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Copyright of Teoría y Praxis is the property of Editorial Universidad Don Bosco and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article analyses the use of sound -- music, noise, and vocalization -- within the context of politically motivated violence in Belarus since 2020. The goal of this study is to analyze the sonic violence practices and map their range. The first part of the text reviews literature about the use of sound and music for public space control, political indoctrination and "re-education", interrogations, tortures, and executions by various -- not only authoritarian -- political regimes. The concept of sonic violence used in the following analysis, allows studying the use of musical and non-musical sounds, and focusing not only on external sonic influence but also on victims' own voices weaponized and used against them. Since 2020, Belarusian pro-democratic media and human rights initiatives have gathered hundreds of interviews with people who underwent harsh treatment and violence from "law enforcers". Many witnesses mention experiencing forced listening, speaking, chanting, singing, and other kinds of sonic violence. The article's second part presents a qualitative analysis of publications in independent and state-funded media (2020-2023), reports of human rights NGOs, as well as other empirical materials (audio recordings, participant observations) that identify situations where sound, music, and vocalization were used by various Belarusian state agents in a coercive or violent context. Coding and categorizing such cases allows creating a typology that can be mapped as a continuum -- according to the character, intensity, duration, and impact of violent techniques and traumatic experiences caused by them. This is the first study of sonic violence in contemporary Belarus, that not only shows its widespread and systemic character, but also analyzes its forms and strategies used to counteract it. The study shows the place of the current Belarusian events in the history and genealogy of sonic violence, revealing parallels with similar practices of other political regimes, both contemporary and historical. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Histórica (02528894) is the property of Pontificia Universidad Catolica del Peru and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Purpose—The article seeks to determine what prevented North Koreans’ collective resistance against their leadership in the late 1980s when many of their East European comrades revolted. Approach—North Korea, Romania, and Albania were historically and comparatively analyzed in terms of some totalitarian traits. Romania and Albania were selected because they eventually diverged from North Korea with the anti-regime uprisings of their populations. What most distinguishes the North Korean political system from these other regimes is the sheer longevity of its existence, and one aspect of totalitarian regimes, isolation, more than physical control and indoctrination, seems to be the major cause of this divergence. However, the three elements reinforce one another. Findings—The ruling regimes of Romania and Albania, though unusually repressive by East European standards, were ultimately unsuccessful in isolating their populations from outside contact, whereas in North Korea, ordinary citizens have hardly been able to realize that their socioeconomic problems are a result of the policies of the country’s top leadership. Practical Implications—Organized dissent was unthinkable in North Korea for multiple reasons, and the people’s drive for revolution may begin to awaken if the thick blanket of isolation is lifted by the outside world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The employment of Black women as maids in White South African households is common in the postapartheid nation. When questioned outside of the discursive structures that sustain its functioning, this domestic labour arrangement is revealed as one deeply rooted in relations of power, oppression and privilege. The mass wave of South African emigrants to other White ‘homelands’ following the fall of apartheid, alongside their abrupt confrontation with a new social normality, promotes questioning into how they account for the differences in domestic labour between South Africa and Aotearoa/New Zealand. Using Foucauldian discourse analysis, the accounts of eight White South African immigrants are deconstructed. The four discourses of ‘invisible Whiteness’, ‘gendered domestic work’, ‘more equal’ and ‘lifting the veil’ give insight into how White South Africans negotiate historical indoctrination and contemporary White identity. In exploring White South African immigrants’ accounts of domestic labour relations, which are inconsistent with everyday life in Aotearoa/New Zealand, this research contributes to an understanding of how oppressive cultural normalisations can be reflected on and renegotiated following emigration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia Contemporanea is the property of Historia Contemporania and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Letras is the property of Revista de Letras and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Paulo Freire (1970) stated, "In order for the oppressed to be able to wage the struggle for their liberation, they must perceive the reality of oppression not as a closed world from which there is no exit, but as a limiting situation which they can transform." Academia has historically been evoked by a white, male, hetero-normative framework that has limited the space for opposing identities to be marginalized through policies, organizational culture, and social imagery. Although liberation is not a notion employed in academia, assimilation, obedience, and domination serve as the protagonist embedded in the optics within these institutions, often praising the marginalized for how much abuse they can endure under the guise of academic rigor and resiliency. Not only is this violent, it is corrosive and dehumanizing. This open letter will serve as a motivational tool to combat and resist an oppressive system and illuminate the liberatory processes in multiple contexts. Also, ground the idea of liberation in concrete circumstances that demonstrate power and strength in the ongoing praxis and long-awaited triumph over the oppressor and the systems that they employ. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Education Policy Analysis Archives / Archivos Analíticos de Políticas Educativas / Arquivos Analíticos de Políticas Educativas is the property of Educational Policy Analysis Archives & Education Review and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of RICYDE. Revista Internacional de Ciencias del Deporte is the property of Revista Internacional de Ciencias del Deporte and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this article, I critically assess the development and application of entrepreneurship education in the performing arts, specifically among performance students of Western European art music in the United States. I seek to locate this education in the sociocultural and economic context of neoliberal capitalism and to demonstrate that this education serves as a form of indoctrination in support of that system. Evidence collected from interviews of 18 staff, students, and alumni of music entrepreneurship programs from four institutions, as well as 32 hours of participant observation of entrepreneurship seminars at two institutions, are presented to further position this education in terms of equity and appropriateness for students in the arts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Pädagogik is the property of Julius Beltz GmbH & Co. KG Beltz Juventa and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

We assess the nature and extent of socialist indoctrination in elementary school textbooks published by the government of Hugo Chávez in Venezuela. Our methodology consists of systematically comparing these textbooks with those published by previous administrations. We perform a qualitative comparison by coding relevant categories and a quantitative comparison using text mining. We find strong evidence of socialist indoctrination in the textbooks published by the government of Hugo Chávez relative to those we use as a benchmark. The most common topics present in the former include the promotion of income redistribution, government-provided goods, and collective effort. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cauriensia: Revista Anual de Ciencias Eclesiásticas is the property of Instituto Teologico San Pedro de Alcantara de Caceres and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Although at the end of World War II Greece was at the winners’ side, its economic, political and social situation was tragic. The Civil War (1946-1949) impacted strongly not only the construction of a social and political setting significantly distinct from the pre-war one but also every strand of life, especially children’s lives and family ties. During the civil war years –starting in the summer of 1947– at the initiative of the government and the Royal Welfare Institution around 18,000 children were taken away from their home villages and were housed in 52 institutions called “Childtowns” (Paidopoleis). At the end of the Civil War (1949) most of them returned to their villages and the majority of these institutions closed. Although their role was supposed to be the “protection of abandoned, poor and orphan children,” a strong emphasis was laid on their indoctrination. The paper looks into the instruction of children in the values of nation-mindness (ethnikofrosyni: extreme nationalism) which at the time was the dominant ideology. Based on the premise that education aims, among others, to help the young generation internalize a common culture, which the teachers attempt to instill in children, we follow the way children were imbued with the national ideology in these institutions. We study the pedagogical discourse about the homeland and the nation as reflected in contemporary official documents, journals and newspapers as well as in the published testimonies of children who experienced life in these institutions. We focus on the analysis of various aspects of life in the Childtowns, as well as the education, training and daily routine of the children in relation with the educational moral and national values during the postwar period. We are interested in analyzing how the pedagogical theory and practice created and determined the dominant codes through which children could express their emotions and feelings for the nation and the country as well as display the expected attitudes and behaviors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Sociologia, Problemas e Práticas is the property of Centro de Investigacao e Estudos de Sociologia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Al Hawl camp remains the largest Internally Displaced Persons (IDP) camp in Northeastern Syria. The camp holds people who fled ISIS as well as individuals and families connected to ISIS (members and supporters) who were displaced from its former territory. It currently holds around 68,000 people, 94% of whom are women and children. ISIS and its predecessor, Al Qaeda in Iraq, have benefited from prison contexts which were fundamental for both groups to grow. Prisons have proven to be breeding grounds for Jihadist indoctrination and networking. Al Hawl has been part of ISIS's strategy through crime and terror networks that have developed within the camp. ISIS residents in Al Hawl camp conduct terrorist indoctrination, radicalization, human smuggling, document fraud, forgery and financing. These criminal activities have aided ISIS in having the upper hand inside the camp while preparing its militants for a future role in case the caliphate is restored. In the meantime, since its territorial defeat two years ago, ISIS has benefited from the human smuggling networks that operate in Syria since 2011. Smuggling its fighters, facilitators and families out of the conflict zone has been an important strategy for ISIS future ambitions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia y Politica: Ideas, Procesos y Movimientos Sociales is the property of Departamento De Historia del Pensamiento y de los Moviemientos Sociales y Politicos (Madrid) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Collected Papers of the Faculty of Law in Split / Zbornik Radova Pravnog Fakulteta u Splitu is the property of Split Faculty of Law and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Frontières is the property of Universite du Quebec a Montreal, Revue Frontieres and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Author-supplied Abstracts.)

Since the emergence of the national protests at Higher Education Institutions (HEIs) in South Africa in 2015, both the public media and social media platforms were inundated with debates justifying the credibility and validity of the protests. It appears that the public and social media had succeeded in swaying public opinion in favour of the protests, as much media attention was focused on portraying the protests in the same manner as those of June 1976, namely that these were students fighting for equality in education, similar to those of 1976. However, since the protests hit their peak in 2015, and even through 2016, what have we learnt about the crisis in higher education that the protests have created? First, is there a crisis? Second, do the protests reflect the reality of the state of education in South Africa, namely, that institutions no longer seek to educate, but to indoctrinate? These are the key questions addressed in this article. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author discusses how the teacher-student relationship may influence the individual judgment of a learner. Topics explored include the impact of personal experience on individual judgments acknowledged by philosopher Michel de Montaigne, the way students tend to display trust in the wisdom of their teachers according to philosopher Ralph Waldo Emerson, and the critical thinking skills deemed necessary to provide fair judgment and reasoning.

Erickson and Thompson articulate and defend reasonableness as an important civic educational aim for early childhood education. In this response, I argue that further clarity regarding the nature and scope of "reasonableness" as an educational concept is needed. Is such a concept fundamentally political, or does it capture a broader notion of educational value? My view is that, from an educational point of view, the need for reasonable deliberation in plural societies makes salient that there are certain situations that mature moral agents should be prepared to handle (i.e., conflict about basic political matters). But this is merely part of a broader moral education. I explain why I think this is the case, pointing to some sharp differences between the nature of civic deliberation and moral deliberation, more broadly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Prohistoria is the property of Prohistoria Ediciones and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

A renewed alignment with the church’s historic ministry of catechesis necessitates a comprehensive understanding of the God-centered, experiential, lifelong, communal, and mission-centered nature of catechesis. Ancient church practice of educating the affections, in contrast to post-Enlightenment intellectual indoctrination, requires mystagogical immersion of the human heart and life in the love of God. Mystagogical catechesis prevents the formation of superficial faith through pedagogical practices that: recognize the liturgical nature of faith and life; engage the whole person; aim for the heart; envision the journey; provoke wonder; and cultivate worship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ciencia y Sociedad is the property of Ciencia y Sociedad and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Estudios Políticos is the property of Centro de Estudios Politicos y Constitucionales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Discourse: Journal of Childhood & Adolescense Research / Diskurs Kindheits- und Jugendforschung is the property of Verlag Barbara Budrich GmbH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Polemos is the property of Croatian Sociological Association and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Studia Historica. Historia Contemporánea is the property of Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Acta Paedagogica Vilnensia is the property of Vilnius University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article discusses the Anzac legend, a combined corps who served during World War I. It cites on the encouragement for the students to think critically about the legend in which its commemoration can challenge theses students recognize the contestability and subjectivity of all historical inquiry. The article also cites on a debate whether children are being indoctrinated into a militarised version of Australian history.

After 1948 the offices of the State Security used various methods of both psychological and physical coercion in order to force anyone accused to sign a confession and learn the defendant's deposition, later recited in court. The present article aims to point out that the investigators' intention was also to force the arrested person to change their previous views on their "subversive" activities to the extent they themselves would perceive them as harmful and hostile. If the accused person adopted the views the investigators were trying to put in their mind, the probability that they would not deviate from the prepared script in court was higher. Another consequence of these methods was the changes in the personality of the accused person. The present article not only analyses and assesses in terms of the foreign psychological research the methods used by the State Security, it also explains the individual psychological stages of the interrogated, for instance the split personality, washing away one's personality and creating a new one, the Stockholm syndrome and so forth. The article focuses primarily on the experiences of the former communist party's prominent members. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Flanders, Belgium, public acts of national allegiance are often grounded in the political rhetoric of the Great War that was, and continues to be, promoted by several powerful symbols, most visibly the Flemish lion – the official symbol of Flanders and, in its alternate version, the separatist Flemish nationalist movement. The examination of the reliance on the image of the Flemish lion at two annual pilgrimages to the World War I Belgian battlefields highlights an ongoing dialogue between memory and identity that stems from the formation of Belgium. The Great War and the unusual political situation that developed in the trenches of the Belgian Front, comprised of a small portion of unoccupied Belgium in the NW corner of the country, exacerbated the acute desire for Flemish recognition within Francophone Belgium. The myths of Flemish subjugation at the hands of the French-speaking officer class in the Great War played a pivotal role in the rising social and political Flemish organizations in the immediate postwar years. Some factions, the Activists, agitated for a separate Flemish state while others, the Passivists, lobbied for more rights for Flanders within Belgium, but both groups relied heavily on the visual culture created during the war. Much of this nationalist literary and visual language was created in the nineteenth century, but essentially served the cultural rejuvenation of a distinct Flemish consciousness for Flanders and the Flemish language during 14–18 that continues to serve as signs of cultural and political allegiance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers presentations on how to most effectively build bridges via rehabilitation relationships. Topics will include best practices, innovative collaborations, new models of care, and how to interface effectively between the yoga world and conventional rehabilitative medicine. The field of yoga therapy is expanding to the academic setting, as several universities create masters or certificate programs.

Copyright of In die Skriflig is the property of African Online Scientific Information System PTY LTD and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Whereas the theme of this essay consists of a summary comparison and evaluation of the contents of social studies in Thai, Indonesian, and Philippine schools, it centers on the Philippine curriculum in order to identify the principles underlying the general perception of things social that seem to hold in the former two nation-states, too. As it appears that said contents obscure rather than clarify social life, the predominant imagination remains rooted in the practice of everyday life, and so the question is asked whether Thai and Indonesian nationalistic indoctrination leads to a clearer picture of wider society and a relatively higher degree of identification with the nation and its past. The evidence that it does, is not convincing, and so social life remains a nebulous sphere. In order to clarify it, certain didactic strategies are recommended, such as tracing the becoming of the respective nation-states. In such tying up of the past and the present, the evolution of and the continuities in basic social organisation and world view can be visualised while stimulating the social imagination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]