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The COVID-19 pandemic has affected all domains of human life, including the economic and social fabric of societies. One of the central strategies for managing public health throughout the pandemic has been through persuasive messaging and collective behaviour change. To help scholars better understand the social and moral psychology behind public health behaviour, we present a dataset comprising of 51,404 individuals from 69 countries. This dataset was collected for the International Collaboration on Social & Moral Psychology of COVID-19 project (ICSMP COVID-19). This social science survey invited participants around the world to complete a series of moral and psychological measures and public health attitudes about COVID-19 during an early phase of the COVID-19 pandemic (between April and June 2020). The survey included seven broad categories of questions: COVID-19 beliefs and compliance behaviours; identity and social attitudes; ideology; health and well-being; moral beliefs and motivation; personality traits; and demographic variables. We report both raw and cleaned data, along with all survey materials, data visualisations, and psychometric evaluations of key variables. ispartof: SCIENTIFIC DATA vol:10 issue:1 ispartof: location:England status: published

BackgroundCOVID-19 mitigation measures intend to protect public health, but their adverse psychological, social, and economic effects weaken public support. Less favorable trade-offs may especially weaken support for more restrictive measures. Support for mitigation measures may also differ between population subgroups who experience different benefits and costs, and decrease over time, a phenomenon termed “pandemic fatigue.”MethodsWe examined self-reported support for COVID-19 mitigation measures in the Netherlands over 12 consecutives waves of data collection between April 2020 and May 2021 in an open population cohort study. Participants were recruited through community panels of the 25 regional public health services, and through links to the online surveys advertised on social media. The 54,010 unique participants in the cohort study on average participated in 4 waves of data collection. Most participants were female (65%), middle-aged [57% (40–69 years)], highly educated (57%), not living alone (84%), residing in an urban area (60%), and born in the Netherlands (95%).ResultsCOVID-19 mitigation measures implemented in the Netherlands remained generally well-supported over time [all scores >3 on 5-point scale ranging 1 (low)−5 (high)]. During the whole period studied, support was highest for personal hygiene measures, quarantine and wearing face masks, high but somewhat lower for not shaking hands, testing and self-isolation, and restricting social contacts, and lowest for limiting visitors at home, and not traveling abroad. Women and higher educated people were more supportive of some mitigation measures than men and lower educated people. Older people were more supportive of more restrictive measures than younger people, and support for more socially restrictive measures decreased most over time in higher educated people or in younger people.ConclusionsThis study found no support for pandemic fatigue in terms of a gradual decline in support for all mitigation measures in the first year of the pandemic. Rather, findings suggest that support for mitigation measures reflects a balancing of benefits and cost, which may change over time, and differ between measures and population subgroups.

What are the effects on public support for the European Union (EU) when a member state exits? We examine this question in the context of Britain's momentous decision to leave the EU. Combining analyses of the European Election Study 2019 and a unique survey-embedded experiment conducted in all member states, we analyse the effect of Brexit on support for membership among citizens in the EU-27. The experimental evidence shows that while information about the negative economic consequences of Brexit had no significant effect, positive information about Britain's sovereignty significantly increased optimism about leaving the EU. Our findings suggest that Brexit acts as a benchmark for citizens’ evaluations of EU membership across EU-27, and that it may not continue to act as a deterrent in the future.

How much is support for vote by mail (VBM) impacted by partisan considerations and personal considerations related to the COVID-19 pandemic? Using surveys of registered voters conducted in April an...

How does punishment of corruption help to build public support in authoritarian regimes? We outline two primary mechanisms. Instrumentally, the ability to pursue anticorruption initiatives to the e...

We test whether emphasizing foreign aid’s ability to advance donor national interests increases public support for aid. We compare appeals to the national interest with other approaches, in...

Battery electric vehicles (BEV) are essential in most countries’ transition towards an efficient, cleaner and low-carbon transport system. BEV technology has been making rapid progress, but low market uptake poses major challenges for governments and industry. Based on the PRISMA framework (Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses), we assessed 94 studies published in the era of BEVs becoming visible market products between 2010 and 2019. The main goal is to understand what we know about attitudes and behaviour of consumers/citizens towards BEVs. In contrast to the conventional wisdom that we know the key facilitators and obstacles in this area, we find that few studies are designed to identify causal effects of facilitators and obstacles, and findings on widely presumed key determinants are surprisingly mixed and context-dependent. We conclude that we still lack robust evidence on the facilitators of BEV uptake and prospective ownership. Moreover, and particularly alarming from a scientific viewpoint, many existing studies cannot be replicated because the respective data is unavailable, neither publicly accessible nor on request. Given the saliency of the issue, the main implication of our assessment is that a concerted, internationally coordinated effort in this area is needed, based on pre-registration of study designs and full accessibility of replication data., Transport Reviews, 43 (1), ISSN:0144-1647, ISSN:1464-5327

In this study, we are testing how communicating different benefits of five healthy eating policies might increase the public support towards their implementation in Wales. Our research question is: Compared to a control, which policy description(s) lead to higher support for each healthy eating policy? For each policy, we are testing three alternative descriptions that we believe may be effective at increasing the public support for the policy implementation based on evidence from previous research. We are using a Randomised Controlled Trial (RCT) to compare participants’ support for each of the 5 policies based on the description that they view.

Climate change is one of the most pressing challenges facing the world today, with potentially catastrophic consequences if we fail to mitigate the emission of climate greenhouse gases (IPCC, 2021). Despite this, progress towards mitigating the climate crisis has been rather slow and current projections calculate a 1.4 – 2.0 °C warming mid-way through the century (Yuan et al., 2022). One major obstacle to implementing effective climate policies is the need for broad public acceptance. In democratic societies, public opinion can play a crucial role in shaping policy outcomes, and thus finding effective ways to shape this opinion is essential. Previous research has identified that one key factor in public support towards climate policies is the perception of policy effectiveness (Bergquist et al., 2022). If people believe that policies will be effective in addressing the problem of climate change, they are more likely to support them. This factor is even stronger than climate change concern, or risk perception, and is only dwarfed by the perceived fairness of the policy. These findings beg the question of how to successfully align the perceived and real policy effectiveness. One potential way could be employing simulations. Simulations have been shown to be an effective way of teaching complex information. A meta-analysis by Chernikova et al. (2020) showed that simulations overall had a large positive effect on learning complex skills in higher education. They argue the reason for this is that simulations can provide direct feedback in the interactive experience they are situated in. We argue that this effect of simulations on learning could also expand the understanding of climate change policies and could exceed the effect of other forms of communication, such as the provision of plain text. In this study, therefore, we aim to explore whether simulations can be used to influence people's knowledge and thus perception of policy effectiveness, and ultimately to increase public acceptance for effective climate policies. By investigating these issues, we want to contribute to a better understanding of the possibilities of simulations as a tool for influencing public attitudes and acceptance for climate policies. Ultimately, this research can help to pave the way for more effective and impactful climate policy communication.

The paper aims to assess how public support for innovation activities influences the economic performance of Czech companies. In the framework of the research, attention was paid to more than 600 Czech companies that received support to start their innovation activities. The analysis was performed on the case of the Innovation Program, which was co-financed by the European Regional Development Fund. The Innovation Program is the largest Czech program for innovation support and mainly supports the launching of technological innovations in practice. The detailed analysis included 214 defined enterprises, for which all necessary information was available. The research analyzed the turnover of companies before obtaining support and after the implementation of the project. The research results show how the grant affects different size categories of enterprises and how the effect of the aid varies across sectors of the national economy. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License.

The article analyzes the quantitative and qualitative characteristics of the sanctions imposed on the Russian Federation after the start of the war in Ukraine on February 24, 2022 and their impact on the economic and socio-political situation at the global, regional (Europe) and national levels. The subject of consideration, first of all, is the volume of trade and prices for energy carriers (coal, oil, gas), agricultural products in the context of trends observed in world trade. The reaction of well-known international corporations, companies, high-tech firms to the beginning of Russia's full-scale aggression against Ukraine, and the long-term consequences of Russia's isolation from advanced innovative technologies are separately investigated. Considerable attention is paid to inflationary processes in certain regions and countries of the world against the background of changes taking place in the composition of international political and economic relations. Statistical materials from official national structures, as well as data from international organizations (UN, EU, OECD, World Bank, International Monetary Fund), as well as numerous analytical reviews of the world's leading "think tanks" (Brookings Institution, United States); Chatham House (United Kingdom); French Institute of International Relations (IFRI, France); Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS, United States); Carnegie Endowment for International Peace (United States); Bruegel (Belgium); RAND Corporation (United States); Cato Institute (United States) were used for present the material and formulate the conclusions. It should also be noted the deeply professional systematic research of Yale University specialists. Together with a comprehensive comparative analysis of the consequences of the unprecedented economic sanctions imposed by the international community, corporations and individual countries against Russia at the current stage of the war in Ukraine, the trends in the degree of public support for Kyiv from the developed countries of the world, primarily in North America and Europe, are examined in detail. The need to intensify the efforts of international media holdings, the Ukrainian state and society in the global information space regarding the objective coverage of the course of hostilities on the territory of Ukraine, the crimes committed by the Putin regime and increasing the pressure of the world community on the Russian Federation with the aim of introducing more effective sanctions, political, economic, technological isolation of the Kremlin., У статті аналізуються кількісні та якісні характеристики санкцій, що накладені на Російську Федерацію після початку війни в Україні 24 лютого 2022 року та їхній вплив на економічну та соціально-політичну ситуацію на глобальному, регіональному (Європа) та національному рівнях. Предметом розгляду, насамперед, постають обсяги торгівлі та ціни на енергоносії (вугілля, нафта, газ), сільськогосподарську продукцію у контексті тенденцій, що спостерігаються у світовій торгівлі. Окремо досліджується реакція відомих міжнародних корпорацій, компаній, високотехнологічних фірм на початок повномасштабної агресії Росії проти України, довгострокові наслідки ізоляції РФ від передових інноваційних технологій. Значна увага приділяється інфляційним процесам в окремих регіонах та країнах світу на тлі змін, що відбуваються в композиції міжнародних політичних та економічних відносин. Для викладення матеріалу та формулювання висновків був залучений статистичний матеріал як офіційних національних структур, так і дані міжнародних організацій (ООН, ЄС, ОЕСР, Світовий Банк, Міжнародний валютний фонд), так і численні аналітичні огляди провідних світових "фабрик думок" (Brookings Institution, United States); Chatham House (United Kingdom); French Institute of International Relations (IFRI, France); Center forStrategic and International Studies (CSIS, UnitedStates); Carnegie Endowment for International Peace (United States); Bruegel (Belgium); RAND Corporation (United States); Cato Institute (United States). Слід також назвати глибоко професійне системне дослідження фахівців Єльського університету. Разом с комплексним компаративним аналізом наслідків безпрецедентних економічних санкцій, введених міжнародною спільнотою, корпораціями та окремими країнами проти Росії на сучасному етапі війни в Україні детально розглядаються тенденції у ступені суспільної підтримки Києва з боку розвинутих держав світу, насамперед, у Північній Америці та Європі. Наголошено на необхідності активізації зусиль міжнародних медіахолдингів, української держави та суспільства у глобальному інформаційному просторі щодо об’єктивного висвітлення перебігу бойових дій на теренах України, злочинів, здійснених путінським режимом та посилення тиску світової спільноти на РФ з метою запровадження більш ефективних санкцій, політичної, економічної, технологічної ізоляції Кремля.

The racial animus model argues that public support for punitive sentencing of criminal offenders is shaped by threat perceptions associated with cultural minority groups. This study applies the racial animus model to examine support for the punitive sentencing of criminal offenders in the United States and Australia. It also examines whether racial animus mediates the possible difference in punitive attitudes between each country toward different crime types. Online survey data were obtained in the US and Australia to assess racial animus and punitive attitudes using six different crime scenarios. Results indicate that (a) individuals with higher levels of racial animus demonstrate greater levels of punitiveness; (b) Australians have higher levels of racial animus as compared to their US counterparts; and (c) racial animus mediates the difference of punitive attitudes between the two countries. Overall, punitive attitudes and racial animus vary cross-culturally, with Australians demonstrating more racial animus. Our mediation model provides evidence for the importance of racial animus in the cross-cultural demand for the punishment of criminal offenders.

This research analyzes the effectiveness of public support for innovation in the form of matching grants on productivity and on R&D intensity of manufacturing and service firms in Colombia, paying ...

Public acceptance is one important aspect of broader social acceptability of renewable energy. Using a national, representative survey dataset of Canadian citizens (n = 1407), we examine public sup...

While many consider the threat posed by nuclear weapons to be greater than ever, the general public has largely lost interest in the issue of nuclear disarmament. To reinvigorate public support for...

This research attempts to provide an in-depth analysis of the public perceptions of inter-Korean economic cooperation. KDI survey data with a sample size of 1,000 were subjected to empirical analyses. By means of ordered logit estimations, we derive the following results. First, there is a significant effect of age on economic cooperation perceptions, where younger generations tend to be more negative. Second, the group who has positive view on the economic cooperation tends to prefer large-scale, domestic-entity-funded cooperation projects, whereas the group who has negative view tends to prefer small-scale projects and projects funded by international organizations. According to these results, prioritizing trade with the involvement of international organizations is likely to be an effective measure to alleviate potential political constraints and to achieve sustainable long-run economic cooperation systems when pursuing the economic cooperation.

Sustainable domestic aquaculture development is a critical component to achieving greater U.S. seafood security in the future, yet detrimental allegations have corrupted public support. A variety o...

Public support for school improvement policies can increase the success and durability of those reforms. However, little is known about public views on turnaround. We capitalize on a nationally representative 2017 survey ( N = 4,214) to uncover opinions regarding which level of government should lead on turnaround and state takeover of troubled districts. We find controversy surrounding state intervention into low-performing schools is not driven by a generalized allegiance to local control over education. We observe high levels of support for state-level leadership in identifying and fixing failing schools, and even for state takeover of struggling districts. Instead, opposition appears to arise from the loss of local political and economic power, often experienced by majority-Black communities, that typically accompanies state takeover.

In recent years, hate groups have increasingly attracted public attention while at the same time escaping the purview of scholars. Although overt prejudiced attitudes have lost public support in recent decades, hate group and hate-group activity has remained relatively consistent. What, then, explains the enduring power of hate? I argue that hate groups have arisen in reaction to the loss of social capital, particularly in regard to rural and exurban communities. Using county-level suicide rates as a proxy for the loss of social capital, I test this theory using data from the lower 48 states from 2010 to 2019. I find that each 5.38 percent increase in suicide rates is associated with 1 additional hate group forming. These findings highlight the importance of examining quality-of-life in understanding far-right activity, and challenge previous findings with regard to rurality and hate.

В статье рассматриваются особенности аграрной политики РФ и изменение во времени ее приоритетов и сопутствующих механизмов государственной поддержки сельхозпроизводителей. Сопоставление объемов производства продукции сельского хозяйства с абсолютными и относительными объемами субсидий показывает, что прямой связи между этими показателями не существует. Выявлены особенности распределения и структуры господдержки по федеральным округам и субъектам РФ в составе Сибирского федерального округа. Анализируется отношение сотрудников районных администраций и сельхозпроизводителей Алтайского края и Омской области к мерам и эффективности аграрной политики. Показано, что доступ средних и мелких производителей к господдержке все в большей степени затрудняется усложнением действующих правил, а попытки привязать возможность получения субсидий к выполнению установленных целевых показателей приводит к негативным последствиям. Отмечается отсутствие связи между объемами господдержки производителей и развитием сельских территорий. По мнению автора, дальнейшие шаги государства в сфере регулирования АПК должны исходить из необходимости согласования разных интересов всех участников продовольственных рынков и устранения противоречивых сигналов, посылаемых субъектам сельскохозяйственной отрасли.

Human fear and antipathy toward snakes make conservation and management of these species difficult, as negative attitudes are not generally linked to public support. However, our understanding of w...

Biodiversity is vital to the welfare and survival of humans, but public support for conservation of most animal species is appallingly limited. Vertebrates make up less than 5% of the world’s docum...

Using a national sample of U.S. adults (N = 371), this study experimentally examines (1) public support for the use of strategies that provide early release (i.e., “second chance” mechanisms) to individuals serving long-term prison sentences for drug crimes; and (2) how levels of support, and reasons for support, may vary depending on the type of drug-related offense. Results show moderate levels of support for using second chance mechanisms, both generally and in relation to specific strategies commonly available across jurisdictions, for a range of drug offenders. Yet participants showed significantly more support for using presumptive parole, elimination of parole revocations for technical violations, second-look sentencing, and compassionate release in the cases of those incarcerated long term for serious trafficking of marijuana, as compared to serious trafficking of serious drugs. Data also suggest that the public finds a range of factors— including the original sentence being extreme by international standards, extreme due to racially biased practices, out of step with current sentencing values/practices, too costly, and continuing to incarcerate someone unlikely to be a public safety threat—as at least moderately important to their support for the use of second chance mechanisms across drug crimes, and the importance of these factors to that support does not appear to differ significantly based on the type of drug offense. The importance of these results for policy making and utilization are discussed, as well as implications for reducing our historical reliance on drug-related incarceration.

Industries use persuasion strategies to gain public support when challenged by activist groups on consumer-relevant issues. This marketing practice, termed “direct-to-public persuasion,” has received limited attention in the field, and thus we have little understanding of when such campaigns fail or succeed. This research introduces a theoretically derived and empirically supported framework that draws from multiple areas, including marketing persuasion, political campaign strategy, sociopolitical legitimacy, and perceptual fit, to identify important differences in the effectiveness of these persuasion strategies on attitudes and voting behavior. The multimethod approach includes a field study of ballot measure voting during a national U.S. election and three experimental studies. The findings contribute new knowledge of asymmetries in public response to industry and activist arguments. Stronger arguments from both sides lead to more favorable outcomes, but activist groups benefit most. Suspicion of activist arguments weakens the impact on attitudes and voting; industry argument suspicion has limited impact, though it does increase the likelihood of voter switching. A financial argumentation strategy works best for the industry side, while societal argumentation is more effective for the activist side. The insights offer guidance for industries and activist groups as argument strategy success is contingent on the side that uses it.

Immigration is a contentious topic that continues to generate debates among scholars, practitioners, and the general public in the United States. Recent increase in anti-immigration sentiments in the U.S. have led to the proliferation of studies seeking to explain this phenomenon. However, the results from these studies have been inconsistent and inconclusive due to various factors. The present study adds to these existing studies by examining the predictors of public support for police stops targeted at illegal immigrants and immigrants with a criminal background. Results from our binary logistics regression suggest that political factors, the fear of immigrants, and some socio demographic variables influence public support for police stops targeted at illegal immigrants and immigrants with a criminal background in the U.S. The present findings have serious theoretical and practical implications for understanding immigration, police-immigrant relationships, and public attitude towards immigration policy and immigrants in the U.S.

Leaders in many African countries have attempted to subvert constitutional limits on the number of terms they can serve in office. By comparing attitudes among citizens who have experienced term li...

Employing new and original survey data collected in three waves (April/May and November 2020 as well as May 2021) in Germany, this paper studies the dynamics of individual-level support for additional health care spending. A first major finding is that, so far, health care spending preferences have not radically changed during the Covid-19 pandemic, at least at the aggregate level. A more detailed analysis reveals, secondly, that individual-level support for additional spending on health care is strongly conditioned by performance perceptions and, to a lesser extent, general political trust. Citizens who regard the system as badly (well) prepared to cope with the crisis are more likely to support (oppose) additional spending. Higher levels of political trust are also positively associated with spending support, but to a lesser degree. The paper concludes by discussing the implications of these findings for policy-making and welfare state politics in the post-pandemic era. published

How does naming and shaming affect public support for compliance with international agreements? We investigated this question by conducting survey experiments about the Paris Agreement, which relies on social pressure for enforcement. Our experiments, administered to national samples in the United States, produced three sets of findings. First, shaming by foreign countries shifted domestic public opinion in favor of compliance, increasing the political incentive to honor the Paris Agreement. Second, the effects of shaming varied with the behavior of the target. Shaming was more effective against partial compliers than against targets that took no action or honored their obligations completely. Moreover, even partial compliers managed to reduce the effects of shaming through the strategic use of counter-rhetoric. Third, identity moderated responses to shaming. Shaming by allies was not significantly more effective than shaming by non-allies, but Democrats were more receptive to shaming than Republicans. Overall, our experiments expose both the power and the limits of shaming as a strategy for enforcing the Paris Agreement. At the same time, they advance our understanding of the most significant environmental problem facing the planet.

This paper investigates the possibility of establishing peace between Hamas and Israel, based on the politicisation model of armed groups that leads eventually to change the violent character of armed groups. The main question is: Can Israel and Hamas have a long-lasting peace to end the conflict in the Gaza Strip?The main pillars of politicisation are the willingness of warring parties to conclude peace, the existence of a ‘hurting stalemate’, the narrowness of objectives and the ability to guarantee public support. The primary conclusion of this paper is that comprehensive peace is difficult to achieve, but a unique long-term truce ‘Hudna’ is attainable.

In light of recent attention on artists as community assets, what is current U.S. public opinion on public support for artists? After tracing the history of perceptions of public funding of artists...

Global warming and some climate change policies pose additional social risks that necessitate novel responses from the welfare state. Eco-social policies have significant potential to address these challenges, but their wide-scale adoption will depend, among other factors, on public support. In the current article, we theorise how public opinion about eco-social policies is likely to be influenced by a set of contextual and individual-level factors, as well as the perceived welfare deservingness of the target groups. Alongside contributing to the emerging body of literature on eco-social policies, this theoretical framework could help policymakers to anticipate the social groups that will support or oppose eco-social policy agendas and how some of the contradictions could be reduced through policy design.

Recent worldwide growing awareness of the global climate changes stressed the importance of developing and supporting the renewable energy sources (RES). However, the public support for RES varies across various countries and regions, especially those abundant in traditional fossil fuels. This paper presents the analysis of the public views of the economics of the renewable energy using the results of the online survey (N = 750) conducted in several regions of the Russian Federation, a country abundant in natural gas and oil. Our results indicate that there is a mixed opinion on trust in RES as opposed to the traditional energy sources. Even though we found some support for the renewable energy technologies, it appears that it is correlated with the respondents’ concerns about the environmental protection and sustainable development as well as with some demographic variables. The outcomes of the regression analysis confirmed that positive attitudes towards climate protection predetermined the support for various types of RES, while the financial or political gains did not come through as significant. The results indicate that public views on the renewable energy sources could and should be shaped by the information campaigns and presentations in mass media conducted by relevant policymakers and public authorities.

Research to date into the drivers of public support for participative democracy has offered limited insights into different national contexts. The present article addresses this gap in the literatu...

The present study aimed to enhance our understanding of racial/ethnic minorities’ stress, and suggest possible ways to reduce their stressful feelings at work. Racial minorities were compared with non-minorities in terms of their satisfaction about diverse work environments and the effects of work environment on stressful feelings. Hypotheses were tested, using ordinary least squares (OLS) regression analyses and t-tests. According to the findings, the strain of racial/ethnic minorities was differently affected by work environment factors such as public support and goal attainability, compared to that of non-minorities. Some demographic factors also had different effects on the strain of racial/ethnic minorities.

Environmental policy advocates are increasingly proposing ‘bundled’ clean energy policies to combat climate change while also creating jobs and transforming the economy. While such strategies may b...

With the Netherlands having the world's highest cycling rates, many see its current cycling policies as a model for the transition to sustainable transportation systems. Understanding these high cycling rates, however, requires understanding the geographic, historical, and institutional context in which social movements, working with government actors, helped stop a rapid decline in cycling rates between the 1950s and the 1970s in the Netherlands. This article uses historical sources and interviews with activists and government actors to show how social movements supported cycling by helping reverse the negative effects of rapid motorization. These social movements worked with government actors to implement three specific innovations: the woonerf, the bottleneck memorandum, and the car-restricted city center. This article contributes to transitions literature by looking beyond the relationship between enterprise and the state and demonstrating how social movements within a specific institutional context and with broad public support can advance sustainable transportation innovations.

The research problem of this article focuses on how the public support system in Estonia can help small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) to acquire and commercialise their intellectual property rights (IPR) in a sustainable and legally permissible manner. The study aims to analyse and determine which specific public support measures are needed by SMEs for acquiring and commercialising IPR and how to design such public support within the legal boundaries set under European Union (EU) laws. The theoretical framework used in this study is built around the social system as defined by Parsons. The 4S Model (based on scope, scale, skill and social networking) derived by researchers from the said social system is considered. Further, 19 key attributes were devised by the authors in conjunction with the role of motivation to form a revised framework. The analysis employs qualitative research methods. To apply the framework of social systems theory, the authors used semi-structured interviews as a method to study the public support measures required by Estonian stakeholders. This was also analysed in the framework of EU State aid law, which poses both restrictions and exemptions. This research presents several desired support measures. Although the public support systems for acquiring and commercialising IPR by SMEs are restrained by legal frameworks within the EU, the analysis of the relevant laws and cases shows that State aid for RDI purposes is legally permissible within the EU, depending on the state’s willingness and availability of funds.

In this study, we examine the influence of the perceived efficacy and legitimacy of the COP26 protest on non-partcipants' support for the environmental movement. Data was collected before and after the COP26 protest in Glasgow, Scotland.

This study presents a measure of federal constitutional values as a dimension of federal political culture derived from four key features of federal systems. Tested in six federal and two non-federal countries, we find the measure is stable and taps enduring values, including confirmation that citizens who support devolutionary reform have stronger federal constitutional values. Defining federalism success as a system where citizens have strong federal constitutional values and high satisfaction with their current polycentric system, our results find Switzerland and Canada being the most viable, followed by the United States, Australia, and Germany, while Belgium is not very successful. In the non-federal countries, substantial support for devolution and possibly federalism is found in France, but devolution is more contested in the United Kingdom. The results affirm the importance of public attitudes and political culture in understanding the performance of federal political systems and public support for federalist-type reforms.

The limited size of public budgets raises the need to evaluate public policies more thoroughly. This need also concerns the public funding of social entrepreneurship in Europe and its effectiveness...

The primary purpose of this study was to examine public support for the death penalty in Brazil and to determine factors that influence such support. Currently, Brazil has the death penalty for cases involving war crimes, genocides, terrorism, and crime against humanity. The country’s constitution, however, prohibits the use of the death penalty in ordinary crimes. Analyzing individual-level cross-sectional data collected by the American Barometer Survey, we found that a significant majority of Brazilians support the death penalty, with more than two thirds expressing greater support. In terms of factors, it was revealed that frequency of murders, sense of insecurity, and perceived institutional legitimacy largely influence support for the death penalty. In addition, ethnicity, religiosity, and religious affiliation affect citizens’ attitudes toward the death penalty. The findings of this study have serious implications for research and practice.

Marginalized groups frequently adopt a respectability politics strategy, presenting themselves as adhering to dominant norms to gain public support. The LGBTQ movement, for example, has consciously portrayed same-gender relationships as exemplifying heteronormative values to win over straight Americans. But how effective is this strategy? Two survey experiments show that presenting LGB people as adhering to, or violating, norms of monogamy and exclusivity has null to minimal effects on straight respondents’ views of them or support for their rights. Furthermore, there is no evidence that the effects are moderated by (1) respondents’ political predispositions; or (2) the race, ethnicity, or gender of the LGB people being highlighted. Emphasizing the respectability of same-gender relationships is not as effective as the movement has assumed. More broadly, these results call into question the assumption that highlighting “respectable” members of marginalized groups is an effective way to change public opinion.

Authoritarianism, an individual-level predisposition that favors security, conformity, and certainty, has been powerfully linked with cultural conservatism and support for “strongman” politicians but weakly and inconsistently linked with public opinion toward economic issues. In examining this latter relationship, past work has tended to pose a dichotomous question, is authoritarianism associated with economic liberalism/conservatism or not? Here, I diverge from this approach and argue that authoritarianism is associated with support for one specific program—Social Security. I argue that the unique framing of this program, which emphasizes rule-following, certainty, and deservingness, should resonate with authoritarian-minded individuals. I test this with survey data, primarily from the American National Election Studies (ANES). Overall, I find a positive and substantively significant relationship between authoritarianism and support for Social Security but not for other types of domestic social welfare spending. These findings help us better understand the correlates of mass support for Social Security as well as the policy consequences of authoritarianism. These findings also suggest that Social Security will likely remain popular in an increasingly authoritarian Republican Party.

Black–White racial disparities in COVID-19 have received much media attention. Yet the degree to which laypeople are aware of these disparities and support equitable ventilator allocation remains unclear. This mixed methods study investigated laypeople’s awareness and the rationales they provided for ventilator allocation. Adults from the United States (N = 249) participated in the study in April 2020. They selected between photos of two people in four comparisons, indicating who they believed was more likely to be affected by COVID-19, to whom they would allocate a ventilator, and their rationale for allocation. Black individuals were more frequently rated as affected by COVID-19 and selected to receive a ventilator. Participants who selected the Black individual to receive a ventilator cited COVID-19 statistics and structural-level need, while participants who selected the White individual cited physical appearance (weight and age) as their rationale. Public support for equitable COVID-19 health policies (e.g., finances for production of ventilators, lock-down and mask-wearing policies) can potentially be harnessed by underscoring differential rates of infection, hospitalization, death, and highlighting structural need. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2021 APA, all rights reserved) © 2021 American Psychological Association

La pandémie de Covid-19 a eu des conséquences sans précédent sur les PME, déclenchant le lancement d’une gamme de programmes gouvernementaux divers, incluant une assistance financière, des subventions salariales et des reports de paiement. Or, en plus d’affecter les opérations et la survie des entreprises, les fortes turbulences et l’incertitude quant à l’avenir sont à même d’affecter le stress vécu par les entrepreneurs et par conséquent la qualité de leur sommeil, leur bien-être ainsi que leur résilience. Les soutiens gouvernementaux ont-ils un effet positif sur ces indicateurs de la santé psychologique des entrepreneurs ? Pour répondre à cette question, nous avons réalisé une enquête auprès de 636 entrepreneurs canadiens, tous secteurs confondus, entre les mois de juin et juillet 2020. Les résultats permettent d’appuyer l’idée selon laquelle les mesures, en réduisant les effets négatifs de la crise sur la PME, pouvaient avoir un effet positif sur la santé des entrepreneurs. Par cette étude, nous contribuons à comprendre la dynamique des interventions gouvernementales auprès des PME et, en particulier, ses effets sur des indicateurs relatifs à la santé psychologique des entrepreneurs tels que le sommeil, le bien-être et la rétention dans cette carrière., The Covid-19 pandemic has had an unprecedented impact on SMEs, triggering the launch of a variety of government programs, including financial assistance, wage subsidies and payment deferrals. In addition to affecting business operations and survival, the severe turbulence and uncertainty about the future can affect the stress experienced by entrepreneurs and consequently the quality of their sleep, their well-being and their resilience. Do government supports have a positive effect on these indicators of entrepreneurs’ psychological health? To answer this question, we conducted a survey of 636 Canadian entrepreneurs accross all sectors between June and July 2020. The results support the idea that the measures, by reducing the negative effects of the crisis on SMEs, could have a positive effect on the health of entrepreneurs. Through this study, we contribute to understanding the dynamics of government interventions with SMEs and, in particular, its effects on indicators related to the psychological health of entrepreneurs such as sleep, well-being and retention in this career., La pandemia de Covid-19 ha tenido un impacto sin precedentes en las PyME, lo que ha desencadenado la puesta en marcha de diversos programas gubernamentales, como ayudas financieras, subvenciones salariales y aplazamientos de pagos. Además de afectar a las operaciones empresariales y a la supervivencia, las fuertes turbulencias y la incertidumbre sobre el futuro pueden afectar al estrés que experimentan los empresarios y, en consecuencia, a la calidad de su sueño, su bienestar y su capacidad de recuperación. ¿Tienen las ayudas públicas un efecto positivo sobre estos indicadores de la salud psicológica de los empresarios? Para responder a esta pregunta, realizamos una encuesta a 636 empresarios canadienses de todos los sectores entre junio y julio de 2020. Los resultados apoyan la idea de que las medidas, al reducir los efectos negativos de la crisis en las PyME, podrían tener un efecto positivo en la salud de los empresarios. A través de este estudio, contribuimos a comprender la dinámica de las intervenciones gubernamentales con las PyME y, en particular, sus efectos sobre los indicadores relacionados con la salud psicológica de los empresarios, como el sueño, el bienestar y la retención en esta carrera.

This paper examines the effects of innovation performance and government support schemes on cost efficiency of Vietnamese small and medium enterprises (SMEs). Financial and technical assistances ar...

SYNOPSIS This study investigates how public charities respond to the public support test—an IRS requirement that at least one-third of a public charity's financial support is derived from public sources. Using a large sample of 836,920 charity-year observations during 2009–2018, I find that a disproportionately large number of charities exceed the 33-1/3 percent public support threshold by a small margin. This result holds only for public charities actually subject to the test (six years of age or older) and not young charities that automatically retain public charity status. Further, I find that charities that unexpectedly just meet public support test are more likely to understate fundraising expenses. This evidence implies that the public support levels of charities that just surpass the 33-1/3 percent threshold are likely misrepresented. Overall, my findings provide new insights into a vitally important regulatory threshold that has been largely neglected in existing research. Data Availability: Data are available from the public sources cited in the text. JEL Classifications: L31; L38; M41.