indeed, such a lens helps interrogate if these projects offer alternative models and relations to progress and South Asian modernity than what has come before in urban, postcolonial development narratives or not? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper examines the notion of integration through formal education by focusing on immigrant families in Germany. The article focuses on the predominant discourse that persists in reiterating the binary code of the formal education system, which encompasses educational success or failure as a synonym for the migration policy code of integration or disintegration. This equation is made even stronger by a meritocratic philosophy that doesn't consider the othering processes and ignores all the restrictions that migrant youth face in education, the labour market, and the market for vocational training. The ambiguity between the actual possibilities and the attainable goals, embodied in the predominant imperative of “social mobility through education”, creates resistance within the group of immigrant parents and youth. The article argues that under these conditions, the family system may provide alternative ways of recognition for young people, which can be taken as a counter-concept with its own values that reject media-mediated narratives of integration and their symbolic representatives. By utilizing empirical data, the article provides insight into the past and present experiences of family members and the factors that contribute to the resistance of immigrant families. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While hopes and expectations for the next generation in many countries of the Global North are shaped by family traditions, gender stereotypes and class affiliation, in countries of the Global South they are closely linked to the development discourse and the associated processes of social change. In this discourse, Western education seems to be the only alternative, not only in terms of one's own future, but also in terms of the development of society. Investigating the case of the Turkana, mobile pastoralists living in Northern Kenya, it became apparent that the aspirations of parents, children and young adults are shaped by this discourse. Reflecting on the biographies of three women and her now adult children, the paper reveals that in view of the economic situation of the Kenyan nation state and the marginalization of the Turkana within the nation state, Western schooling leads not only many young people but also entire families into a trap. Diversification strategies are abandoned and everything is put on one card (schooling). This in turn undermines the conditions that in many cases led to the success of school careers. Fewer and fewer families can draw on resources in mobile livestock farming and sell livestock from time to time to ensure continuous and successful schooling for their children. This development is accompanied by an inflation of degrees and competition in a private education market, in which many Turkana families cannot compete. This leads to an increasing gap between aspirations and the possibilities and opportunities available to young Turkana and their families within the education system and on the labour market. Individual (successful) graduates are confronted with high expectations and many obligations that make it difficult for them to pass on their success to the next generation. This is another reason why, one can speak of an “education trap” [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Qualitative Forschung (ZQF) is the property of Verlag Barbara Budrich GmbH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Qualitative Forschung (ZQF) is the property of Verlag Barbara Budrich GmbH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Discourse: Journal of Childhood & Adolescense Research / Diskurs Kindheits- und Jugendforschung is the property of Verlag Barbara Budrich GmbH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Discourse: Journal of Childhood & Adolescense Research / Diskurs Kindheits- und Jugendforschung is the property of Verlag Barbara Budrich GmbH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The participatory reforms, which were introduced within the World Bank in the context of the global protests of the 1990s, have frequently been analysed and criticized as co-optation. This paper formulates a critique of the concept of co-optation from a postcolonial-feminist perspective. First, in light of the rising hegemonic inclusion of the “New Subaltern” (Spivak 2000), the analytical limitations of the concept of co-optation are illustrated using the empirical example of the participatory World Bank study “Voices of the Poor”. Second, building upon recent feminist and postcolonial contributions, the deep epistemological problems of the concept of co-optation are discussed. Finally, the paper outlines an alternative conceptualisation for critically analysing global participatory reforms: the global politics of subaltern representation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Qualitative Forschung (ZQF) is the property of Verlag Barbara Budrich GmbH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Discourse: Journal of Childhood & Adolescense Research / Diskurs Kindheits- und Jugendforschung is the property of Verlag Barbara Budrich GmbH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Special economic zones have long been argued to promote social and economic “development” and, more recently, to “activate” and integrate refugees. In this paper, we critically examine a supposedly prime example of the nexus between “development” and “refugee integration”: the Jordan Compact, a bilateral agreement between Jordan and the European Union adopted in 2016. In the article, we draw on world-systems approaches, on the one hand, while emphasising the necessity of their spatial-theoretical updating, on the other hand. By presenting the empirical example of the garment industry’s global production networks and the working and living conditions in the Jordanian special economic zones, we highlight that uneven development glocally constituted the multi-scalar socio-spatial fragmentation of labour and the reproduction of conditions, constitutive of neoliberal globalisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I aim to answer the question: what is new about the conflicts surrounding deforestation and land grabbing in the Brazilian Amazon region that have marked the last four to six years? In the process, I demonstrate the benefits of the concept “resource frontier” for the analysis of these current dynamics and social conflicts. One important reference in this regard is Jason Moore’s interpretation of the resource frontier, as he combines the historical perspective of world systems theory with an “entanglement perspective” on the expansion of capitalist commodities. Yet, although Moore conceptualises the resource frontier as a socially contested space, he offers little guidance for studying these social conflicts in detail. A more systematic investigation of the specific role of the state and of both local- and national-level actors is needed for understanding the social drivers of resource frontiers and their enclosure. By drawing on actor-centred interpretations and applying it to the social conflicts surrounding the governance and control of land use in Amazonia, this paper expands the resource frontier approach. I trace how social movements and their allies succeeded, from the 1980s onward, in limiting land grabbing and deforestation through the establishment of protected areas and collective land rights. The new development in the dynamics of deforestation and land grabbing over the past few years, then, is that that these (legally guaranteed) land rights have increasingly been targeted again and are being undermined by land speculation, mining operations, and pastoral agriculture. To conclude, I discuss the challenges for forest and climate protection with regards to the 2022 presidential elections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Discourse: Journal of Childhood & Adolescense Research / Diskurs Kindheits- und Jugendforschung is the property of Verlag Barbara Budrich GmbH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Taking a feminist, queer, postcolonial, and postdevelopmental perspective, the paper discusses the revelations of sexual violence in the so-called aid business. Starting at the end of 2017 with the publication of the "scandal" within the British NGO Oxfam, revelations of sexual violence in the aid business were debated internationally under the title "AidToo" in 2018/19. The paper analyses the strategies and rhetoric against violence in this fi eld in three areas of action: firstly, feminist activism, its strategy of "speaking out", and the structures of AidToo as a protest campaign; secondly, critical and refl ective debates in online media, such as Twitter or in the blogs "Smart Development" and "AfricanFeminism"; and, finally, third, how involved institutions, especially Oxfam, dealt with the revelations. In each case, focus is placed on how actors involved in AidToo thematised or de-thematised sexualities, bodies, norms, and norm transgressions. Through the analysis the limitations and contradictions of the examined activist, media, and institutional strategies becomes clear, but so too does the importance of politically struggling, disturbing, and unsettling "aidland", which is deeply embedded in structures of violence and inequalities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Qualitative Forschung (ZQF) is the property of Verlag Barbara Budrich GmbH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article analyses the geo-political and strategic dynamics of co-operation in the fi eld of education between the People’s Republic of Mozambique and the German Democratic Republic (GDR). It focuses specifi cally on the Friendship and Co-operation Agreement of February 1979, which led to the creation of the Friendship School in Staßfurt. In this context, the paper discusses to what extent President Samora Machel’s vision of creating a Marxist-Leninist socialist society and establishing a one-party-state under FRELIMO’s (Frente de Libertação de Moçambique) rule included the formation of elite “New Men” through international education in the GDR. Part of Machel’s socialist project included adopting the political ideological model of the GDR and paying Mozambique’s enormous debt to the GDR. In the context of the Cold War, the GDR was highly interested in economic co-operation with Mozambique, which included the supply of raw materials and manpower, and enjoyed the international appreciation. Yet, as a result of internal and external factors, which led to politicalideo logical transformation in Mozambique, and Machel’s death, the socialist project lost its signifi cance. As there was no plan for the reintegration of the Mozambique graduates from the GDR, most of them were drafted directly into the army and later ended up frustrated and unemployment. Machel’s vision fi nally collapsed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper refl ects on present and future strategies for decolonising the post(real)socialist city. Inspired by the demands of postcolonial and decolonial urban initiatives, we localise diff erent sites of remembrance in the urban context. We show how the post(real)socialist urban space that emerged from the German Democratic Republic (GDR) ambivalently incorporated a colonial matrix. We conceptualise the ambivalent positioning of the GDR, which simultaneously continued and opposed colonial power relations, and was itself aff ected by processes of devaluation via urban imperial diff erence. We argue that it is important to reconstruct the processes of racialisation in the post(real)socialist urban space in order to better understand and oppose contemporary right wing and racist movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research on East German racism before and after 1990 continues to focus on the experiences of the white majority. This paper focuses on the oral histories of Mozambican and Angolan worker-trainees who came to the German Democratic Republic (GDR) between 1978-1990 to work, live, and love, and those of the mixed-race children who emerged from their relationships to East German women. The racial knowledge pervading social interactions, state interests, and socialist notions of solidarity, limited the ability of the workers to freely live in mixed-race relationships, but never fully determined their experiences. Instead, Mozambican and Angolan worker-trainees exerted some degree of agency, pursued individual agendas, and resisted their racially constructed positions, in part through engaging in mixed-race relationships. While their children experienced racialised stereotypes much earlier in their biographies, they too were able to challenge and resist East German racist knowledge. Their strategies often took them on journeys searching for their Mozambican parent and of challenging close East German family members. Together, the oral histories of both generations before and after 1990 illuminate the complex ways in which racist knowledge operates and bring up new questions and challenges to existing research on racism in (East) Germany. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Qualitative Forschung (ZQF) is the property of Verlag Barbara Budrich GmbH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Qualitative Forschung (ZQF) is the property of Verlag Barbara Budrich GmbH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Discourse: Journal of Childhood & Adolescense Research / Diskurs Kindheits- und Jugendforschung is the property of Verlag Barbara Budrich GmbH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Discourse: Journal of Childhood & Adolescense Research / Diskurs Kindheits- und Jugendforschung is the property of Verlag Barbara Budrich GmbH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Discourse: Journal of Childhood & Adolescense Research / Diskurs Kindheits- und Jugendforschung is the property of Verlag Barbara Budrich GmbH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper explores peasant resistance to displacement caused by the land grabbing activities of the Office du Niger in Mali, which was established during French colonial rule. The case under scrutiny is a decade-long dispute over agricultural land between small-scale farmers and a major Malian business operator. The paper identifies three strategies of peasant resistance (collective action, addressing the state, national and international alliances) and their potentials and restrictions. It argues that the struggle for restitution of the dispossessed land and/or for compensation for the dispossessed land has so far been unsuccessful because there is no unity between the resisting actors and because the Office du Niger's administration acts like a "cunning" state within the state. The resistance is successful in so far as it persists; here, transnational alliances and reaching out to "donors" has proven particularly effective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Qualitative Forschung (ZQF) is the property of Verlag Barbara Budrich GmbH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

At all levels of political action, climate governance is based on the knowledge resources of the Earth sciences. With the establishment of the international climate regime - from the Framework Convention to the Paris Agreement - Earth scientists have come to assume the dual role of scientific and political actors. The role of political actor is based on the Earth sciences' ability to project risks, formulate policy options, and assess policy action programs to avoid predicted risks. The first section of the paper deals with the quantitative growth of these new political actors and how they have succeeded in securing their political legitimacy. To ensure that climate impact research is understood and converted into avoidance and /or adaptive strategies, political translation is required. Using the example of the negotiations leading up to the Paris Agreement, the second section of the paper suggests that an ideal alliance of transnational civil society and political actors paved the way for success (i.e. generation of problem awareness, identification of options for action, and legitimacy of political regulations). The third section of the paper outlines three examples which show the increasing power of climate experts: (1) interpretation and political framing of changing climate conditions, (2) assessing policy responses, and (3) climate research as an integral part of an EU system of transformative governance. The establishment of global climate governance leads to scientification, to a powerful scientifi c-technical expertocracy, and to the institutionalisation of a complex planning apparatus for the control of climate change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Qualitative Forschung (ZQF) is the property of Verlag Barbara Budrich GmbH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Qualitative Forschung (ZQF) is the property of Verlag Barbara Budrich GmbH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Qualitative Forschung (ZQF) is the property of Verlag Barbara Budrich GmbH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Qualitative Forschung (ZQF) is the property of Verlag Barbara Budrich GmbH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Discourse: Journal of Childhood & Adolescense Research / Diskurs Kindheits- und Jugendforschung is the property of Verlag Barbara Budrich GmbH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Discourse: Journal of Childhood & Adolescense Research / Diskurs Kindheits- und Jugendforschung is the property of Verlag Barbara Budrich GmbH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

“Sustainable investments”, “green funds”, “green bonds” and “de-risking strategies”: the ambitious goals of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) are accompanied by fundamental changes in the structures of development fi nance, which can be welldescribed by the terms fi nancialisation and de-risking. The fi nancing of renewable energy projects sheds light on these processes and shows which new dependencies and changed power structures accompany the growing importance of private fi nancing and public-private partnerships in development fi nance, specifi cally at the energy/development nexus. This paper is thus dedicated to current developments in the fi eld of renewable energy fi nancing, using the Zambian energy transition as an example. It examines the implementation of two transnationally orchestrated renewable energy projects (scaling solar and GETFiT) against the theoretical background of fi nancialisation and, in particular, the subordinate fi nancialisation strand, as well as postcolonial statehood. On the one hand, the article shows how the rapid fi nancing and implementation of renewable energy projects can succeed with a market-based risk mitigation strategy involving international institutions and investors. However, on the other hand, this process leads to the marginalisation of Zambian companies and thus impedes a possible industrialisation process and the associated creation of jobs. In addition, Zambia becomes increasingly dependent on international investors, limiting its space for political manoeuvre. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Inclusive finance is a poverty reduction strategy, but it is also a symptom of two structural features of the global financial system: constraints on credit creation and a demand for yield. These features operate unevenly and result in the need for inclusive finance. Credit creation is constrained in developing countries because of inflationary pressures that arise from a currency hierarchy. The demand for yield is closely linked to the asymmetrical power of wealthy countries to create money and credit. The empirical case of Pakistan’s inclusive finance sector, which increasingly operates on external financial flows, is thus shown to be a product of hierarchies that create domestic credit constraints in the Global South and attract capital from the Global North. This is reflected in the connections between inclusive finance and shadow banking networks and practices. The key argument is that transformations in Pakistan’s banking sector – driven by a financial access imperative – are shaped by domestic credit constraints and international liquidity excesses. Thus, the contribution of the paper is to two strands of heterodox economic research: (1) the spatial organisation of monetary and financial systems, and (2) the uneven nature of financial access. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the past decade, financial inclusion has emerged as a leading international development paradigm to tackle poverty. It seeks to integrate all unbanked (adults) into the global financial system through credit and other financial services. From a political economy perspective, the rhetoric of financial inclusion has been criticised, among other things, for masking the financialisation of social reproduction in which (a) the unbanked become a new market segment for international capital and (b) households with low and insecure incomes must increasingly organise their precarious living conditions through debt. This paper builds on the critique of neoliberal development policy and supplements it with a materialist-postcolonial lens that examines the historical interconnectedness of the indebtedness of subaltern classes, colonial rule, and capitalist development in the context of India. It shows that financial inclusion/exclusion from the 19th century onwards was the response to a structural subsistence crisis that was decisively shaped by both British colonial rule and capitalist (class) relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Discourse: Journal of Childhood & Adolescense Research / Diskurs Kindheits- und Jugendforschung is the property of Verlag Barbara Budrich GmbH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Discourse: Journal of Childhood & Adolescense Research / Diskurs Kindheits- und Jugendforschung is the property of Verlag Barbara Budrich GmbH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article reconstructs dominant and resistant appropriations of the theme of development. Departing from the various critiques of “development” and the calls for its death, the paper argues that infl uential critics of world economic organizations still use the theme of development in their advocacy. In order to assess this appropriation of development, the article ethnographically traces the encounter between dominant and resistant ways of staging development. Based on participant observation at the World Bank Group and International Monetary Fund's Annual Meeting in 2016, the paper argues that the dominant staging of development is characterised by a projection of global coherence: “One World” shall be enhanced by one path to development. Resistant appropriations of development attack this projection of coherence. Empirically, the article shows that the resistant staging of development requires much greater justifi cation and that the resistant actors, in effect, becoming fragmented into different camps. The coherent, stabilizing grammar of the institutions is characterised by universalism, which incorporates moderate parts of the resistance into its logic, and, hence, fragments the resistant movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]