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This study expands on sociological concepts of transborder ties through a case study of Armenian diaspora members in the United States and Canada. Building on migration scholars who note that ties to the homeland do not dissolve after an individual migrates, this paper asks the questions of if and how transborder activism can promote feelings of belongingness amongst several generations of immigrants and explores how to qualitatively measure the effectiveness of activism done by nonlocal individuals. This paper draws on virtual ethnographic interviews that were conducted in the span of the 20182019 academic year with Armenians in the diaspora. The respondents of this study hold membership ties to diaspora youth organizations, such as the Armenian Youth Federation (AYF), and others are participants of Birthright Armenia, creating a diverse sample of Armenians who can speak to the experience of being in the homeland. This study is particularly important as it seeks to better understand how the Armenian 2018 Velvet Revolution was successful in being peaceful. By relying on literature that focuses on the role of globalization and technology, the responses in this study help to explain the impact of social media's role in influencing international social movement participation. This paper intersects concepts of social theory, politics, anthropology, and technology to add to current immigration dialogue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper considers the contribution of French philosopher and Trotskyist militant Daniel Bensaïd in constructing a "strategic" Marxism. Against the backdrop of the 1980s/1990s "dark defeat" of the socialist project - thanks to neoliberal globalization and the collapse of actually-existing socialism - Bensaïd argued for a "return of strategy" and a move away from the Negri/Holloway "utopian moment" of the Global Justice movement. In arguing against the "social illusion" of social movements, Bensaïd pushed for a new Marxist politics rooted in the Leninist specificity of the political field. The paper situates Bensaïd politically, as a leader of both the Ligue Communiste Révolutionnaire and the Fourth International, and it is argued that compared to many of his contemporaries he was well placed to see the crisis in the socialist project. The paper outlines the different dimensions of Bensaïd's strategic Marxism, focusing on how his rereading of Marx led to a new focus on politics, history, time, and space. The paper concludes with some of Bensaïd's criticisms of the Global Justice movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The post-civil rights era was a transformative period for Black organizations. In this period, organizations had to contend with the changing cultural and political terrain of the United States. Typically social movement scholars have examined movements at the level of the state, paying minimal attention to the relationship between movements and organizations. This paper examines Black Greek-letter organization sororities' interactions with the Black feminist movement from 1968-1980 as a case of how mainstream voluntary associations interact with radical movements. Through a comparative historical analysis of two Black sororities, I find that while one sorority engages in racial uplift and respectability politics - frames that the organizations had historically engaged with - the other sorority begins to incorporate Black feminist frames and language into their organization. I conclude the paper by discussing the way that examining the incorporation of Black feminist frames can help to extend upon the concept of interstitial politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the last seven years, there have been major changes in two South American countries that once firmly prohibited abortion: Argentina and Uruguay. In both, social movements have mobilized to demand legal abortion, and policies have been changed to grant increased access, to different degrees. Yet in each case, advances fall short of the goal of legalization and public provision. Instead, policies restrict access to abortion to specific cases and require different implementation regimes. In some cases, it has led to challenges by feminist lawyers in the courts. How have activists, lawyers and others addressed implementation as they continue to try to expand abortion rights around these policies? What can we learn from Uruguay and Argentina to better understand the role of litigation in abortion rights and reproductive justice in the rest of Latin America and around the world? This paper draws on interviews with lawyers and activists addressing abortion rights as well analysis of key cases based on court documents and media reports to compare legal mobilization on abortion in Argentina and Uruguay. Focusing on legal mobilization in the courts as a social movement tactic, the paper views cause lawyers and litigation as important resources for each movement. It argues that movement actors pursue their goals using strategic litigation that varies based on legal opportunity structures that vary across national contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper intends to explore the social structural causes and conditions of ethnic party formation in the Nepali context. The paper argues that the ethnic political parties (EPs), like other kinds of political parties, are one of the manifest products of the social, political and economic structure of the society and their social foundation of formation is different than non-ethnic parties. In Nepal, despite having a number of national political parties, the formation of ethnic parties in Nepal have been growing in number with democratic practices after 1990 and intensifying after the political transition of 2006. Therefore, the paper deals with a key question: why ethnic parties form? To answer the question, the paper argues that there are multiple factors like multiethnic society and non-inclusive state and party structure; democracy and indigenous social movement; failure of existing political parties to address the ethnic concern; rise of new issues such as identity, federalism and proportional representation; and legal-structural changes with international factors are responsible for the ethnic party formation. The paper concludes that the EPs, as a manifest product of democracy, are contributing to the process of democratization in Nepal. In that sense, the rise of ethnic parties is essentially a social phenomenon rooted in the multicultural society of Nepal. The analysis is based on qualitative and quantitative data collected through keen observations, in-depth interview with purposefully selected key informants and required secondary information. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In most academic and popular accounts of urban development, conflicts over land acquisition are characterized as zero-sum struggles between the forces promoting development and those resisting it. Typically viewed from an instrumental Marxist perspective, pro-development forces, including financiers, developers, and state actors, work to acquire land and facilitate construction; while their efforts are opposed by antidevelopment groups, such as mobilized communities, environmentalists, and pro-poor activists. Although political economy frameworks or social movement models are sufficient to explain the character and outcomes of land contestations, at times, the interests of actors do not align so neatly, and development conflicts focus more on the terms of development than whether or not it should proceed. In these cases, development conflicts resemble coordination problems than zero sum contestations, and frameworks from economic sociology, or more specifically from the sociology of markets, may be better suited to explain the resolution of such conflicts. In this paper, we highlight one such case: the still-under construction Piramal Mahalaxmi development in South Mumbai, to help explain how development conflicts can be overcome through the use of formal institutions, informal norms, and innovative practices. With apartments starting at half a million dollars, on land that until recently housed a 20,000-person slum settlement called Dhobi Ghat Jhopadpatti, this case appears to be a prime example of prodevelopment forces prevailing over project. While Piramal Reality is certainly positioned to glean a hefty profit from the luxury towers being built on site, a majority of slum residents are not being dispossessed, but are being compensated for their land with new flats on the same site. The paper draws on fieldwork and interviews conducted between mid-2017 and late 2018, during which time the land at Dhobi Ghat was being cleared, and solutions to the development conflict were being negotiated by developers and residents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How can short term, strategic campaigns be a basis for solidarity? This paper offers a theoretical and empirical exploration of a less-frequently discussed form of solidarity between two diverse campaigns; one based less on shared identity and more on shared values; one that is aimed less at persistence and more at short-term impact. Building upon earlier conceptual work (Wright et al. 2018), we call this form drive-by solidarity because of its one-way, unsolicited, hit-and-run nature. This paper examines drive-by solidarity through case of Anonymous' "Operation KKK" (#OpKKK), an online hacktivist campaign against the Ku Klux Klan carried out in response to threats of violence they made against #BlackLivesMatter protesters in Ferguson, Missouri, in November 2014. After constructing a timeline of events from available news stories and videos for context, we use over three million tweets to conduct a series of network analyses to model the most significant online accounts associated with each campaign as well as the connections built across the respective online discursive spheres through retweets and mentions. We graph both the period of the 2014 #OpKKK campaign, along with its revival one year later, in order to empirically examine the short- and long-term effects. Although Anonymous acted unilaterally and made no efforts to be inclusive of #BlackLivesMatter activists in their deliberations, the campaigns became politically coordinated. #OpKKK successfully achieved its initial goals; however, longer-term effects were more volatile. This form of solidarity is theoretically compelling because it seems to challenge much extant theory on the role of identity in building solidarities, and even forces us to rethink social movement success. Furthermore, we propose that drive-by solidarity could offer a possible model for other movements seeking high-impact, low cost, short-term campaigns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars of social movements have studied why a (non)violent form of protest arises and how it affects the outcome of the protest. While structure-oriented approach and meaning-oriented approach have extensively explained the form of protests from various perspectives, most of them assume participations of homogenous groups. However, protests often involve various participants with different backgrounds and values, and undergo a process of contention regarding legitimacy and efficiency of the means. How are nonviolent means of protest adopted over the violent within a protest? Based on survey and interview data from the South Korean presidential impeachment protests in 2016-17, this paper articulates an explanation of legitimate and effective cultural tactic responding to the nature of event and discursive opportunity structure. The paper aims to explore how the protesters developed legitimate and effective tactics by analyzing apolitical narratives and non-violent demonstrations. First, I investigate the divisions of the protesters and their preference over the means of protest. Second, I move on to analyze the development of the peaceful tactics, despite the divisions among the protesters' orientations and values. Third, I look for the protesters' motivation out of moral shock that led them to engage in peaceful protest and their response to previous stigmatizations by the media and government. In doing so, the paper argues that the protesters developed a new tactics of resistance by following, not breaking, the rules to show a moral distinction between the unworthy protest target and the worthy protesters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the constructing of meaning in the anti-Iraq war movement by focusing on the internal framing efforts of a prominent contemporary antiwar group-Military Families Speak Out (MFSO). 100 documents from MFSO's website (www.mfso.org) were examined including reports of action taken, letters, letters to elected officials (including President George W. Bush and Secretary Rumsfeld), speeches, and press releases. In this paper, framing concepts originally designed to address micro level mobilization efforts of social movements are extended to the meso level in a case analysis of antiwar framing efforts. Four dominant themes were discerned: (1) Against all Enemies Foreign and Domestic: Have We Been Deceived? (2) On the Honor of Our Children (3) Iraqi Freedom: Democracy or Quagmire? And (4) Leaving Holes in Hearts that will Never Heal. I argue for the utilization of this conceptual extension of micro level framing for non-retrospective (in situ) analyses of movement meaning making activities at the organizational level. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the contestation between the mainstream breast cancer movement (MBCM) and the environmental breast cancer movement (EBCM) over the pink ribbon awareness campaign. In particular, it examines the framing employed by the mainstream breast cancer organizations for the pink ribbon campaign and the counterframes utilized by the environmental breast cancer organization, Breast Cancer Action, in their Think Before you Pink campaign. Based on evidence from the organizations' websites, it appears that the MBCM and the EBCM consist of members with different views on corporate involvement in breast cancer research, the gendered nature of breast cancer activism, and the relationship between breast cancer activists/advocates, medical science, and corporate funding. The paper concludes with a discussion of the significance of accounting for ideology in the study of social movements, as evidenced by this case, in which the movements share the goal of eradicating breast cancer, but due to sharp ideological differences, pursue the goal in different and ultimately contradictory manners. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper proposes a theoretical framework for understanding emergent disciplines as knowledge-focused social movement phenomena called New Knowledge Movements, or NKMs. The proposed theoretical framework is developed through a synthesis of new social movement theory and Frickel and Gross's Scientific/Intellectual Movements (SIMs) model. In contrast to the SIMs model, this paper argues that many new disciplines emerge through contentious collective action on the part of political and intellectual outsiders rather than through the action of intellectual elites. The framework is demonstrated and tested through a narrative exploration based on secondary sources and scholar-activist tests of the emergence of two disciplines, women's studies and Asian American studies, in the United States. Suggestions for future applications are provided. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper explores the implications of interpreting aid as a mode of practice of global justice, in order to move away from its common rendition as an abstract ideal of rescue to persons in distress or a technocratically defined, problem-solving activity of financial support to the underprivileged or their governments. Instead, we can think of aid as a form of cosmopolitan normative and political labour that implicates both those helping and those being helped in substantiating the latter's socio-economic rights, while simultaneously struggling against the conditions which cause and sustain vulnerability for vast sections of humankind. The paper proposes a model of the transnational practice of helping others in the context of the global HIV/AIDS pandemic, which highlights the urgency and significance of the former. Accordingly, the first section examines how, when functioning within the confines of the current world order, the work of assistance can contribute to the formation of substantively egalitarian North-South cooperation and thereby guard against its potential instrumentalization as a mechanism of economic domination and moral regulation over vast regions of the global South. Secondly, the labour of helping others can include struggles for the structural transformation of the established system of socio-economic and spatial segregation that produces abuses of the human rights of the poor and women. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Paper argues that state and corporate eites have used Hurricane katrina to qualitatively deepen neoliberal "reforms" in New Orleans, which will be used as a model for the rest of the country. The paper highlights the racialized class impact of this agenda, with a focus on public housing. I examine the undermining of public housing, and other public serivices, carried out under New Orleans reigning Black Urban Regime over the last quarter century. I conclude by examinig the social movements contesting the racist reorganization of the city. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: The paper identifies the puzzle of the contemporary revival and diffusion of sovereignty discourse in U.S. federal Indian policy. After a century of primarily being treated as wards of the state, racial and ethnic minorities, and holders of anachronistic rights, American Indians tribes have in the last thirty years once again become treated as sovereign nations by federal policymakers. The paper disputes the common understanding that this represents a fundamental continuity with preceding policies. Instead, the paper asserts that a discourse of sovereignty was maintained by tribal communities through decades when the idea of tribes as sovereign nations was nonsensical to non-Indians. Furthermore, it argues that the contemporary policies and discourse of sovereignty was not explicitly intended by federal policymakers at the beginning of the current "self-determination" policy era. Rather, entrepreneurial tribal leaders both aggressively circulated sovereignty discourse and engaged in nation-building to instantiate the concept. Through a contingent process, both discourse and practices became increasingly plausible, reinforcing, and are now institutionalized in federal policy and language. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Are "strong" religious groups necessarily "strict"? This paper examines a major but understudied religious movement - New Buddhist Organizations (NBOs) in Taiwan - in the light of three variants of Strictness theories: Theological Strictness, Deviant Strictness, and Subcultural Identity. These theories highlight some interesting aspects of the movement, but ultimately NBOs belie the proposition that a strong, growing religious organization is necessarily "strict." Rather than abandon the insights of Strictness theories altogether, the paper argues that they can contribute to understanding the success of religious groups as part of more broadly conceptualized strategies of boundary work. A multi-dimensional framework is proposed, separating three aspects of the content, structure, and mechanisms for religious groups' boundary work. This expanded framework is shown to provide better leverage on understanding Taiwanese NBOs' success than uni-dimensional Strictness theories. Further development of a more complex framework for understanding the boundary work of religious organizations should allow us to ask, not "are strict churches strong?" but "under what circumstances are certain strategies of boundary work more or less successful for religious organizations?" ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social movement scholars have long been interested in the role of students and college campuses in social movement recruitment and activity. For the most part, however, their attention has focused almost exclusively on liberal activism. This paper brings attention to the extensive conservative organizing that has long been present on American college campuses. It identifies several important processes by which conservative social movement mobilization is taking place on campuses today. It also clarifies the specific ways in which biographical availability and social networks-two of the key underlying mechanisms for social movement recruitment-- operate among today's students. The empirical data for the paper come from a national study of the pro-life movement in the U.S. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper looks at the effect of the perception of police repression on the diffusion of five direct action tactics from the anti-globalization movement into New York and Toronto activist milieus. The paper considers the spread of black bloc, puppetry, affinity-group/spokescouncil decisionmaking models, blockades, street parties and jail solidarity. The paper focuses on the impact of police repression at five protest events as it examines the ways that activists explain the relationship between their experiences of repression and their tactical decision-making. It argues that the severity, focus and predictability of repression influence the process of deliberation which indirectly impacts the diffusion process. By influencing deliberation, police repression impacted the diffusion of the "Seattle tactics". ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Much queer theory is based on the white male experience and privilege, excluding people of color and severely limiting its relevance to Third World activism. Within the last decade, chronicles from South Asian GLBT communities have appeared, but the richness and the contradictions that characterize these communities have often been stifled. Too often, the limitations due to undertheorized South Asian GLBT history is compounded with a South Asian queer canon overwrought with the East/West:traditional/modern equation. In this paper, I visit paradoxes, unity, and diversity by unraveling the lives of two queer-identified second-generation South Asian-American women - Rupa and Ronica. The paper is divided into three rich and thick sections. I begin with a thorough discussion of the literature on South Asian-Americans - a canon overwrought with white hetero-patriarchal pedagogy. I suggest that the current discourse encompassing the lives of South Asian-Americans is monolithic and it does not adequately reflect the realities of the lives of the two women's stories I share. In the subsequent section, I investigate acts that validate human visibility (oppositional active whiteness) by reviewing the ethnographic data. Rupa and Ronica produce several oppositional identifications to entice and isolate the white gaze. Third, and finally, I attempt to conclude the paper by offering a possible solution to rigid category work. This article examines the acceptance of, manipulation of, and resistance to hegemonic power by an often invisible and marginalized group: queer South Asian-American women. I accomplish this by presenting partial data from a six-month long cross-national ethnographic study. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although there is a broad recognition that styles and context of leadership are important factors in affecting the emergence, development, and ultimate impact of a social movement, the literature on leadership is underdeveloped (but see Morris and Staggenborg 2004; Robnett 1996). In this paper, we mean to contribute to an emerging literature by outlining an ideal type of a distinct model of leadership within movements, that of a platform leader who builds an organization with the primary purpose of supporting and amplifying her voice. The platform leader speaks on behalf of a position or a constituency, but beyond this, the actual relationship to that position or constituency is unclear.In this paper, we first discuss the ways scholars have dealt with the conflicting demands placed on leadership, including distinguishing between types of relationships leaders have with their followers, distinguishing between the kinds of audiences with whom leaders must communicate, and distinguishing between the types of activities in which leaders must be competent. We also discuss the broader trend in American associational life: the reduction of rank-and-file member participation within their organization combined with the rising importance of professional leaders. Next, we present two case studies of platform leadership within opposing organizations, comparing the development and maintenance of platform leadership. Finally, we discuss the implications for future research on the platform leadership model, including how it fits with the existing models of leadership, and what kinds of organizations and what kinds of movements are most likely to develop platform leaders. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A case study of recent challenges to welfare-work programs in New York City reveals the complex dynamics of social movements with institutional politics, and reveals continuities and discontinuities between the two. Drawing on Gramscian state theory, political process theory, and recent relational extensions of political process theory, the paper shows the ways in which five mechanisms-path-dependency, institutional spillover, certification/decertification, scale-shift, and time-shift-combine within and across instititutional settings to enable or stymie workfare workers' and their allies' efforts to gain rights under a workfare program that denied them clear rights-bearing status. In showing the operation of these mechanisms-which lie between structure and strategy-in worksite-based organizing, courts, legislatures, and in mass-mediated moral protest, the paper shows the ways in which challengers to workfare were at a structural disadvantage. It argues further that revealing structural disadvantage is the main justification for the study of social movements as distinct from (though embedded in) institutional politics, and is preferable to an analytic strategy that begins with pluralism, and treats movements and interest groups as the same type of entity. Finally, assessments of social movement outcomes should focus on the reconfiguration of policy options and the coalitions that underlie them. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper considers the relationship between negative affects like hopelessness, despair, desperation, and overwhelmedness, on the one hand, and political activist (de)mobilization on the other. Although I point to cases that dispute the presumption that despair and its companion feelings inevitably or necessarily lead to demobilization and political paralysis, the bulk of the paper explores specific ways in which such negative affects sometimes do contribute to political demobilization and social movement decline. I specifically explore reasons why despair might emerge, its challenge to the hope requisite in many social movements, its potentially individuating and depoliticizing effects, and the unconscious processes that it might set in motion. I draw from the case of the street AIDS activist movement ACT UP to illustrate my points. After analyzing the workings of despair, I conclude on a more hopeful note with some thoughts about the political possibilities that despair and its companion feelings might generate. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Folk music has the distinct feature of being defined by reference to collectivity, not just its sonic qualities or lyrical meanings. As a result its definition has always been contested, often about who is properly considered part of the folk. During the twentieth century several cultural projects self-consciously promoted folk music as a marker of racial boundaries, some excluding African Americans and others explicitly trying bridge racial boundaries. Those projects that tried to bridge racial boundaries through folk music had varying degrees of success. The goal of this paper is to show how their social origins, institutional position, and strategic goals shaped their influence on racial boundaries. I am especially interested in how social movements used folk music and the kinds of social relationships within which music was done as an activity. The paper argues that social movements that use music in collective action itself, such as the Civil Rights Movement of the 1960s, can be more successful in bridging social boundaries than movements that do music in conventional performer/audience settings, such as the "People's Songs" movement of the 1930s and 40s. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Feminist research has established how religious, national, and ethnic communities police, mark, and enlist women's bodies to assert and protect collective identities and cultural boundaries, suggesting that the female body is a crucial symbol in the construction of "imagined communities". Often, these analyses identify and celebrate subversion and resistance. While capturing gendered and sexualized symbolic meanings of the body, this approach does not address the body as a site of moral training. This shortcoming is particularly acute when one approaches non-western, "traditional" practices, thereby revealing secularist intellectual biases.This paper approaches this "problem of feminism" by drawing on data collected for a research project that examines the negotiations that shape and transform Israel's modern-orthodox community. Examining several pedagogies that orthodox traditionalists employ to enlist women's bodies and sexuality in their cultural battles with secular Israeli culture, this paper argues that these negotiations hinge on the differentiation from and vilification of secular femininity, sexuality, and way of life. At the same time, I caution against a simplistic approach that posits women as pedagogical targets of communal attempts to guard national boundaries. Coming from secular scholars, this view fails to recognize the multiple layers of meanings of traditional practices; propagated by progressive orthodox women, this view reflects a learned, rather than embodied, understanding of religiosity. I argue that despite such internal and external critiques, modesty and purity also potentially define an alternative modality of sexuality-an "authentic Jewish femininity"-that is embodied through the practices associated with Jewish menstrual laws and modesty. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social movement organizational studies have primarily relied on the analysis of one source. Recently study showed the use of one source was inadequate to study the population of environmental groups at the state level. This raises questions regarding the use of single sources for the study of national and international social movement organizations. A single source that has become a standard for social movement organization research is the Encyclopedia of Associations, however, we know of only one paper assessing the adequacy of the EofA's coverage of movement organizations. Overall, an important component in the analysis of social movements is the adequacy and reliability of the data utilized. We need to know if multiple sources will result in a significant difference from the analyses based on a single source. To accomplish this, we used 155 sources (IRS data, directories, books, reports, proceedings, and web sources) to gather a comprehensive population data set of national and regional U.S. environmental organizations over a 100-year time-series. The purpose of this paper is to describe the methods used in this analysis. Our research and methods revealed that the use of a single source, such as the EofA, is significantly insufficient for studying the U.S. environmental movement population. Multiple sources are needed, including the web and IRS data files, in order to capture a representative population. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to use Indian government data to analyze the pattern of foreign donor grants to the non-profit, voluntary sector in India and thereby understand the nature of the funding links between domestic actors and international institutions. It contributes evidence to suggest that contrary to the arguments of transnational social movement scholars, states continue to remain powerful actors shaping transnational relations between domestic and foreign actors. By examining the best and only source that tracks foreign funding data at an all India level we are able to show for the first time that the state plays a dominant role in determining which foreign actors are allowed to give funds to which voluntary associations, in which region of India, and for what purpose.Further, contrary to what one would expect neither the neediest sectors of society, nor the most organized receive the largest share of foreign funds. Finally, the paper finds that of all the various international actors, Christian missionary networks play a dominant role in channeling funds to voluntary associations in India. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political policy outcomes are frequently understood in terms of rational actor or organizational decision-making models, but these often fail to analyze institutional effects that cut across organizations. Taken-for-granted cultural institutions are frequently overlooked as causal agents of urban conflict. Analysts are instead inclined to rely on parsimonious economic or class explanations, even though clashing cultural institutions might be an important part of the story. Urban environments push diverse cultural perspectives up against each other, occasionally inciting social movements. Many contentious issues call for official municipal involvement, for example, parade/festival management, public art selection/location, or park use allocation. To operationalize institutionalized cultural attitudes in cities, this paper examines how city policies attempt to resolve conflicts caused by cultural diversity in human-canine relationships in three US cities: Chicago, Los Angeles, and New York. Cities are simultaneously pressured by small social movements for more dog parks and by large international movements for stronger animal rights. Two opposing urban dog cultures - dog worship and dog fighting - involve assorted actors and garner the attention of city officials in unexpected ways. Relying on ethnographic research of dog worship in Chicago, this paper discusses one component of the larger, three-city, comparative study. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Melucci suggests that the primary glue of social movements are the processes that make for a coherent movement identity. Other social movement theories look to resources, framing, and leadership as well as other forms to clarify what is and is not a movement. Using interview and ethnographic data examining the patriot/militia movement of the 1990's this paper supports Melucci's hypothesis. The milita movement was a highly decentralized and nonheierchical movement that however brief spawned a sustained counter-culture. My respondents while claiming no allegiance to a movement per se, held what could only be called a movement (collective) identity they called patriot. The paper looks at the group proceses and cultural components that enforces the patriot identity ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Individuals that make activism an integral part of their identity and daily life use the support of an activist friendship network to motivate and sustain their involvement. While the activist network may seem more likely to be supportive, family, non-activist friends, and co-workers may make an activist identity difficult to maintain. In this paper, I focus on the role of different communities on the sustainability of an activist identity. In particular, by using semi-structured life history interviewing of nine People's Coalition activists, this study concentrates on how family, friends, significant others, religion/spirituality, work, and school can be supportive for the activist. A community can be supportive by showing respect, granting time allowances, sharing a political ideology, donating money and labor, and being a source of justification, motivation, and rejuvenation for the activist. I develop the term "valued communities" to represent the people and organizations that are valued (loved, needed, dependent, etc.) by the activist. However, in contrast to what the larger literature suggests, this study found that communities are not uniformly supportive, with some ties even working against continued activism. People or organizations within the "valued community" can hinder and/or support activist involvement. This paper will focus on the intersection of biography and past/present interpersonal relationships that influence time constraints and the ability to sustain an activist identity. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The overall aim of this paper is to contribute to integrating the study of Islamic social movements more strongly into social movement studies in sociology, as well as to explore what new theoretical directions could be suggested by exploring a movement operating in a non-Western setting. The focus on Hizbullah serves as a basis for these tasks. The first part of the paper offers a basic history of the movement, focusing on social dimensions. This history suggests the need for a conception of social movement which integrates various theoretical approaches and is conducted at the "middle range." The second half of the paper is devoted to elaborating four basic logics of social movements that could be gleaned from the experience of this little explored movement: the principle of "migrating energies," the notion of a "creative moment," the appropriate scale of the "repositories of grievances," and the idea of structural versus ideational "origins" of social movements. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract*The purpose of this paper is to delineate some of the sociological contours of this historical epoch referred to as "globalization," with particular attention to the need for "globalizing the community college." Anecdotal evidence suggests there is a need to introduce a sociology of globalization at the community college level, in particular in the teaching of introductory sociology courses. In this paper, the "realities" of globalization are discussed, as well as the "new language" of the global economy, six areas of globalization, and the notions of "globalization from above" and "globalization from below" are discussed. Resistance movements (globalization from below) are given special attention. Finally, an overview of a report "Global Education Initiatives in the Community College," is discussed. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper explores the interaction of culture and political structures on social movement activities by examining the "use" of children - their images, appeals to their corporeal, spiritual and civic health, etc. - in the collective action frames devised by opposing sides of the Newfoundland "Confederation debate" of 1948. The messages concerning children appearing in the most partisan rhetoric produced by supporters and opponents of union with Canada were shaped by the cultural specificity of the political structures surrounding children in Newfoundland. In particular, the cultural link between children and the state that prevailed in Britain and Canada at the time, that which presented children as "future citizens" best nurtured by the state, was undeveloped in 1948 Newfoundland, owing in part to political structures that supported denominational schooling in the country. As a result, pro- and anti-Confederate interests were compelled to frame the Newfoundland "nation" in ways that diverged from more familiar discourses on children and nation. The paper shows how the political structures surrounding children and the corresponding cultural construction of children can shape nationalist debates, and highlights the restrictive as well as enabling aspects of culture on social movement activities. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper I argue that the use of feminist methodology in social science can give voice to the marginalized in society. Though it is a research method that has its roots in giving space for an accurate representation of women's voices at a particular point in time, I see feminist methods allowing the voices of other marginalized groups to be heard as well. I begin with a look at the place of women in sociology at the onset of the creation of feminist research methods. A review of the feminist methodology literature follows, both concerning the use of this methodology in sociology as a discipline as well as by researchers embodying feminist methodology in their ways of thinking and creation of new research agendas. I then look at issues of power and gender and how these issues pervade the discussion of feminist methodologies. Looking at research projects conducted by men, I seek to challenge the assumption that feminist research can only take place "on, by and for women." Using data involving gay fathers and practice nurses I will grapple with issues of broadening the spectrum of who can be given voice through feminist methodology. Lastly, this paper looks at ways to use feminist methods in a world without boundaries. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A criticism that is often made of feminist theory in the United States is that its basic tenets and conclusions only apply to women in developed industrialized countries. Drawing upon this major statement, the paper examines ongoing dialogues articulated between U.S. and Third World feminist thought or -more broadly stated- between Western and Non Western feminism. The paper devotes particular attention to feminist theorization about the role of women in development processes and the advancement of women's status as discussed by major frameworks in the field. Main feminist approaches to development, as usually found in the literature, constitute multifaceted road maps into the field, more than totally coherent and mutually exclusive narratives. As helpful as they may be, these frameworks were mostly developed under the influence of subsequent versions of Western feminist theory, exporting to the rest of the world a set of visions and strategies that were context specific for Western women's movements. The paper scrutinizes the principal limitations that Third World feminist scholars have encountered in U.S. and European feminism to explain and interpret the advancement of women's rights in the developing world. Eliciting relevant criticism from scholars working within different theoretical traditions and drawing upon critiques from structural/historical analysis to actor oriented perspectives, the analysis brings to the fore the potentiality that these contributions entail for the understanding of women's status in less developed countries. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Within the expansive theoretical literature on social movements and contentious politics, political scientists have paid more attention to democratization movements than their counterparts in sociology. Yet sociologists have gone much further than political scientists in incorporating emotions into their explanations for why high-risk political activism takes place and either succeeds or fails. This paper seeks to bring the complementary strengths of the two disciplines together by offering a novel explanation for the three major regime outcomes characterizing Southeast Asia's eleven countries: (1) successful democratic mobilization, as in the Philippines, Thailand, Indonesia, East Timor, and (for a brief time) Cambodia; (2) unsuccessful democratic mobilization, as in Burma and Malaysia; and (3) the absence of democratic mobilization, as in Singapore, Brunei, Laos, and Vietnam. It argues that the key social forces in transition dynamics have not been labor unions, as in paradigmatic European and Latin American transitions, but rather "communal elites" enjoying nationalist or religious sources of legitimacy. In another departure from theoretical expectations, successful mobilization has depended more on emotional appeals than economic grievances. Rather than portraying Southeast Asia as an outlier in these respects, the paper suggests that Southeast Asian evidence might spur theorists to rethink transitions and non-transitions in other regions. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1975, William A. Gamson wrote his seminal work "The Strategy of Social Protest". Within this work, Gamson analyzes the use of violence and other constraints and their influence on a movement group's ability to gain benefits for the their group and acceptance as the legitimate negotiator for their movement. This qualitative paper analyzes the Northern Ireland separatist movement, with a particular analysis of the Good Friday Peace Accords and its surrounding events. I analyze documents, news stories, and several interviews in order to apply Gamson's notion of the success of the unruly to the Northern Ireland movement. I find that Gamson's notion of the success of the unruly is problematic in several respects when applied to the Northern Ireland movement. Findings indicate that the IRA and Sinn Fein are able to achieve some successes while violating several of Gamson's criterions for likely success. This paper contributes to the literature of social movement outcomes by applying Gamson's theory, developed through analysis of United States protest groups in a traditional democratic system, to other forms of government (parliamentary democracy and constitutional monarchy) and to a violent separatist movement in order to test its applicability to broader realms. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper develops a state-focused approach for tracing and explaining transformations of nationalism. As such, it provides a corrective to the relative absence of theories that explain historical transformations of nationalism-as opposed to its emergence. I analyze changes in official national ideologies as driven by conflicts between states and movements of subordinate actors and alternative elites. The main argument of the paper is that comprehensive transformations of nationalism are driven by the conjuncture of (1) the formation of political movements that successfully advanced alternative ideas about the nation, (2) the emergence of alliances between the central state and subordinate sectors, which provided an incentive for the incorporation of these alternative national narratives into state ideologies, and (3) the simultaneous expansion of the cultural machinery of the state, facilitating the institutionalization of these state ideologies. A case study of Peru under the military government of Velasco (1968-1975) illustrates the explanatory power of this framework. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that by analyzing state repression along with other state strategies such as facilitation in its various forms (e.g., political parties & political process, social aid, employment, and the military), we will better understand the more permanent and on-going role of the state in the hindering of contentious behavior. Nationalist types of social movements in unequal national contexts whose grievances are not met are ideal for measuring changes in state strategy overtime. The U.S.' power, for example, is not solely dependent on the selective use of coercion to challengers to its authority, but entire populations are subjected to a combination of state strategies that are more pervasive and hegemonic. Although this paper offers an incomplete answer to the conceptual flaws that elevates state repression above all other state interventions, this paper highlights the more subtle and penetrated role states play in the prevention of mobilization. The Puerto Rican case is utilized in an attempt to move beyond fragmented analysis to include an array of state strategies that are active even in non-contentious periods. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper applies a structural cycle of protest lens to the contemporary U.S. women's movement and analyzes women's activism within the anti-war movement. I argue that through this broad theoretical perspective scholars can gather information about emerging feminist groups and track innovations in repertoires of contention. I integrate original qualitative and quantitative data collected at protest events in New York and DC between November 2002 and January 2005 to show the diversity of women's activism triggered and facilitated by the expansion in POS generated by this cycle of protest. I show that despite a high degree of feminist identification among individual participants in these protest events, feminism was not integrated into anti-war frames in the early months of the movement. The contributions of this paper are both methodological and theoretical. I argue that in order to collect data on contemporary movements, it is essential to look outside the subjective boundaries of the movement of interest and instead look toward the entire cycle of protest. The data presented in this paper illustrate that participation in the anti-war movement and a broad cycle of protest invigorated women's organizing in the U.S. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: In this paper, the particular emotive and cognitive framing techniques utilized in fourteen anti-war songs from the Vietnam era, seven of which were in the Top Ten and seven that never charted on the Billboard Hot 100, were coded to compare which framing techniques were considered more likely to build oppositional ideologies amongst two groups: activists and non-activists. Specifically, emotive framing techniques that could build oppositional ideologies such as anger, suspicion, fear as well as hopefulness and compassion were coded within the songs. In addition, four cognitive frames were looked at: (i.e., the blaming elites frame, the war is senseless frame, the Vietnam specific frame, and the interdependence frame). The findings from this coding analysis are examined and the paper ends with discussing the implications of these findings for the broader field of social movements. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sociological conversations about cultural products like books have a long history, to which this paper contributes. In addition, sociologists have long been interested in questions about how social norms and ideas are sometimes reproduced and sometimes resisted. This paper is rooted in a tradition of sociologists who study the novel as a source of data. Like these sociologists, I look to the American novel for information about social ideologies and structured representations; like them, I look to the history of American book publishing for information about how texts come to exist and circulate. Unlike them, though, I focus on the cultural content and publishing history of American children's novels, and on each text's willingness to resist the reproduction of dominant social arrangements which are based upon inequality. Further, literary scholars argue that modern feminist fiction emerged during the 1970s, as a component of second wave feminist political activity. This sociological study also critiques and transforms definitions of 'the feminist novel,' and suggests that feminist, or subversive, children's novels existed well before the late-twentieth-century eruption of second wave feminism. By using a less-individualistic theory of social stratification and resistance than previous research, the paper uncovers a range of narrative strategies that explicate and resist overlapping forms of oppression. This paper conceptualizes children's novels as (potentially) containing narratives of resistance, which permits a connection to feminist theories of narratives, since they offer the best models for these types of questions and goals. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines adolescents' conceptions of age as an axis of social inequality. While most literature on the social construction of adolescence has focused on the ways in which large-scale institutions oppress youth, little research has focused on how youth subordination is understood, reproduced or resisted on interactional levels. Thus, we know very little about how adolescents themselves conceptualize and contend with their own social status. In the case of youth political movements, young people's battles to publicly weigh in on social and political issues require that they wrestle with dominant social constructions that view adults as the legitimate political actors and adolescents as citizens-in-the-making but not yet "finished" citizens. Thus, an examination of youth political action frames provides a rich opportunity for understanding how adolescents collectively and consciously interpret age inequality as they emerge as political actors in their communities. Drawing on comparative ethnographic research and in-depth interviews with teenage activists in two youth movement organizations, this paper argues that although youth activists collectively recognize and politicize age inequality, they do so in very different ways according to their positions in other race, class, and gendered systems of power and privilege. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will explore the differences in the role of women and the family between both traditional and modern interpretations Marxist theory and world system theory in order to gain an in depth understanding of both. Marxist theory will be analyzed from the work of Marx in addition to the writings of other authors and texts which have interpreted and elaborated upon his writings, such as Engels. I will then compare and contrast that body of work with the writings of the seminal theorists behind world-system theory including Wallerstein, Shannon, and Ward, with a concentration on the similarities and differences between classical Marxist theories regarding the origin of the family, how Marxist theory regards social stratification in terms of gender and the family, and how those same issues are interpreted by world system theorists. The objective of this paper is to gain a better understanding of feminism and the role of the family within world-system theory by analyzing how it is both analogous to and dissimilar from the interpretation of these issues within classical Marxist theory. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In sociological discourse there are two different understandings of youth, resistance, and social change. Social movement scholars have studied youth resistance by focusing on large-scale social movements like the civil rights movement. In a second discursive context, cultural studies scholars have widened the scope of analysis to include studies of youth subcultures, such as hip-hop. However, in both of these discussions, researchers have overlooked resistance strategies created by teenagers, instead invoking dominant, cultural understandings of activism, which tend to focus on former civil rights leaders. In this paper, I examine how this idealized cultural image is significant for understanding the role of popular culture in constructing youth activism and the contemporary youth movement. Using interview data collected from two years of ethnographic research with teenagers at Young People United and Project Diversity, youth empowerment organizations in Oakland, CA. Based on these interviews, I argue that popular culture plays a significant role in the resistance strategies and activism of youth of color in the twenty-first century. Two central questions that guide this paper are: How has an idealized cultural image of activism been constructed in popular culture? How has youth activism and the contemporary youth movement been conceptualized in relationship to these images? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to answer a historical-comparative question, viz., why did Taiwan's environmental movement arise earlier than its labor counterpart, in contrast to Korea, where the labor movement took the lead and the environmental movement followed? The targets of investigation are discrepant performances of labor and environmental movements in the context of late industrialization. This paper uses both countries' labor and environmental disputes from the 1970s to analyze the processes through which Taiwan's anti-pollution and Korea's labor disputes broke out of, and why their counterparts were contained by, the control schemes of authoritarian regimes. The basic argument is that movement specificity matters, particularly the types of power that labor and environmental movements initially depend on. The reverse sequencing of labor and environmental movements in Taiwan and Korea should be understood in terms of the interaction between polity structures and movement powers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study of social movements is a diverse enterprise encompassing many phases, and involving many theories. Among these theories we find that of social movement frames. These frames, adapted from social psychology, offer the unique potential to explain the organization of social movements as well as to partially account for their expansion and success. Unfortunately, to date methods for identifying and measuring frames have been plagued by subjectivity and the attendant difficulties in operationalization. This has limited the ultimate impact of an otherwise promising theory. The current paper attempts to enhance our conception of social movement frames by injecting certain concepts from Actor-Network Theory. The resultant theoretical chimera, referred to as Framework theory, offers significant practical and theoretical advances, without sacrificing the core insights of social movement frame analysis. This paper will begin by considering the state of social movement frames and frame measurement. It will then introduce Actor-Network Theory, and describe how these two theoretical traditions can be productively fused. The resultant Framework theory will then be discussed in more detail, and finally given a crude empirical test. The paper will conclude with a brief discussion of the current state of Framework theory and possible avenues for future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract The Politics of Human Rights: Framing Coalitions in the Israeli Radical Left, 1997-2000 Based on the findings of my dissertation, Organizing Heterodoxies: The Israeli Committee Against House Demolition and the Israeli Radical Left, 1997-2000, this paper considers the strategic and cultural challenges to coalition building in the Israeli radical left. Bringing social movement organizations (SMOs) together potentially strengthens movement capabilities, but coalition integrity is threatened when participating SMOs clash over strategic and goal incompatibility. To examine dilemmas that emerge from attempting to bring SMOs together in the Israeli radical left peace and human rights movement, I consider the movement literature on the relationship between coalition-building and the framing of collective protest. The Israeli radical left is comprised of diverse SMOs and actors, and one of the major strategic divides in the movement as a whole is that which separates SMOs that pursue political strategies from those that mobilize action campaigns on the basis of human rights discourse. After detailing the distinctions between the two approaches, I analyze two coalition-building efforts in which the Israeli Committee Against House Demolition (ICAHD) played a significant role. I demonstrate how the strategic diversity in the Israeli radical left makes it difficult for participating SMOs to build master frames and coalition forms that would enable heterogeneous movement organizations to coordinate collective action. In illustrating these examples, this paper identifies structural, cultural, and ideological factors that yielded decisions to limit the depth of coalitions to a single strategic frame. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There has been much research on the powerful functions of political rituals to mobilize people into social movements. This paper studies a neglected topic: the failure of political rituals. Erving Goffman's interaction ritual theory and Randall Collins' sociology of emotion provide the theoretical framework for this analysis. By looking at the beginning years of China's Cultural Revolution, this paper examines the emotional dynamic of political rituals during that charged time period and posits that forced political rituals can create negative emotions which alienate people from the movement. Since private backstage is important in sustaining people's performances on a political frontstage, the elimination of the backstage produced even more alienation from the central symbol of their frontstage performance. The negative effects of these political rituals contributed to their disillusionments and the decline of people's enthusiasm for the Cultural Revolution. Thy have had profound influence in China's politics in subsequent years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Numerous media stories, be they on 60 Minutes, the NY Times editorial page, or the cover of Time Magazine, have discussed the recent retreat of married mothers from the labor force, a retreat referred to by some as the "opt-out" revolution. This paper moves the discussion of "why the retreat" from simple anecdotes to systematic analysis. After rising for decades, married mothers' labor force participation rates stopped increasing in the 1990s. In this paper we explore possible explanations for this significant change, including human capital, labor demand, and cultural explanations. Using both PSID and CPS data, and analyses of both levels of participation and transitions into/out of the labor force, we find that much of the leveling off of married mothers' participation can be traced back to a change in the underlying structure of labor market transitions that emerged in the late 1970s / early 1980s. We posit this change reflects the impact of feminism and the subsequent counter-feminist movement that gave rise to the "new momism" ideology that began its ascent in the 1980s. We conclude that change in gender relations may reflect a punctuated equilibrium... periods of stability followed by significant "shocks" to the existing gender order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To understand the contribution of civil society to democratic transition and consolidation, the relationship between actors within civil society and the power-holders of the democratic polity must be elaborated. Among the plausible relationships between social movements and the state, an institutionalized form of creating linkages holds diverse political implications because it evokes changes in the respective character of both parties. Yet, studies of the impact of movement institutionalization upon democratization have lacked analytical rigor. In order to understand how movements are institutionalized and what effects they have upon the state and civil society during democratization, a systematic analysis of the conditions for movement institutionalization can serve as a steppingstone. Thus, this paper aims to provide a tentative framework that identifies the variables and web of contingencies that construct the conditions under which movement institutionalization within democratization occurs. As a supplementation to existing approaches, I offer an integrated perspective that embraces multiple factors involved in movement institutionalization. Movement institutionalization depends on the conjuncture of mutual choices between social movements and countermovements and becomes possible when movements decide to participate and when countermovements choose to incorporate them. Conditioned by past experiences and dynamics of democratization, the strength, configuration, and nature of the state on the one hand and the internal characteristics of social movements on the other interact to constrain and empower each other, forming conditions under which movement institutionalization occurs. The conjunctural settings set by internal and external factors are scrutinized and developed into eight hypotheses in this paper. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]