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Cilj istraživanja bio je ispitati moderatorsku ulogu statusa grupe (većina ili manjina) na odnos međugrupnog kontakta i spremnosti na uključivanje u kolektivnu akciju s ciljem smanjenja nejednakosti osoba homoseksualne orijentacije u odnosu na heteroseksualnu većinu. Također smo htjeli ispitati moderatorsku ulogu statusa grupe na odnos međugrupnog kontakta i percipirane međugrupne prijetnje. Istraživanje je provedeno putem online upitnika na 286 sudionika od čega je 187 heteroseksualnih osoba i 99 pripadnika LGBTIQ populacije. Sudionici su popunili upitnik koji je uključivao mjeru kvalitete kontakta s pripadnicima druge grupe, skalu percipirane simboličke prijetnje i skalu spremnosti na kolektivnu akciju usmjerenu na boljitak LGBTIQ populacije. Rezultati pokazuju značajnu povezanost međugrupnog kontakta sa spremnosti na kolektivnu akciju i percipiranom međugrupnom prijetnjom. Potvrđena je moderatorska uloga statusa grupe, pri čemu na uzorku heteroseksualnih osoba pozitivniji kontakt s pripadnicima druge grupe povećava spremnost na kolektivnu akciju, dok na uzorku homoseksualnih osoba međugrupni kontakt nije povezan sa spremnosti na kolektivnu akciju. Nadalje, potvrđena je moderatorska uloga statusa grupe i na odnos kvalitete kontakta i percepcije simboličke prijetnje, pri čemu je na oba uzorka pozitivniji kontakt s pripadnicima druge grupe povezan sa smanjenom percepcijom te grupe kao prijetnje, ali je taj efekt veći kod heteroseksualnih osoba. Rezultati su razmatrani iz perspektive teorije kontakta te zanemarene uloge statusa grupe u tom kontekstu., The aim of the research was to examine the moderating role of the group status (minority or majority) on the relationship between intergroup contact and willingness to get involved in a collective action with the aim of reducing inequalities of the persons with homosexual orientation with regard to the heterosexual majority. Additionally, the aim was to analyse the moderating role of the group status on the relationship between intergroup contact and perceived intergroup threat. The research was conducted via online survey on a sample of 286 respondents out of whom there were 187 heterosexual persons and 99 members of the LGBTIQ population. The respondents completed a survey which included a measure of quality of contact with the members of the other group, the scale of perceived symbolic threat and the scale of willingness to take collective action aimed at the improvement of the position of the LGBTIQ population. The results show a significant connection between intergroup contact and willingness to take collective action and perceived intergroup threat. The moderating role of the group status was confirmed, whereas on the sample of heterosexual persons a more positive contact with the members of the other group increases willingness to take collective action, while for homosexual persons the intergroup contact is not connected with the willingness to take collective action. Furthermore, the moderating role of the group status was confirmed on the relationship between the quality of contact and perception of symbolic threat, at which a more positive contact with the members of the other group was connected with the reduced perception of that group as a threat in both samples of respondents, but a higher effect of it was observed in the case of heterosexual persons. The results are analysed from the perspective of the contact theory and the neglected role of group status in that context.

Abstract. This study compared attitudes toward multiculturalism and assimilationism among three ethnic groups (Serbs, Croats, and Hungarians) in two neighboring countries (Croatia and Serbia). Additionally, this study examined the predictive role of ethnic identity on aforementioned attitudes directly and indirectly via symbolic threat. The results showed that Croats and Serbs had less positive multicultural and more positive assimilationist attitudes when in a majority position than when in a minority position. Hungarians, a minority in both countries, did not differ between countries. Additionally, symbolic threat mediated the relationship between ethnic identification and both assimilation and multiculturalism only in Croatia. The group status moderated these effects. Our findings confirm the importance of group's status and national context in understanding the majority–minority intergroup dynamic.

Cross-sectional study about national collective narcissism, immigrants conspiracy beliefs, perceived threat, collective actions toward immigrants and support for discriminatory policies

Projects 2 and 3 We are developing an information source-set robustness and statistical reliability measure or index for applications in political psychology and political philosophy. The specific context for application is Sino-Western relations, anti-China propaganda, and anti-China sentiement. We are designing two naturalistic studies as pilots, to be further developed into larger naturalistic studies, or else quasi-experiments or full experiments. The pilots and a meta-analysis of similar studies will be used to ascertain required sample sizes to achieve statistical power of 80% with meaningful minimum effect sizes (dependent on test statistics chosen.). Abstract 2 (Draft) : The first experiment is intended to test how much knowledge of the upstream information sources and information source sets of Li-Meng Yan’s COVID-19 article, and of the pre-reviews of that article, inform the public’s reception of the article and their subsequent level of anti-China sentiment. The specific statistical models to be deployed are yet to be determined, and will depend upon initial pilots and meta-analyses used to determine minimum sample sizes and appropriate independent, or predictor, variables.

3 (Draft) : The second study design is test how much knowledge of the various kinds of upstream information sources (ranked according to reliability) about Xinjiang and Uyghurs influences the degree of anti-China sentiment (dependent variable), of members of the public and policy makers in the West. Participants will be asked to complete an initial survey indicating reliable they think sources are (Likert Scale) and why. Method (Draft): The pilot is likely to be developed using Prolific Academic or MTurk. The full experiment may also involve an analysis of social media output from Twitter and other websites on belonging to media, government, and research bodies and institutes. Independent or predictor variables are likely to include: - Degree and type of exposure to information and pseudo-information source sets from media and social media sources. - Degree and type of exposure to information and pseudo-information from sources like ASPI, Australia’s DFAT, and The US Department of State on line media - Degree and type of exposure to information and pseudo-information from Chinese government affiliated or marked on line sources. - Objective reliability rankings of all information sources based upon a formal ranking scale being developed by SWRG sing information theoretic precepts and principles (this will include a formal, or standardised, classification of sources versus pseudo-information sources). The specific statistical models to be deployed are yet to be determined, and will depend upon initial pilots and meta-analyses used to determine minimum sample sizes and appropriate independent, or predictor, variables. They are likely to involve ANOVA, ANCOVA, and/or regressions analysis. There may be a temporal sequence or within-participants component for before and after exposure to sources like ASPI, Australia’s DFAT, and The US Department of State on line media. Anti-China and pro-China sentiment will be measured using standardised sentiment surveys and scoring systems.

(Draft): We are interested in the effect of religious belief, epistemic beliefs, and psychological profile on levels of Western anti-China sentiment. Method (Draft): Data will initially be sourced from surveys of social media output, but may ultimately involve mixed methods quantitative and qualitative surveys through an on line service such as Amazon's Mechanical Turk. Planned experiments include a factorial ANOVA (experiment 1) and factorial ANCOVA (Experiment 2). Experiment 2 may involve other covariates such as SES, age, political orientation, and education level.

The present research examines the relationship between national identity, perceived group threats, and immigration policy. Across two studies, we examine how patriotism (an arguably critical form of national identity) and nationalism (an ethnocentric and dominance-oriented form of national identity; Sidanius, Feshbach, Levin, & Pratto, 1997) predict strong stances on immigration policy (Studies 1 & 2). Furthermore, does the inclusion of symbolic threats (Studies 1 & 2) and realistic threats (Study 2) decrease the relationship between different forms of national identity and immigration policy? One of the key findings across the two studies is that symbolic threats reduce the relationship between nationalism and immigration policy but not between patriotism and immigration policy. The findings extend previous research (Mukherjee et al., 2012) by providing evidence that symbolic threats (e.g., immigrants are changing what it means to be American) underpin the relationship between nationalism and immigration policy.

With calls to “make America great again”, many Americans, especially White Americans, feel as though the country has lost something of value. These calls also suggest that there is a previous time in the country’s history that Americans can reclaim. These feelings hinge on the construct of collective nostalgia. The purpose of this research is to explore a particular manifestation of collective nostalgia--racial nostalgia--or longing for a previous time in a racial groups’ past. Specifically, we will explore how racial nostalgia relates to the perception of realistic and symbolic threat, the endorsement of extreme anti-immigrant policies, and the endorsement of White nationalist beliefs.

The project aims to investigate how agentic and communal collective narcissism influences the responses to the Russian invasion of Ukraine with a specific focus on the role of realistic and symbolic threats. We use national and religious identification, with narcisistic and secure ingroup attachment.

Recent years have witnessed a rise in support for political parties with an anti-immigration sentiment and nationalistic rhetoric as their distinguishing traits. Within this context, our study, through a survey, analyses the relation of prejudice toward immigrants with ideological postulates of right-wing authoritarianism and social dominance and outgroup threat. With a sample of 247 individuals (54.7% men and 45.3% women), our results reveal that positions favouring right-wing authoritarianism and social dominance and perception of realistic and symbolic threat have an influence on negative attitudes toward immigrants. At the same time, greater prejudice is found in those individuals scoring high in authoritarianism and symbolic threat. These results confirm, on one hand, the dual process motivation model of ideology and prejudice, and on the other, the bifactor structure of outgroup threat. As a conclusion, we propose that in order to foment peaceful coexistence and reduce hostility towards minority groups within today’s social context, it is important to consider the relevance of ideological postulates and outgroup threat. It is a priority to design public policies that favour the inclusion and integration of minority groups with the goal of building more sustainable societies that respect human rights.

Multiple conservative parties in Europe and Australia have achieved electoral success in recent times on the back of their restrictionist asylum agendas. These agendas are typically underpinned by the symbolic threat argument, which asserts that forced migrants hold values that threaten inalienable freedoms in host societies. Yet despite the gravity of this argument, its empirical validity has not been seriously investigated in previous literature. This study attempts to quantitatively test the validity of the symbolic asylum restrictionist argument by comparing the values of Australians and Europeans (5 countries) with those of forced migrants across ten items. These items were selected on the basis of their potential to divide a modern, progressive society and covered a range of themes, including gender, violence, consent, civil rights and democracy. Data for the items were obtained through questionnaires that I administered through Qualtrics. The study's secondary objectives were to work out whether any demographic traits could explain potential value incongruities and to observe the accuracy of host country perceptions of forced migrant values and see whether they were associated with asylum policy preferences. The findings revealed that four forced migrant values represent a major threat to host society freedoms: false interpretations of sexual consent, prejudice towards transgender people, and tolerance of honour killings and religious attacks. Because a high percentage of forced migrants were found to support such behaviours whereas the study’s host country populations clearly oppose them, symbolic arguments for restricting asylum have a considerable degree of validity. Despite this, I argue that all legitimate forced migrants should be granted protection and that a values assessment mechanism should be used to identify and moderate those who espouse “dangerous” values.

Rad se sastoji od istraživačkog dijela (sociološkog) i filozofskog dijela. Cilj istraživačkog dijela rada bio je dobiti uvid u stavove studenata Sveučilišta u Zagrebu prema pojedinim imigrantima, a filozofskog dijela rada pokušati dati odgovor na pitanje o važnosti razvoja kritičkoga mišljenja te promicanja tolerancije u nastavi filozofije, logike i etike. Utvrđivala se korelacija između predrasuda i socijalne distance odnosno spremnosti na stupanje u socijalni kontakt sa pojedinim etničkim skupinama. Predrasude su se ispitivale u vidu realistične i simboličke prijetnje. Realistična prijetnja podrazumijeva strah od gubitka ekonomske i političke moći te strah od fizičke i materijalne ugroze, dok se simbolička očituje u vidu straha od ugroze vrijednosti grupe kojoj pripadamo, strah da ćemo morati mijenjati način života, kulturu, vjeru... Simboličke se predrasude često smatraju prikrivenima, za razliku od otvorenih koje odražavaju izravnu nesnošljivost prema pripadnicima vanjske grupe. Ispitani studenti zagrebačkog sveučilišta iskazuju relativno nizak stupanj predrasuda, nizak stupanj percepcije prijetnje sigurnosti i imovni građana RH od strane pojedinih etničkih, nacionalnih, vjersko-religijskih te kulturoloških skupina, što je još jedan oblik predrasuda, odnosno percepcija realistične prijetnje i prediktor diskriminativnog ponašanja prema imigrantima. Sukladno rezultatima koji pokazuju relativno niske razine predrasuda, studenti pokazuju nisku razinu diskriminativnih stavova te relativno nisku razinu socijalne distance prema pojedinim etničkim skupinama. No, studenti koji su iskazali veću razinu predrasuda iskazuju i veći stupanj socijalne distance čime se potvrdila hipoteza o povezanosti predrasuda i distance prema imigrantima. Studenti tehničkih, prirodoslovnih i biomedicinskih fakulteta u usporedbi sa studentima društveno - humanističkih fakulteta u većem stupnju izražavaju predrasude prema imigrantima. Studenti koji se politički pozicioniraju na centru i desnom spektru, studenti koji su deklarirali vjeroispovijest, studenti s većim stupnjem vjerskog uvjerenja i religijske pripadnosti iskazuju veću razinu predrasuda prema imigrantima te veću razinu socijalne distance prema pojedinim etničkim skupinama u usporedbi sa studentima koji nisu religiozni/agnostici/ateisti i koji su lijevo orijentirani. Sagledavanje stvari iz tuđe perspektive, sposobnost da se „stavimo u tuđe cipele“ preduvjet je ka ostvarenju tolerancije. Tolerancija počiva na poštovanju, prihvaćanju i uvažavanju drugih i drugačijih. U tom smislu predmeti poput etike i filozofije u većoj mjeri od predmeta prirodnih znanosti, utječu na formiranje stavova i sustava vrijednosti učenika. Stoga se u ovome radu promovira učenje toleranciji kao prijeko potrebnom odgojnom idealu svih školskih programa. This study consists of the investigative (sociological) and the philosophical part. The goal of the investigative part of the study was to gain insight into the opinion of the students of University of Zagreb on different groups of immigrants, and the goal of the philosophical part was to give an answer to the question of importance of the development of critical thinking and the promotion of tolerance in the teaching of philosophy, logic and ethics. The goal was to establish a correlation between prejudice and social distancing, i.e. readiness to initiate a social contact between different ethnic groups. The prejudice was investigated through experiencing of both realistic and symbolic threats. The realistic threat implies fear of losing economic and political power as well as fear of physical harm and harm to property, while the symbolic threat manifests in the form of fear of endangering the values of one's own group or fear of having to change one's own lifestyle, culture, religion, etc. While symbolic prejudice is often perceived as concealed, open prejudice displays clear animosity towards the members of an outside group. Questioned students of the University of Zagreb showed relatively low levels of prejudice towards and low levels of perception of the threat towards the safety and property of Croatian citizens from the members of specific ethnic, national, religious and cultural groups, which would be another form of prejudice, i.e. perception of realistic threat and predictor of discriminatory behavior towards immigrants. In accordance with the results which showed relatively low levels of prejudice, the students showed low levels of discriminatory views and relatively low levels of social distancing in regard to specific ethnic groups. However, students who showed higher levels of prejudice also showed higher levels of social distancing, which confirms the hypothesis of a relation between prejudice and distancing in regard to the immigrants. Students of technical, natural science and biomedical faculties showed more prejudice towards the immigrants when compared with the students of social science faculties. Students who declared themselves as being politically on the centre or right wing, students who declared themselves as having a religion, and students who claimed a higher degree of religious belief and belonging showed higher levels of prejudice towards immigrants as well as higher levels of social distancing towards specific ethnic groups compared to atheists/non-religious/agnostics and politically left oriented. Seeing things from someone else's perspective – the ability to „put ourselves in someone else's shoes“ – is a prerequisite for realization of tolerance. Tolerance is based on respect and acceptance of those who are different from us. In that sense, subjects like ethics and philosophy affect the formation of views and value systems to a greater extent than STEM subjects. Therefore, this study promotes teaching of tolerance as a crucial educational ideal of all school programs.

Right-wing populist parties portray immigrants as economic or symbolic threats in their political advertisements by constructing a moral divide between the “good” ordinary people and “bad” immigran...

In this thesis, I will argue that the role different types of perceived threat play is fundamental for how people can become more hostile or violent. Scholars have previously studied how threat perceptions can lead to outgroup hostilities and violent attitudes. Sometimes they have distinguished between realistic threats, those pertaining to wellbeing, safety and economic resources, and symbolic threats, related to culture, identity and values. Yet, despite previous research, systematic experimental evidence is scarce. Therefore, this thesis has attempted to answer the question of how realistic and symbolic threat perceptions affect outgroup hostilities through a novel survey-experimental design (n = 97) making use of Amazon’s MTurk for recruitment. It found that those exposed to a realistically framed threat exhibit more pragmatist attitudes, whereas those exposed to a symbolically framed threat leaned towards more vicious responses, although these latter results lacked statistical significance. This thesis found no difference in violent attitudes for these two types of perceived threat. These findings are important as they teach us how people can become more hostile, and how we can be aware of how actors, such as politicians, can use threat framing to achieve certain objectives.

Links between competitive victimhood and discrimination are well documented. However, the mechanisms how victimhood beliefs remain relevant for decades and how conflict survivors can shape attitudes and behaviours of the post-conflict generations are little understood. Following the Transgenerational Transmission Hypothesis and the Integrated Threat Theory, we propose that the link between parental competitive victimhood and discrimination among their children is mediated through family ethnic socialization and symbolic threat to the in-group. Participants were families that included youth (N = 227) and their parents (172 mothers, 150 fathers) in Vukovar, Croatia. A multiple group, chain mediation model was conducted with parental competitive victimhood as the predictor; youth ethnic socialization and symbolic threat as sequential mediators; and youth tendency to discriminate against the outgroup and perceived ethnic in-group discrimination as outcomes. The findings revealed significant indirect effects of the competitive victimhood on both outcomes, via the proposed mediators. The only difference in the model between majority Croats and minority Serbs was the path from symbolic threat to tendency to discriminate, which was positive and significant for both groups, but stronger among Croats. The findings imply that interventions in post-conflict settings need to address family ethnic socialization processes in addition to directly working with youth.

The Almeria municipality of El Ejido in the western part of Almeria faces an unprecedented migratory reality as in the whole of Spain. For this study, we assessed the socio-demographic variables and the perceived realistic threat as risk factors that could influence the level of anxiety over perceived symbolic threat in the Municipality of El Ejido (Almeria). Ordinal logit models were adjusted for the identification of risk factors according to the type of variables considered, as well as for the classification of individuals at a specific level of response. The predicted causes of classification were interpreted at one level, in the variables that proved to be significant and could be considered as risk factors., El municipio almeriense de El Ejido situado en la parte occidental de Almería se enfrenta a una realidad migratoria sin precedentes en el conjunto de España. Para este estudio se evaluaron las variables sociodemográficas y sobre la amenaza realista percibida que podían influir como factores de riesgo en el cambio de nivel de la ansiedad sobre la amenaza de tipo simbólico percibida, en el municipio de El Ejido (Almería). Se ajustaron modelos logit ordinales para la identificación de los factores de riesgo según el tipo de variables considerado, así como para la clasificación de los individuos en un nivel concreto de respuesta. Se interpretaron las razones de pronóstico de clasificación en un nivel, en las variables que resultaron ser significativas y podían ser consideradas factores de riesgo.

The aim of this paper is threefold. First, based on ongoing theoretical discussions on the dimensionality of Islamophobia, this study analyzes whether Islamophobia empirically constitutes a one-dimensional construct or rather a multidimensional construct consisting of anti-Muslim prejudice and anti-Islam sentiment. Second, the effects of symbolic, realistic, and terroristic (safety) threats on Islamophobia were analyzed concurrently. Finally, within the framework of the revised Integrated Threat Theory (Stephan & Renfro, 2002), and in order to test the mediating effect of threats, SDO is tested as an antecedent of perceived threat and Islamophobia. Respondents from Berlin (N = 355) participated in an online survey. The results indicate that Islamophobia empirically constitutes a two-dimensional phenomenon, consisting of anti-Muslim and anti-Islam sentiment. Whereas symbolic threat is related to both types of Islamophobia, realistic threat is associated only with anti-Muslim prejudice, and terroristic threat is associated only with anti-Islam sentiment. Finally, the results indicate that the relationship between SDO and both dimensions of Islamophobia is mediated by threats. Symbolic threats mediate the relationships between SDO and both dimensions of Islamophobia. Realistic threats mediate the relationship between SDO and anti-Muslim prejudice and terroristic threats between SDO and anti-Islam sentiment.

The current study investigates the role of individual and intergroup factors in predicting Muslims’ tendency to attribute domestic terrorism in Indonesia to an external cause (i.e., The West) or an internal cause (i.e., radical Islamist groups). The results (N = 308) showed that intergroup factors of symbolic threat and realistic threat directly increased the external attribution and conversely decreased the internal attribution. Within the context of the current research, symbolic threat refers to Muslims’ perception that the norms and values of the West undermine Islamic identity. Realistic threat denotes Muslims’ perception that the economy and technology of the West undermine Islamic power. The individual factor of Islamic fundamentalism, which has to do with Muslims’ belief in the literal interpretation of and strict guidelines to Islamic doctrines, indirectly predicted both external attribution and internal attribution of terrorism as hypothesized, via the extent to which Muslims perceived the West as posing a symbolic threat, but not a realistic threat to Islamic existence. Uncertainty avoidance, a cultural dimension that describes the extent to which people view clear instructions as a pivotal source of concern to deal with societal problems, also significantly increased perceived symbolic threat and realistic threat, and this cultural dimension mediated the effect of Islamic fundamentalism on each of the intergroup threats. Finally, we found that the level of Islamic fundamentalism was dependent upon cognitive response, but not emotional response to mortality salience. The cognitive response to mortality salience denotes what Muslims are thinking about in coping with their own death whereas the emotional response denotes what Muslims are feeling about such issue. In particular, we found the cognitive response, but not the emotional response to mortality salience significantly gave rise to Muslims’ Islamic fundamentalism. These findings shed light on the importance of combining individual factors and group factors in explicating the dynamics of Muslims’ tendency to make attributions of causes of domestic terrorism. We discuss theoretical implications and study limitations, as well as practical actions policy makers could conduct to deal with Muslims’ Islamic fundamentalism and reduce the extent to which this particular group perceives the West as threatening their existence.

In a sample of 95 U.S. undergraduates (49.5% women, Mage = 20.99 years, SD = 3.48), we analyzed the effects of symbolic threat on right-wing authoritarianism (RWA). We used data from an experimental study in which negative political attacks on one's own favorite candidate were considered as symbolic threats. A hierarchic moderated regression showed that, as with societal threat, symbolic threat fostered an increase in RWA only among participants with low initial scores on RWA. This increase did not depend on the persuasive effect of being exposed to negative campaigning. The implications, limitations, and possible developments of the research are discussed. © 2014 Cises.

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