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There is a growing tendency toward the introduction of Big Data in police departments to improve the prevention and investigation of crime. However, there is little systematic knowledge about the perspectives of professionals in police forces regarding this technology. This article fills this gap by presenting a scoping review that systematizes empirical studies of the views of professionals in police forces about Big Data in the field of policing and criminal investigation. Fourteen articles were analyzed following a descriptive–analytical method. Optimistic and oppositional views about Big Data among professionals in police forces were then described. Optimistic views focused on the potential of Big Data to improve the objectivity and efficiency of policing and better manage police resources by providing new capabilities and strategies by which to perform crime predictions, risk assessments, criminal investigations, crime analysis, risk management, cooperation and data exchange. Oppositional views related to the police's awareness of Big Data's biases, the lack of a regulatory landscape, misuse of data, privacy threats, data security, misplaced trust in technology, the absence of major changes in work practices, and practical barriers. Analysis of the co-presence of optimistic and oppositional views adds a comprehensive and interpretative argument that might contribute to critical reflections on the technological feasibility, societal usability, and desirability of Big Data technologies in police departments., This work was supported by national funds through the Foundation for Science and Technology (FCT) I.P., under a PhD Research Studentship with the reference 2020.04764.BD (attributed to Laura Neiva), and under the project UIDB/00736/2020 (base funding) and UIDP/00736/2020 (programmatic funding).

Im Vorfeld der für den Herbst vorgesehenen Parlamentswahlen erlebt Polen eine bedenkliche Abkehr von einer sachorientierten Politik, die darauf abzielt, drängende staatliche, wirtschaftliche, soziale und bildungspolitische Probleme zu lösen und das Land weiter zu modernisieren, damit es sich in den global unruhigen Zeiten im europäischen Gefüge behaupten kann und ein geachtetes Mitglied der EU bleibt. Vielmehr dreht sich die Politik fast ausschließlich um Themen, die von den regierenden Nationalkonservativen in ihrem ausgeprägten Willen zum Machterhalt gesetzt werden und der Diskreditierung jedweder Oppositionspolitik dienen. Die oppositionellen Parteien tun sich schwer, dem etwas entgegenzusetzen, und streiten vor allem darüber, wie Recht und Gerechtigkeit (Prawo i Sprawiedliwość - PiS) aus der Regierungsposition gedrängt werden kann, statt ihr gezielt mit inhaltlichen Vorschlägen und Initiativen den Wind aus den Segeln zu nehmen.

Electoral authoritarian regimes have sought to use a variety of tactics to remain in power even as they have opened themselves up to competition through multiparty elections. These tactics have included an array of measures targeting opposition women. They became significant in Africa after the 1990s as most countries adopted multiparty systems and ruling parties needed to maintain vote share. Ruling parties in African authoritarian countries strengthened their patronage networks by promoting women as leaders. At the same time, women in opposition parties have fared poorly compared to women in ruling parties and male opposition candidates. This has been the case even where one finds the special dispensation of a gender quota in the form of reserved seats. This article looks at how Uganda’s ruling party has used various tactics to advance women leaders, responding to pressures from both the women’s movement and international actors while seeking to ensure its continued dominance. It reveals an essential feature of authoritarianism in Africa today, namely the instrumental use of women leaders to entrench the ruling party in power.

While women have increasingly gained access to the position of opposition leader, we still know very little about their pathways to that office. Therefore, this article seeks to uncover the dynamics and patterns that distinguish the ascendency of women politicians to the office of opposition leader from a comparative perspective. In this article, opposition leaders are understood as the parliamentary party group leaders of the largest non-governing party in a given legislative assembly, which marks the closest equivalent to the Westminster understanding of leaders of the opposition that continues to dominate international notions of opposition leaders and oppositional leadership in parliamentary democracies. We draw on data from opposition leaders in 28 parliamentary democracies between 1996–2020 to identify opportunity structures that allow women opposition leaders to emerge across countries. In addition, we test how factors on the individual level (e.g., previous experience in party and parliament as well as in government) and at the party level (e.g., ideology) affect the likelihood that a parliamentary opposition leader is a woman. Our analyses demonstrate that the share of women in parliament significantly increases the likelihood that at least one of the parliamentary opposition leaders of the past 25 years was a woman. Moreover, opposition leaders in leftist parties are more likely to be women than their more rightist counterparts. Surprisingly, and contrary to our expectations, previous political experience does not shape the probability of women becoming opposition leaders. Thus, overall, the institutional and ideological contexts of selecting parliamentary opposition leaders seem to matter more than the experience and qualifications of individual candidates.

Local governments were on the front line in responding to the COVID-19 pandemic. They also had to rethink their action mode and carry out a swift digital transition. These changes affected the performance of local democracy, in particular, the nature of Local Executive-Opposition Institutional Relations (LEOIR). Using new survey data on the perceptions of local elected representatives, we run an ordered probit regression model to understand the perceived effect of exceptional measures in response to the COVID-19 pandemic on LEOIR in the Portuguese context. The results show, through the lenses of local key informants, that the Executive’s capacity to explain to its constituents the exceptional measures adopted and its formal duty to communicate these decisions to the Municipal Assembly have aggravated the conflictual nature of LEOIR. This study contributes to local governance research by elucidating how accountability and communication practices can soothe or aggravate Executive-Opposition institutional tensions in extraordinary times. info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

Hicrî II. asır nesilden nesile tevârüs edilen birikimlerin üzerindeki tartışma ve tenkitlerin zirveye ulaştığı bir dönemdir. Bu dönemde pek çok âlim bir diğerini eleştirmiştir. Şüphesiz ulemanın birbirine muhalefetine bakıldığında bunda, metot ve birikim farklılığının önemli bir etkisi olduğu görülmektedir. Hatta bu dönemde hoca-talebe ilişkisine çok önem veren ve hoca merkezli fıkhî faaliyet yürüten Ebû Hanîfe medresesinde dahi görüş ayrılıkları vukû bulmuştur. Meselâ Şeybânî, bazı meselelerde hocasına muhalefet etmiş ve konu hakkında kendi görüşünü ortaya koymuştur. Şeybânî’nin hocasıyla bazı konularda fikir ayrılığına düşmesinde hadisin diğer delillerle birlikte kullanımı noktasındaki birtakım metot farklılıklarının da etkisi vardır. Bu bağlamda Şeybânî’nin hadis sebebiyle hocasına muhalefetinde bazı hususlar ön plana çıkmaktadır. O, haberlerin sıhhatinin tespiti hususunda ehl-i hadise yakın durmuş, haber-i vâhidi kıyâsa öncelemeyi bir ilke olarak benimseyerek zaman zaman hocasının hilafına birtakım tercihlerde bulunmuştur. Bu sebeple o, bazı konularda hadise yaklaşımı dolayısıyla hocasına muhalefet etmiştir. Söz konusu muhalefet Şeybânî’nin el-Muvatta Rivâyeti ve el-Hucce adlı eserlerinde görüldüğü gibi, Hanefî fıkhının temel kaynağı olan el-Asl’da da mevcuttur. Şeybânî temel uğraş alanı olmasa da dönemin önde gelen muhaddislerinden hadis dinlemiş ve geniş bir hadis birikimi elde etmiştir. Bundan dolayı o, el-Asl’da bazı konularda hadisi kıyâs ve istihsân gibi delillere öncelemiştir. Tüm bunlar, hoca ile talebe arasında görüş ayrılığı yaşanmasının mümkün olduğunu ve Şeybânî’nin bazı konularda hocasına muhalefet etmesine rağmen onun usûlünü devam ettirdiğini göstermektedir. Bu çalışmada el-Asl adlı eseri çerçevesinde hadislere yaklaşımları açısından Şeybâni’nin hocası Ebû Hanîfe’ye muhalefeti incelenmektedir., The second century after Hijra is a period in which the debates and criticisms on the accumulations inherited from generation to generation reach their peak. During this period, many scholars criticized one another. Undoubtedly, when we look at the opposition of the ʿulamāʾ to each other, it is seen that the difference in method and knowledge has an important effect. Even in the Abū Ḥanīfah madrasa, which gave great importance to the teacher-student relationship and carried out fiqh activities centered on the teacher, there were disagreements. For example, Shaybānī opposed his teacher on some issues and expressed his own opinion on the subject. Some methodological differences in the use of ḥadīth together with other evidences also have an effect on the disagreement of Shaybānī with his teacher on some issues. In this context, some issues come to the fore in Shaybānī's opposition to his teacher due to the ḥadīth. He stands close to the people of ḥadīth in terms of determining the authenticity of the khabars, and his approach to prioritizing khabar al-wāḥid to qiyās differs partially from his teacher. For this reason, he opposed his teacher due to his approach to khabars on some issues. The opposition in point is also present in al-Aṣl, the main source of Ḥanafī fiqh, as seen in Shaybānī's works al-Muwaṭṭaʾ and al-Ḥujjah. Although Shaybānī was not a ḥadīth scholar by profession, he listened to ḥadīths from the leading ḥadīth scholars of the period and gained a wide accumulation of ḥadīths. For this reason, he prioritized ḥadīth over proofs such as qiyās and istiḥsān on some issues in al-Aṣl. All these show that it is possible to have a difference of opinion between the teacher and the student, and although Shaybānī opposed his teacher on some issues, he continued his method. In this study, Shaybānī's opposition to his teacher, Abū Ḥanīfah, is examined in terms of his approach to ḥadīths within the framework of al-Aṣl.

Why do some opposition parties in hybrid regimes escalate their strategies of contention from parliamentary to election boycotts, while others do not? Opposition parties in hybrid regimes engage with a repertoire of extra-institutional strategies, including protests, parliamentary, and election boycotts. These strategies challenge the authoritarian dimension of the regime and aim to level the electoral playing field, but the election boycotts strategy carries more risk than the others, as it can marginalize the opposition. I argue that the opposition parties in hybrid regimes are less likely to take part in elections when the expected incumbent’s electoral advantage is high, and when lower-risk extra-institutional strategies such as protests, and parliamentary boycotts are exhausted or not viable. The article presents evidence from Serbia, including data collected through interviews with the members of parliament and opinion polls, tracing the process that led the opposition parties to escalate the 2019 parliamentary boycott towards the 2020 boycott of the elections, despite being aware of the likely adverse effects. I also conduct a comparative analysis of opposition parties in similar contexts of North Macedonia, Montenegro, and Albania that boycotted the parliament but always took part in the elections. The article brings together the detached literature on parliamentary and electoral boycotts and contributes to a better understanding of opposition strategies in hybrid regimes.

Cihad Baban, who comes from the Babanlar/Babanzadeler family, one of the deep-rooted families of the Iraqi city of Sulaymaniyah, is one of the important and influential intellectuals who grew up in the Republican Period. The Babans, of whom he was a member, held different and high positions in the last period of the Ottoman Empire and the Republic of Türkiye. Cihad Baban's journalism life, which started as an amateur during his secondary education, turned professional in 1934 and continued almost uninterruptedly until his death. The most dominant feature of Baban’s, who graduated from Istanbul Faculty of Law, was that he was a well-equipped and competent journalist. In line with this feature, Baban, who adopted journalism as a way of life, became a pioneer in the establishment of many newspapers, worked as an editorial writer both for the newspapers he founded and for some other newspapers, and also performed various tasks. Not as much as his journalism, but also with his political life, Baban was elected five terms as a member of parliament, twice from Istanbul, twice from Izmir and once from Çanakkale, and sat in the ministerial seat twice. The Freedom Party and the Republican People's Party also have an important place in his independent political life, which started with the closeness to the Democrat Party. He was active in politics from 1946 till the end of the 1960s. After the May 27, 1960 Coup, he was brought to the Ministry of Press, Broadcasting and Tourism. Baban, who was given responsibilities many times in Türkiye's foreign policy, did not play an active role in the 1970s. During the 12 September 1980 Coup, he made an active return to politics with the Ministry of Culture., Irak’ın Süleymaniye şehri köklü ailelerinden Babanlar/Babanzadeler ailesinden gelen Cihad Baban, Cumhuriyet Dönemi’nde yetişmiş, önemli ve iz bırakan aydınlardan biridir. Mensubu bulunduğu Babanlar, Osmanlı Devleti’nin son döneminde ve Türkiye Cumhuriyeti’nde değişik ve yüksek mevkilerde bulunmuşlardır. Baban’ın ortaöğrenimi sırasında amatörce başlayan gazetecilik hayatı, 1934 yılında profesyonel bir hal almış ve neredeyse vefatına kadar kesintisiz devam etmiştir. İstanbul Hukuk Fakültesini bitiren Baban’ın en ağır basan özelliği donanımlı ve işin ehli bir gazeteci olmasıydı. Bu özelliği doğrultusunda gazeteciliği bir yaşam biçimi olarak özümseyen Baban, birçok gazetenin kuruluşunda öncü olmuş, hem kuruluşunda bulunduğu gazetelerde hem de diğer kimi gazetelerde başyazarlık yapmış, ayrıca değişik görevler ifa etmiştir. Gazeteciliği kadar olmasa da siyasi yaşamı ile de dikkat çeken Baban ikisi İstanbul, ikisi İzmir ve biri Çanakkale’den olmak üzere beş dönem milletvekili seçilmiş, iki defa da bakanlık koltuğuna oturmuştur. Bağımsız ancak Demokrat Parti yakınlığı ile başlayan siyasal yaşamında Hürriyet Partisi’nin ve Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi’nin de önemli bir yeri vardır. 1946’dan 1960’ların sonuna kadar siyasetin içerisinde aktif bir şekilde bulunmuştur. 27 Mayıs 1960 Darbesi’nden sonra Basın-Yayın ve Turizm Bakanlığına getirilmiştir. Türkiye’nin dış siyasetinde de kendisine birçok kez sorumluluk yüklenilen Baban, 1970’lerde aktif rol üstlenmemiştir. 12 Eylül 1980 Darbesi sürecinde Kültür Bakanlığı ile siyasete yeniden aktif dönüş yapmıştır.

Предлагаемая статья является попыткой проанализировать концепт «испорченность» в творчестве писателей-эстетов как составляющую национальной картины мира путем проведения концептуального анализа произведения данных авторов и определения состава и структуры концепта с содержанием лексикографических источников. В качестве авторских компонентов концепта «испорченность» были выявлены: «неумеренность», «развращенность», «преступление против личности», «непоправимость», «аморальность», «недопустимое поведение», «зло», «порочность», «вредоносность» и другие. В статье также описываются такие акциональные проявления концепта «испорченность», как преступления против моральных и религиозных законов, например, разврат, совращение, насилие, грубость., The proposed article attempts to analyse the concept of "depravity" in the works of aesthetic writers as a component of the national picture of the world by conducting a conceptual analysis of the works of these authors and determining the composition and structure of the concept with the content of lexicographic sources. As the author's components of the concept "depravity" were identified: "immorality", "depravity", "crime against the person", "irredeemability", "immorality", "unacceptable behaviour", "evil", "viciousness", "harmfulness" and others. The article also describes such act manifestations of the concept of "depravity" as crimes against moral and religious laws, such as debauchery, seduction, violence and rudeness., Международный научно-исследовательский журнал, Выпуск 7 (133) 2023

En distintos países de América Latina, los movimientos feministas y por la diversidad sexual desplegaron una estrategia de ingreso de los derechos sexuales y reproductivos en las agendas parlamentarias. Esto materializa nuevos escenarios en los que también adquieren mayor visibilidad los sectores que se movilizan en oposición a estas demandas. Se analiza el activismo en oposición a los derechos sexuales y reproductivos desde una de sus renovadas facetas relacionada con la ampliación de zonas de interpelación como fenómeno sociopolítico comunicacional. En este trabajo interesa proponer una de las vías para pensar este activismo desde los sentidos que colocan en la escena pública pero que al mismo tiempo los conforman como un colectivo político. Se realiza un estudio cualitativo y se analiza un corpus compuesto por materiales publicados en sitios web durante momentos clave de debate sobre sexualidad. Para ello, se seleccionaron dos contextos relevantes de observación, el debate por el matrimonio igualitario (2010) y el debate por la interrupción voluntaria del embarazo (2018) sucedidos en Argentina. Producto del análisis se plantean dos estrategias que permiten caracterizar a la oposición: identificación (de colectivos) y redireccionamiento (de sentidos). Ambas estrategias darían cuenta de la conformación de un colectivo heterogéneo articulado por un proyecto común que implica nuevas formas de subjetivación política. Se focaliza en la zona que denominamos zona coyuntural dado que involucra principalmente prácticas orientadas por un contexto específico. Es decir, se trata de momentos en los que las disputas toman mayor materialización y visibilidad porque se dan frente a un asunto concreto como el ingreso de los derechos sexuales y reproductivos a las agendas parlamentarias. De esta manera, la zona coyuntural se relaciona con diferentes formas de reproducción y de difusión o, en otras palabras, operaciones para generar y ganar convocatoria. In different countries of Latin America, the feminist and sexual diversity movements deployed a strategy to include sexual and reproductive rights in parliamentary agendas. This materializes new scenarios in which the sectors that mobilize in opposition to these demands also acquire greater visibility. This article analyzes activism in opposition to sexual and reproductive rights from one of its renewed facets related to the expansion of areas of interpellation as a communicational political phenomenon. The work proposes one of the ways to understand this activism from the meanings that they place on the public scene. But, at the same time, it conforms them as a political collective. A qualitative study is carried out and is analyzed a corpus of materials published on websites. For this, two relevant contexts of observation were selected, the debates over same-sex marriage (2010) and voluntary interruption of pregnancy (2018) that took place in Argentina. Two strategies are proposed that allow characterizing the opposition: identification (of collectives) and redirection (of meanings). Both strategies would evidence the formation of a heterogeneous collective articulated by a common project that implies new forms of political subjectivation. It focuses on the conjunctural zone. This zone mainly involves practices oriented by a specific context. That is to say, it implies moments in which the disputes take on greater materialization and visibility as soon as they occur in the face of a specific issue such as the entry of sexual and reproductive rights into parliamentary agendas. In this way, the conjunctural zone is related to different forms of reproduction and diffusion or, in other words, operations to generate and gain convocation.

The article examines the peculiarities of counteracting the negative informational influence on the personnel in captivity during the war. The role and importance of counteracting the information factor in the armed struggle, in ensuring the security of the state border and the state's defense capability. It is also important to reveal the objective necessity, ways and means of protecting personnel from negative informational influence in difficult conditions of captivity. The growth of the role of countering the information factor in the armed struggle and countering the information influence in captivity is highlighted. The relationship between the informational factor and military affairs is investigated. It should be noted right away that the combat operations of the troops were always accompanied by an informational influence on the personnel. We analyzed the latest research and publications, and summarized methods of preparation for interrogations during captivity. Advice on countering negative informational influence in wartime captivity was developed, in which special attention was paid to the principles of communication in captivity. Ukrainian border guards face the Russian Federation with dignity, including in captivity. It is especially important to know about their struggle for everyone who wants to reliably protect our state in the information environment. In order to begin considering the aspects of protection against negative informational influence, it is important to thoroughly study how to counteract negative informational influence in captivity. Our experience shows that providing prisoners with access to accurate and up-to-date information and counter-propaganda techniques can help reduce their stress and increase their ability to resist enemy information attempts., Досліджено особливості протидії негативному інформаційному впливу на особовий склад у полоні під час війни. Визначено роль і значення протидії інформаційного фактора у збройній боротьбі, у забезпеченні безпеки державного кордону та обороноздатності держави. Розкрито об’єктивну необхідність, шляхи та засоби захисту особового складу від негативного інформаційного впливу у складних умовах полону. Висвітлено зростання ролі протидії інформаційному фактору у збройній боротьбі і протидії інформаційному впливу в полоні. Розглянуто взаємозв’язок інформаційного фактора та військової справи. Зазначено, що бойові дії військ завжди супроводжувалися інформаційним впливом на особовий склад. Проведено аналіз останніх досліджень і публікацій, узагальнено способи підготовки до допитів під час полону. Розроблено поради щодо протистояння негативному інформаційному впливу в полоні під час війни, в яких особливу увагу звернено на принципи спілкування у полоні.

İslam ülkelerinde, İslamcı muhalefetin tarihi, emperyalist ve sömürgeci faaliyetlerin ortaya çıkmaya başladığı dönemlere dayanmaktadır. Batı’nın İslam coğrafyasına yönelik emperyalist ve sömürgeci politikaları neticesinde suni sınırların çizilmesi, bağımsız devletlerin ortaya çıkmasıyla birlikte kurulan yeni düzende işbaşına gelen/getirilen yönetimlerin Batı’nın güdümünde ve laik bir yönetim karakterine sahip olması (ya da İslamcı muhalifler tarafından böyle olduğu kabul edilmesi), İslam dünyasının birçok ülkesinde İslamcı muhalif grupların temel itiraz noktasını oluşturmaktadır. Bu nedenle birçok İslamcı muhalif grup, Batı güdümündeki bu laik yönetimlerin devrilip yerlerine şeriata dayalı bir yönetimin gelmesi gerektiğine inanmaktaydı. İslam dünyasında bu hedefle kurulan muhalif hareketler için dönüm noktalarından birisi Ayetullah Hümeyni liderliğinde İran’da gerçekleşen İslam Devrimi’ydi. İran’da 1979 yılında gerçekleşen İran İslam Devrimi; Mısır, Pakistan ve Afganistan başta olmak üzere birçok Müslüman ülkede, laik ve seküler yönetimlere karşı yürütülen muhalefet için ayrı bir motivasyon kaynağı olmuştur. İran İslam Devrimi’nin başarıyla sonuçlanması, bir taraftan benzer hedeflerle faaliyet yürüten oluşumlara motivasyon sağlamış; diğer taraftan da aynı hedefler çerçevesinde faaliyet yürütecek yeni teo-politik hareketlerin ortaya çıkmasında etkili olmuştur. İran İslam Devriminin yaratmış olduğu motivasyonun etkili olduğu ülkelerden birisi de şüphesiz Türkiye olmuştur. Türkiye’de İslamcı muhalefetin dozu artmış ve bazı teo-politik hareketler ortaya çıkmıştır. Söz konusu gruplardan biri de Türkiye Hizbullah’ı olmuştur. Hizbullah, Türkiye’deki laik sistemin değiştirilip yerine şeriata dayalı bir yönetimin kurulması gerektiği fikrini benimsemiştir. Bu kapsamda Türkiye’deki yönetim tarzının şeriata uygun olmadığı (tağuti) gerekçesiyle oy kullanarak bu sisteme dâhil olunmaması gerektiğini belirtmiştir. Ancak süreç içerisinde Hizbullah’ın hareket metodu ve söylemlerinde bazı değişimler yaşanmıştır. Hizbullah, 1990- 2000 yılları arasında kamuoyunda şiddet ile özdeşleşen bir yapı haline gelmiştir. Türkiye Hizbullahı, 2002 yılında silahlı eylemleri bıraktığını duyurduktan sonra, sivilleşme çabaları kapsamında daha sonra ismi Mustazaflar Hareketi olarak değişen bir dernek kurmuştur. Söz konusu bu dernek, 2010 yılında Hizbullah ile ilişkili olduğu gerekçesiyle kapatıldı. 2012 yılına gelindiğinde, Hizbullah, “Hür Dava Partisi” adında bir parti kurarak siyaset arenasına dahil oldu. Ortaya çıktığı ilk zamanlarda Türkiye’deki mevcut yönetim sistemini reddeden ve bu sistemle hiçbir şekilde ilişki içerisinde olmamayı salık veren Hizbullah’ın süreç içerisinde bu tavrında değişikliğe gittiği görülmektedir. İlk zamanlarında oy kullanmayı bile kabul etmeyen Hizbullah’ın, parti kurmak suretiyle, süreç içerisinde bir dönüşüm yaşandığı görülmektedir. Daha önce oy kullanmanın haram olduğunu ifade eden Hizbullah, Hür Dava Partisi adındaki siyasi yapılanma ile mevcut sistemin içerisinde yer almaya başlamıştır. İşte bu çalışma, Türkiye Hizbullahı’nın süreç içerisindeki siyasal dönüşümünü ele almaktadır. Dokümantasyon metodunun kullanıldığı çalışmanın kaynaklarını, Hizbullah hareketinin içerisinde bulunmuş ve daha sonra Dernek ve Partinin farklı kademelerinde görev almış olan kişilerin demeçleri, parti ve dernek tüzükleri, konuyla ilgili yapılmış çalışmalar ve Hizbullah’ın yayınlamış olduğu manifesto oluşturmaktadır. Çalışmada Hizbullah’ın kuruluş süreci ve siyaset anlayışı ele alındıktan sonra 2002 yılında başlayan legalleşme çabaları ve 2012 yılında siyasi bir parti kurmaya uzanan süreç ele alınmıştır. Çalışma sonucunda Hizbullah’ın mevcut siyasal yapıya karşı tavrının süreç içerisinde değişikliğe uğradığı tespit edilmiştir. Hizbullah’ın yaşadığı bu dönüşümün bir ılımlaşma olarak değerlendirilebileceği sonucuna varılmıştır. The history of the Islamist opposition in Islamic countries dates back to the times when imperialist and colonial activities began to emerge. In the new order which is established as a result of the emergence of independent states, the secular character of the administrations that came to power under the control of the West and artificial borders which are drawn as a result of the imperialist and colonialist policies of the West towards the Islamic geography constitute the main objection point of Islamist opposition groups in many countries of the Islamic world. For this reason, many Islamist opposition groups believed that these Western-led secular governments should be overthrown and replaced by an administration based on sharia. The Iranian Islamic Revolution in Iran in 1979 has been a separate source of motivation for the opposition to secular and laicistic governments in many Muslim countries, especially in Egypt, Pakistan, and Afghanistan. The successful conclusion of the Islamic Revolution in Iran, on the one hand, provided motivation for organizations operating with similar goals; on the other hand, it was influential in the emergence of new theo-political movements that would operate within the framework of the same goals. Undoubtedly, Turkey was one of the countries where the motivation created by the Iranian Islamic Revolution was effective. The dose of Islamist opposition has increased in Turkey and some theo-political movements have emerged. One of these groups was the Turkish Hezbollah. Hezbollah adopted the idea that the secular system in Turkey should be changed and replaced by an administration based on sharia. In this context, they stated that people must not contribute this system by voting because the administration order in Turkey does not comply with the sharia. However, there have been some changes in Hezbollah's method of action and discourse in the process. Between 1990 and 2000, Hezbollah became a group identified with violence in public opinion. After Turkey's Hezbollah announced that it stopped armed actions in 2002, it established an association, which later changed to the Mustazaflar Movement, as part of its demilitarization efforts. This association was shut down in 2010 because it was associated with Hezbollah. Hezbollah became involved in the political arena by founding a party called Hür Dava Partisi (Free Cause Party) in 2012. It is seen that Hezbollah, which rejected the current administrative system in Turkey in the early periods and advised people not to be in this system, changed its attitude in the process. It is seen that Hezbollah, which was against voting in its early days, experienced a transformation in the process by founding a party. Hezbollah, which previously stated that voting was haram, started to take place in the current system with the political structure called the Hür Dava Partisi. This study deals with the political transformation of Turkish Hezbollah in the process. In the study, in which the documentation method was used, the establishment process of Hezbollah and its understanding of politics is explained, and the legalization efforts that started in 2002 and the process leading to the establishment of a political party in 2012 are discussed. As a result of the study, it has been determined that Hezbollah's attitude towards the current political structure has changed in the process. It has been concluded that this transformation experienced by Hezbollah can be evaluated as a moderation

COVID-19 broke out in the period that Uganda was due to have presidential and parliamentary elections, posing a very precarious human security challenge. The ruling party (National Resistance Movement; NRM) faced the challenge of passing power to the Speaker of parliament if elections were not to be held. To mitigate the public health challenges and maintain power, the government acquiesced to an election process without public campaigns. Instead, campaigns were to be held over the radio, TV, and social media in what came to be known as 'scientific elections.' However, in a country hamstrung by massive political and bureaucratic corruption and an entrenched regime that uses violence against opponents, little attention was paid to the fairness of the process, especially in terms of access to media resources by the opposition. Conversely, as elections are about crowds and showmanship, the Ugandan Electoral Commission struggled with the ever-evolving electoral campaign process, especially as large spontaneous crowds sprang up on the campaign trail of the political candidates. The opposition needs a large crowd for legitimacy and a show of popularity. To mitigate this, the ruling party used violence against opposition members as an excuse to enforce standard operating procedures (SOPs) for the prevention of COVID-19, yet its candidates were left to gather crowds. This radicalized some of the opposition that used media outlets to call for violence and ethnic cleansing. This qualitative study delves into the extent to which the 'scientific elections' process was designed to produce a fair outcome of the 2021 elections in Uganda. This study uses the rational choice theory to explore the calculations of different stakeholders. The study relies on secondary data, especially available in media outlets, but also primary data through reports and social media and speeches of key figures in the political landscape in Uganda. The study finds that the Independent Electoral Commission was caught between two highly sophisticated opponents and did not have the capacity and agency to enforce the rules in the political game. In the end, the key facets of the 'scientific elections' process were found wanting and did not produce a fair outcome of the 2021 elections in Uganda.

El presente artículo cuestiona la premisa según la cual los procesos constituyentes participativos y democráticos necesariamente producen constituciones que contribuyen a profundizar la democracia. Si bien muchas de las nuevas cartas políticas presentan ampliaciones importantes a la participación, no todas ellas le abren las puertas a la oposición, ni garantizan su ejercicio. Apoyado en el estudio de los procesos constituyentes llevados a cabo en la región andina desde 1991, el artículo propone dos rutas constituyentes con resultados diferentes. Por un lado, una asamblea diversa y simétrica, donde predomine la estrategia de la negociación entre las partes, debe conducir a una constitución que sirva de plataforma para profundizar la democracia, entendida en su doble dimensión (inclusión y oposición). Por el contrario, una asamblea dominada por un actor o coalición mayoritaria que imponga su propio proyecto constitucional puede tener consecuencias favorables en cuanto a la inclusión, pero también impactos negativos en las dimensiones de la competencia y la oposición, ambas cruciales para la democracia. This article throws into question the idea according to which democratic and participatory constitution making processes necessarily produce constitutions that lead to democratic deepening. While many new constitutions create wider avenues for political participation, not all of them open the door to the opposition, nor guarantee its exercise. By studying the constitution making processes in the Andean region since 1991, this article puts forth two different routes to constitution making that yield different results. On the one hand, a diverse and symmetric assembly where negotiation becomes the dominant strategy should yield a constitution favorable to democracy, deepening in its double dimension (inclusion and opposition). On the other hand, an assembly dominated by one majoritarian actor or coalition that can impose its own constitutional project, may yield positive outcomes in terms of inclusion, while having a negative impact on the dimensions of competition and contestation, both critical for democracy.

W literaturze politologicznej wyróżnia się dwie formy instytucjonalizacji opozycji – instytucjonalizację polityczną (pośrednią) i instytucjonalizację prawnoustrojową (bezpośrednią). Pierwsza opiera się na założeniu, że opozycja stanowi nieodłączny element systemu politycznego, co wynika z podstawowych zasad konstytucyjnych, katalogu praw obywatelskich czy przepisów prawa wyborczego, natomiast druga polega na zamieszczeniu sformułowania nawiązującego do „opozycji” w konkretnym akcie prawnym: uchwale, ustawie bądź konstytucji. Niniejszy artykuł koncentruje się właśnie na tej drugiej formie instytucjonalizacji opozycji, a ściślej mówiąc, na jej konstytucjonalizacji. Celem autora opracowania było bowiem zbadanie skali tego zjawiska w systemach politycznych państw europejskich, jak również przedstawienie kontekstu, w jakim ustrojodawcy nawiązują w treści konstytucji do „opozycji”, i jakie występują różnice w tym zakresie. Analiza objęła konstytucje wszystkich europejskich państw, w związku z czym badania zachowały charakter całościowy. Wśród wykorzystanych metod znalazły się: metoda analizy treści i metoda porównawcza, a na bazę źródłową – oprócz konstytucji – złożyły się: monografie, opracowania zbiorowe, artykuły naukowe oraz inne akty prawne. Badania wykazały, że konstytucjonalizacja opozycji politycznej jest w Europie zjawiskiem rzadkim, obejmującym jedynie kilka państw. Te zaś, które się na to zdecydowały, różnią zastosowane w tym celu metody i rozwiązania. Political science literature distinguishes two forms of institutionalization of the opposition – political (indirect) institutionalization and legal (direct) institutionalization. The first is based on the assumption that the opposition i san integral part of the Political system, which results from the basic constitutional rules, a catalog of civil rights or electoral law, while the second relies on placing a phrase reffering to “opposition” in a specific legal act: resolution, law or constitution. This article focuses just on the second form of institutionalization of the opposition, or more precisely, on its constitutionalization. The aim of the author of the study was to examine the scale of this phenomenon in the political systems of European states, as well as to present the context in which constitution-makers refer to the “opposition” in the content of the constitution, and what are the differences in this scope. The analysis embranced the constitutions of all European states, therefore the research kept comprehensive character. Among the used methods were: the method of content analysis and the comparative method, and the source base – apart from the constitutions – included: monographs, collective studies, scientific articles and other legal acts. Research has shown that the constitutionalization of political opposition is a rare phenomenon in Europe, encompassing only a few states. Those who decided to do it, differ the methods and solutions used for this purpose.

本論考では、ヒュームが『人間本性論』の「理性にかんする懐疑論について」という節で展開する懐疑的立論を、蓋然性についてのかれの教説に基づいて再構成し、その内実と成否を検討する。本論考での再構成に基づけば、当該の節での懐疑的立論は、対立する信念の対置の繰り返しによって一方の側の優位を次第に減少させ、最終的には完全な判断保留に導くものであり、先行研究での通説に反して、立論として成功している。, In this paper, I reconstruct and examine Hume's sceptical argument in the section of A Treatise of Human Nature, named "Of scepticism with regard to reason." According to my reconstruction, his argument aims to diminish the superiority of one belief by opposing it to a contradictory one, and this process, Hume thinks, leads to the total suspense of judgement if repeated endlessly in reflection. I argue that this argument, examined from the viewpoint of Hume's theory of belief and probability, has no logical fallacy and can evade many objections raised so far., 庭田茂吉先生 山田史郎先生 退職記念論文集

The extent to which anti-foreigner sentiment applies to all immigrants, irrespective of their social characteristics, has not been studied to a sufficient degree. Accordingly, the present study aims to examine the significance of specific immigrant attributes by utilizing social identity theory and realistic group conflict theory. Empirical analyses confirm the relevance of the two theories, as they show that: (1) anti-foreigner sentiment is lower toward Western immigrants than toward non-Western immigrants, and (2) anti-foreigner sentiment is lower toward high-skilled immigrants than toward low-skilled immigrants. Anti-foreigner sentiment reflects both ethnic-cultural antipathy and economic interests, which are in turn interrelated. Accordingly, this study claims that social identity theory and realistic group conflict theory are complementary. Final analyses show that attitudes toward the characteristics of immigrants are formed independently of social status. Collective identities and interests are important components of anti-foreigner sentiment. Analyses were based on a randomized survey experiment fielded in 2020 (N = 884).

A publicized series of police (and other) violence against unarmed Black people over the last decade has fueled unprecedented mass protest as well as political and policy debate in the United States, and beyond. Given this ethical dispute over whether democratic society upholds its cardinal values of freedom and equality for all, sentiment toward Black Lives Matter is suggestive of what people believe police killings, and protest against them, say about the state of democracy itself. In this review, we use the latest empirical evidence in psychology and related sociobehavioral sciences to document sentiment regarding Black Lives Matter. Because continuing racial inequity is a foundational assumption of Black Lives Matter, we will also review the most relevant studies of attention to, knowledge of, and beliefs and feelings about police violence and related acts and issues that may be viewed as indicating racial inequity. Much of this work shows a dramatic divergence of sentiment across racial and political lines, as increased social and political polarization and insulation evidences in divergent attention, cognition, affect, emotion, motivation, and action regarding relevant events and social issues. In this way, examinations of the psychology of such sentiment reveal just how deep the social and political rifts run in society.

The article deals with the history of the Baghdad Pact — a kind of symbol of the “cold war” in the middle of the last century in the Middle East, which Turkey be-came an active promoter of. The author traces the development of events that caused a great resonance in society. It is shown that the growing protest mood found its response on the pages of the “Akis” weekly, the first neutral democratic print organ in Turkey, which officially did not belong to any political party. The relevance of the article is seen in the fact that the well-known modern changes in the Middle East policy of Turkey, aimed primarily at taking into account the national interests of the country, originate from regional events in the Middle East in the 50s of the last century. It is argued that the materials of “Akis” in a specific context, as a kind of lessons from the past, make it possible to understand and appreciate many of the nuances of modern difficult Arab-Turkish relations, the roots of which go back to events that were directly related to the Baghdad Pact.

RESUMEN En este artículo, se analiza la prensa de oposición durante la Regeneración en Colombia (1880-1900) y el porfiriato en México (1876-1911). Para lograr el objetivo, se escogieron dos publicaciones que ilustran el problema al que se enfrentó el periodismo de oposición durante estos gobiernos: El Relator (Colombia) y Regeneración (México). Se muestra que la prensa de oposición, a pesar de enfrentarse a la persecución y a la censura, contribuyó a la formación de la nación y de la democracia desde discursos alternativos. ABSTRACT This article analyzes the opposition press during the Regeneration in Colombia (1880-1900) and the Porfiriato in Mexico (1876-1911). To do this, two publications were chosen that illustrate the problem that opposition journalism faced during these governments: El Relator (Colombia) and Regeneración (Mexico). It is shown that, despite facing persecution and censorship, the opposition press contributed to the formation of the nation and democracy from alternative discourses.

Parliaments in the Pacific Islands are among the most male-dominated in the world. Yet despite the odds, there is a cohort of women who have been elected and won senior roles. This article adds to an emerging literature that examines the gendered pathways to political influence in the region by focusing on the hitherto overlooked role of the opposition leader. It uses a biographical approach to consider the pathways in and through this role by four women opposition leaders: Fiame Naomi Mata’afa (Samoa), Hilda Heine (Marshall Islands), Dame Carol Kidu (Papua New Guinea), and Ro Teimumu Kepa (Fiji). We parse out factors that explain the success of these leaders while also identifying barriers that have prevented their emergence in other Pacific states. We identify two main ways in which women politicians have used the position of leader of the opposition: first, the conventional understanding of the role as a path to power; and second, the less well-understood role of defending and protecting democratic norms and institutions. The latter can be interpreted as a version of the “glass cliff” phenomenon where women leaders assume key positions in times of crisis. Our findings thus highlight that while in the Pacific the role of leader of the opposition can be a path to power, the relatively few women leaders who have taken on this role have used it in diverse and varied ways.

The article analyzes gender problems of discrimination in the field of sports activities. It was established that discrimination is anegative social phenomenon and manifests itself in all spheres, including sports. Despite a number of regulatory and institutional legal guarantees, athletes are exposed to negative situations, including oppression, intolerance, unequal treatment, and even violence. The goal of the modern ideology of legal regulation in the field of sports is to ensure somatic andpsychological well-being in all spheres of personal development of athletes, including the eradication of manifestations of discrimination, which is especially widespread on the basis of gender.Stereotyped thinking permeates sports activities, where certain sports are identified with a separate gender, resulting in genderdiscrimination against both women due to their supposedly strengthened masculine identity and men for choosing fragile sports.It is noted that the problems of stigmatization in sports have an ancient nature, but do not change in the context of the transformation of the phenomenon itself. Currently, the issue of eSports and its recognition at the professional level isbeing actively discussed. However, according to experts, the problem of gender discrimination in this area is particularly significant.Addressing systemic issues, including discrimination, requires good and open sports governance to create a culture that is trulyfair, accessible, inclusive and supportive. It has been established that increasing the numerical representation of women is an important feminist project in various institutional settings and promotes gender equality. However, the number in itself does not mean ensuring the principle of non-discrimination. The problems that have not been solved at the moment are forms of lower wages, lack of real equality in the occupation of managerial positions and coaching staff, uneven popularization in the mass media., У статті проводиться аналіз гендерних проблем дискримінації у сфері спортивної діяльності. Констатовано, що дискримінація є негативним суспільним явищем і проявляється у всіх сферах, у тому числі у спортивній діяльності. Не дивлячись на ряд нормативних та інституційно-правових гарантій спортсмени піддаються негативним ситуаціям, серед яких утиски, нетерпимість, нерівне ставлення, навіть прояви насильства.Метою сучасної ідеології правового регулювання у сфері спорту є забезпечення соматичного та психологічного благополуччю у всі сферах особистого розвитку спортсменів, у тому числі викоренення проявів дискримінації, котра особливо поширена за гендерною ознакою.Стереотипне мислення проникає у спортивну діяльність, де певні види спорту ототожнюються з окремою статтю в наслідок чого гендерній дискримінації піддаються як жінки через їх начебто посилену маскулінну ідентичність,так і чоловіки за вибір тендітних видів спорту.Звернута увага, що проблеми стигматизації у спорті мають давню природу, проте не змінюються в контексті трансформації самого явища. Нині активно обговорюється питання кіберспорту та його визнання на професійно-му рівні. Проте, за твердженням експертів проблема дискримінації за статтю і в цій сфері є особливо вагомою.Вирішення системних проблем, включаючи дискримінацію потребує належного та відкритого спортивного управління, щоб створити культуру, яка є справді справедливою, доступною, інклюзивною та сприятливою. Констатовано, що збільшення чисельного представництва жінок є важливим феміністичним проектом у різноманітних інституційних умовах та сприяє гендерній рівності. Проте сама по собі кількість не означає забезпечення принципу недискримінації. Проблемами, що на сьогоднішній момент не є вирішеними це форми нижчої оплати праці, відсутності реальної рівностіу зайнятті керівних посад та тренерському складі, нерівномірна популяризація у ЗМІ.

U radu se analizira izražavanje dopusnosti (koncesivnosti) na sintagmatskoj razini u hrvatskome standardnom jeziku. Dopusnost je složena kategorija koja podrazumijeva odnos uzročnosti ili uvjetovanosti i suprotnosti, pri čemu uzrok ili uvjet bivaju „razbijeni“ suprotnošću. U radu se daje pregled dopusnosti na razini riječi, sintagmatskoj razini, razini jednostavne rečenice, na razini koordinacije, subordinacije i teksta. Cilj je rada ponuditi prikaz izražavanja dopusnosti na razini spoja riječi (sintagmema) na izoliranim primjerima iz korpusa (Hrvatskoga mrežnog korpusa – hrWaC-a) te njihove realizacije u okviru jednostavne rečenice. Pri tome se upućuje na sintaktičko-semantički status dativa i genitiva s prijedlozima kojima se postiže koncesivno značenje kao i na vrijednost glagolskoga priloga u koncesivnome značenju. Pri analizi će se referirati na recentne postavke iznesene u kognitivnim gramatikama B. Belaja i G. Tanackovića Faletara. Prilikom analize značenja dopusnosti koristit će se normativnim priručnicima hrvatskoga jezika, ali i literaturom koja se bavi drugim jezicima štokavskoga narječja This paper analyzes the expresssion of concession on the syntagmatic level in Croatian standard language. Concession is a complex category that implies a relation between causation or conditionality and opposition, whereby the cause or condition is „broken“ by the opposition. The paper describes it on the following levels: word, syntagmatic level, sentence, coordination, subordination and text. The aim of this paper is to offer a presentation of the expression of concession on the syntagmatic level on isolated examples from the corpus (Croatian online corpus – hrWaC) and their realization within a simple sentence. In doing so, reference is made to the syntactic-semantic status of the dative and genitive case with prepositions that achieve the concessive meaning, as well as the value of the verb participle in the concessive meaning. During the analysis, reference will be made to the recent statements presented in the cognitive grammar by B. Belaj and G. Tanacković Faletar. For the analysis of concessive meaning, normative manuals of the Croatian language will be used, as well as literature dealing with other languages of the stokavian dialect.

While some world regions have seen women opposition leaders with no ties to political families rise to national leadership, in East Asia, women opposition leaders who ascend to national executive positions have been largely limited to the wives, daughters, or sisters of prominent male politicians. Locally, however, there have been some broadening and diversification of women who seek and win executive office through oppositional politics. Given the small number of women opposition leaders who have gained leadership positions in the government, this article develops an interpretive study of the relationship between becoming “critical actors” and doing “critical acts” as women opposition leaders. Using four illustrative cases of women who have pursued executive power through oppositional politics, this article questions whether and how the variation in women’s pathways affects their exercise of power in Indonesia and South Korea, two young though consolidating democracies in East Asia. Drawing on the biographies and policies of two presidents (Megawati Soekarnoputri and Park Geun-hye) and two mayors (Tri Rismaharini and Kim Soo-young) it shows that local women opposition leaders use their executive leadership to initiate and implement public policies, unlike their national counterparts whose pathways and performance are intertwined with family background. By doing so, the article sheds light on the complex nexus between political pathways and performance of women opposition leaders.

Die Parlamentswahlen im Herbst in Polen werden nach Meinung unabhängiger Beobachter und Kommentatoren eine besondere, wenn nicht gar bahnbrechende Bedeutung haben, denn sie werden nicht nur darüber entscheiden, wer in den kommenden vier Jahren die Regierungsverantwortung übernehmen wird, sondern auch darüber, ob das seit zwei Legislaturperioden von der rechtspopulistischen Regierung aufgebaute autoritäre System zur Vollendung kommt. Sollte es dazu kommen, könnten dies die letzten Wahlen sein, welche die demokratische Opposition gewinnen könnte.

The European Parliament (EP) is an intriguing arena to study the nexus between gender, speech-making, and leadership performance, as it simultaneously challenges and confirms gender-based hierarchies in legislative contexts. While the EP has a higher level of women's representation than national parliaments, women's access to top-level positions nonetheless remains limited. Yet the EP is a special case of a legislature. Lacking a right of initiative, it often acts collectively as an inter-institutional opposition to the EU core institutions. In this article, through a software-assisted analysis of EP debates following the president's State of the Union Address, we investigate party group leaders' evaluations of the Commission's proposals and their charismatic rhetoric from a gender angle. Focusing on the three most recent legislatures (2009-2021), our analysis shows that while collective inter-institutional opposition is present in the EP, women leaders generally show higher levels of rhetorical skillfulness and voice either approval or opposition toward the Commission more emphatically than their male counterparts. Supplementary Files: https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/downloadSuppFile/6172/3090

Combining formal democracy, neoliberal capitalism, and conservative Islam, the Justice and Development Party (AKP) transformed state-society relations in Turkey dramatically after its first electoral victory in 2002. Yet the elections to be held on 14 May 2023 might mark the end of an era defined as the "New Turkey" by President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan himself. There are three key catalysts here. Until recently, AKP pursued an economic growth model that brought together a ruling bloc consisting of various social forces and state actors. Simultaneously, it reproduced mass consent leading to consecutive electoral victories. Yet, the current economic crisis makes the maintenance of the incumbent party's electoral support extremely difficult. On 6 February, southern Turkey was struck by the deadliest earthquakes in the country's history. The government's highly politicised yet wholly inadequate management of the crisis exacerbated the earthquakes' adverse effects, harming Erdoğan's image and posing another challenge for the ruling coalition in the upcoming elections. Despite Erdoğan's frequent attempts to sow discord among his critics, the opposition seems to have learnt its lesson from past mistakes, uniting behind the main oppositional candidate, Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu, who will significantly challenge the ruling coalition. The response of European politicians to Turkey's increasing authoritarianism in the recent past has not gone beyond expressing "deep concerns," focusing on short-term interests such as the containment of refugee flows and pursuing a transactional relationship with the incumbent president. The upcoming elections are a watershed moment for Turkey's threatened democratic institutions. European governments need to reconsider their approach, since a rules-based mode of engagement would benefit both the European Union and Turkish society in the long run.

Neste artigo, a Revolta dos Marinheiros de 1936 é perspectivada no quadro das oposições ao Estado Novo, numa escala micro, atendendo às subjectividades envolvidas, para o que se procurou recuperar a voz dos marinheiros. Para tal, importou reconstituir a revolta, identificando os seus actores, detectando os seus objectivos, caracterizando o seu percurso, assim como analisar a relação do levantamento com a Guerra Civil de Espanha e o papel nele desempenhado pelo Partido Comunista Português. Numa reinterpretação, defende-se que o conceito-chave para entender a revolta é o de “cultura de resistência”. This article examines the 1936 Revolt of the Sailors in the context of the opposition to the Estado Novo, at a micro level, taking into account the subjectivities involved for which the sailors’ voice was recovered. To this end, it was important to reconstruct the revolt, identify its actors, recognize its objectives, characterize its course, and analyze the relationship between the uprising and the Spanish Civil War, as well as the role of the Portuguese Communist Party. The article argues that the key concept to understanding the revolt is the "culture of resistance". info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

Siyasal seçim kampanyası aday, parti ve parti örgütünün bütüncül çalışması ile meydana gelmektedir. Seçim kampanyası döneminde iktidar ve muhalefet partileri söylemleri ile seçim sonucuna etki etmektedir. Bu noktadan hareketle tez çalışmasında 2019 İstanbul Büyükşehir Belediye yerel seçimi iktidar ve muhalefet partisinin vaat ve söylemleri karşılaştırmalı olarak incelenmiştir. Bu çalışmada 2019 İstanbul Büyükşehir Belediye seçim kampanyasında aday ve parti tarafından ortaya konan iktidar ve muhalefet söylemlerinin seçim sonucuna nasıl etti ettiği ortaya çıkarılmaya çalışılmıştır. Siyasal iletişimin halkla ilişkiler çalışma alanına giren bir disiplindir. İktidar ve muhalefet partisi söylemlerinin seçim sonucuna nasıl etki ettiği varsayımından hareketle tez çalışmasının halkla ilişkiler alanına yeni bir bakış açısı getirmesi ve rota olması beklenmektedir. Bu tez çalışmasında söylem analizi yöntemi ile 31 Mart 2019 İstanbul Büyükşehir Belediye başkanlığı yerel seçimi incelenmiştir. COMPARISON OF THE POWER AND OPPOSITION DISCUSSIONS IN ELECTION CAMPAIGNS IN TERMS OF ITS REFLECTION ON THE ELECTION RESULT: 2019 ISTANBUL METROPOLITAN MUNICIPALITY ELECTIONThe political election campaign is formed by the holistic work of the candidate, the party and the party organization. During the election campaign period, the ruling and opposition parties affect the election results with their discourses. From this point of view, in the thesis study, the promises and discourses of the ruling and opposition parties in the 2019 Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality local elections were examined comparatively.In this study, it was tried to reveal how the discourses of power and opposition put forward by the candidate and the party in the 2019 Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality election campaign affected the election result. It is a discipline that falls into the public relations study area of political communication. Based on the assumption of how the discourses of the ruling and opposition parties affect the election result, it is expected that the thesis study will bring a new perspective to the field of public relations and become a route. In this thesis study, the 31 March 2019 Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality local election was examined with the method of discourse analysis.

Although the governments of Poland and Hungary seem to similarly contest the conditionality mechanism that requires one to respect the rule of law when using EU funds, there are differences between these countries. They become visible in the framing of political communication as regards the opposition parties. This article seeks to identify the grounds of the competition from parliamentary opposition of the governments in relation to the EU Recovery and Resilience Fund. An analysis of 2021's parliamentary debates on national recovery and resilience plans revealed three communication frameworks: the financial frame (the policy dimension), the quality of governance frame (the politics dimension), and the European integration frame which shaped domestic political rivalry (the polity dimension). Differences within these framings between the narrative of the Polish and Hungarian opposition resulted from different institutional and structural contexts. The study confirms the importance of national opposition parties for the analysis of the process of European integration. The existence of a liberal opposition may promote the salience of the topic of European integration in domestic political debate.

With increased interest in materials and construction in the architectural field, the use of building structure as the element of architectural expression has gained interest in recent years. In his analysis of contemporary Swiss architecture, Arthur Ruegg has coined the notion of "Strong Structures" for the tendency to activate a load-bearing structure for spatial and conceptual expression. The article applies this notion to the works of renowned Japanese architect Kazuo Shinohara, who has influenced many prominent Swiss figures in the debate over "Strong Structures." By conducting phenomenological research on his experimental practices in House in White, Tanikawa House, and House in Uehara, the article examines how Shinohara used the organisation of structural elements and relations to express the architectural and cultural context. Finally, by contrasting the structural design methods used in Switzerland and Japan, this article aims to introduce a relational structure design mindset in order to complement and extend the concept of "Strong Structures", which can enrich structural design by focusing on the art of structural relations., Journal of Asian Architecture and Building Engineering, ISSN:1347-2852, ISSN:1346-7581

Observations sous Trib. UE, 13 juill. 2022, aff. T-251/21, et 14 sept. 2022, aff. T-417/21 - Qualification des arrêts : confirmation

The Russian invasion of Ukraine was followed by a wave of mass protests in Russia that soon was halted by the adoption of increasingly restrictive laws and wide-spread police violence. Despite continuous repressions, the anti-war resistance did not disappear and instead, it acquired new, creative forms. This thesis aimed to investigate the meaning, power and limit of non-violent acts of anti-war resistance in Russia. This was achieved by researching the socio-political environment within which anti-war movements and their participants operated and non-violent ways to perform anti-war resistance. The research was built on the basis of the theory of the everyday, resistance studies and the theory of social movements. The data was collected from a project called Vidimiy Protest that captured the evidence of anti-war resistance. The thesis employed visual analysis to analyze the data. The thesis concludes that these non-violent acts of anti-war resistance disrupt people’s everyday, influencing identities, opinions and attitudes. Although these acts might not have an immediate impact, they may create extraordinary circumstances needed for people to look and understand beyond dominating discourse. At the current stage, these acts do not seem to have enough power and favorable circumstances to push social change by themselves, however, they play a crucial role in ensuring the continuity of resistance, inspiring it further.

This thematic issue provides the first comprehensive overview of women opposition leaders and their performance. Setting the stage for a new research agenda, this editorial piece integrates theoretical and empirical insights at the intersection of three distinct research areas: political opposition, political leadership, and gender and politics. It discusses various notions of opposition leaders and identifies three main lines of inquiry: (a) career pathways and trajectories, (b) patterns of selection and de-selection, and (c) the actual and perceived performance of women's oppositional leadership. Applying a variety of theoretical and methodological approaches, this collection of original articles captures the diversity of women opposition leaders, their career trajectories, and their exercise of leadership across different political regimes and world regions.

Nearly a year after its formation, the Nation Alliance, consisting of six opposition par­ties ("Table of Six"), finally started to act like a full-fledged electoral alliance against the ruling bloc under President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. The six opposition leaders have long been criticised for failing to take concrete steps towards embodying a viable po­lit­ical alternative to the People’s Alliance of the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) and the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) since they publicly signed the joint manifesto for Turkey’s transition into the "Strengthened Parliamentary System" in February 2022. Although the alliance has yet to announce its joint presidential can­didate, it has manifested an unprecedentedly comprehensive joint platform in nine policy areas, including the rule of law, public administration, social policy, economy, and foreign policy. The 200-page joint document provides a comprehensive overview of what changes Turkey can be expected to go through in the short and medium terms should the Nation Alliance manage to defeat President Erdoğan's ruling bloc in the up­coming elections, which will probably take place on 14 May 2023. Even though it would not immediately offer a solution to various issues in Turkey-EU relations, a pos­sible opposition victory could bring bilateral relations back to an institutional frame­work, whereby both parties can cooperate in a productive way to work out their problems and focus on common interests. (Autorenreferat)

Under the motto “God, homeland, and family”—but also by stressing one further important marker of social identity, i.e., gender—Italian radical right party leader Giorgia Meloni multiplied her party seats in parliament from 2013 onwards. After the 2022 elections, she became the first woman prime minister in Italy. Starting from an overview of the figure of Giorgia Meloni as a radical right woman leader, we explore her and her party’s position on women-related issues and their relevance while exploring, in opposition, two different contexts: representative institutions and social media. To do that, we draw on parliamentary data—bills and parliamentary questions introduced in parliament by Fratelli d’Italia—and on Meloni’s public discourse—examined in an analysis of all the tweets posted by her official Twitter account, between 2013 and 2021. As expected, a low saliency of women’s issues appears in all the types of data examined, although some of them are more exposed to the shift in attention caused by the rise of related trend topics. Both Meloni and her party are strong supporters of the “natural family” and make use of women’s issues in claiming femonationalist arguments, especially on social media. However, Meloni and her party cannot be considered as fully “neo-traditional,” as are other similar parties in Europe, but rather as a combination of “neo-traditional” and “modern-traditional.”

The paper aims to explore different forms of oppositions in the narrative structure of Lucy Maud Montgomery’s critically acclaimed novel “Anne of Green Gables”, which was first published in 1908. Because L. M. Montgomery’s works have not been sufficiently explored in the realm of narratology, the following paper seeks to begin covering this gap by analysing key oppositions in “Anne of Green Gables” while also taking into consideration their significance in terms of a broader cultural and historical context, as well as accounting for the changes introduced by L.M. Montgomery to the genre of the novel (specifically, Bildungsroman). Having analysed the original text of the novel, we have determined that the key oppositions in “Anne of Green Gables” (commonplace/romantic worldview, religion/godlessness, love/friendship, woman/man (girl/boy), childhood/adulthood, orphancy/family, loneliness/belonging, mercy/indifference, etc) play an important role in defining the conflict dynamic between characters. By opposing stylistic elements, thematic and plot formulae, the author is able to provide an in-depth perspective of her heroine’s experiences, as well as exploring various viewpoints (Anne Shirley, Marilla and Matthew Cuthbert, Rachel Lynde, etc) when it comes to the same events. L.M. Montgomery has also updated the genre of Bildungsroman by reimagining the conventional topics of “female” literature (raising girls to be future wives and mothers, their love afflictions and desire to get married) and replacing them with new and relevant issues (the influence of literature and culture on one’s personality, the role of friendship in a young person’s life, using creativity as a means to reinterpret one’s surroundings and overcome inner conflict, etc)., У статті досліджено різні форми опозицій у наративній структурі роману «Енн із Зелених Дахів» (“Anne of Green Gables”, 1908) Л.М.Монтгомері. На підставі оригіналу твору англійською мовою було встановлено, що ключові опозиції роману (буденність – романтика, релігія – безбожжя, кохання – дружба, жінка – чоловік (дівчинка – хлопчик), дитинність – дорослість, сирітство – родинність, самотність – причетність, милосердя – байдужість та ін.) визначають специфіку перебігу та вирішення художніх колізій. Система опозицій, що виявляється на рівні тем і мотивів, сюжету, стилю, сприяє всебічному висвітленню буття з різних точок зору персонажів (Енн Ширлі, Марілла й Метью Катберт, Рейчел Лінд тощо). Переосмисливши коло питань, що були традиційними для «жіночої» літератури тієї доби (виховання дівчинки як майбутньої дружини, її любовні переживання, прагнення одружитися тощо), Л. М. Монтгомері оновила жанр роману виховання й збагатила його новою проблематикою (вплив літератури й культури на становлення особистості, роль дружби в житті молодої людини, творча реінтерпретація довколишньої дійсності як засіб подолання внутрішніх конфліктів тощо).

In the context of the accelerated development of new media and the growth of e-democracy, the mediatization of Kazakhstani politics is entering a new digital-driven stage of development. The authors approach relevance lies in studying the modern digital-driven strategy of Kazakhstani political communication and identifying methods of influence of political parties on the electorate, manipulative media forms on certain segments of the electorate from the opposition. The article presents an analysis of the main strategic resources of the politics mediatization and of their impact. Moreover, it reveals the influence tendencies of the political mediatization, the political communication in society and with party stakeholders. The author attempts to analyze the methods and formats of transmedia storytelling in the social networks on the Internet for the political leaders communication shaping, social and political dialogue building. The research material included the election campaigns of parliamentary and unregistered parties texts in Kazakhstani social media, the posts / publications on social networks during the first ever primaries in the countrys history and the parliamentary elections of 2019 and 2021.

The article is devoted to the current internal political situation in Nicaragua. The author analyzes the reasons for the acute socio-political crisis that arose in April 2018, presenting a detailed analysis of a historical background of these events. The author notes that a regime of personal power of President Ortega has been established in the country, relying on bureaucracy and power structures, since it is them playing a key role in preserving Ortega as the country’s President. The paper assesses the alignment of political forces and the general political situation in the opposition camp. The author analyzes the reasons for a number of existing contradictions that plague the opposition bloc of Nicaragua. An analysis of political potential and electoral possibilities of the opposition forces is given. The author predicts a possible scenario for the development of events within the framework of internal political situation in connection with the upcoming elections to be held in November 2021. The author comes to conclusion that the regime of Ortega is weakening and losing its positions, but still retains a margin of safety, which allows him to remain in power. As one of the scenarios for the development of events, the author predicts the possibility of a ‘compromise figure’ coming to power, which, however, does not imply a change in the real balance of power and dominant political figures in state politics.

The article considers the notional nature and peculiarities of genus-species relations between the phenomena of opposition and oppositivity ; it also deals with the lexical-and-grammatica ways of expressing the latter in an English literary text. The study establishes that, besides the logical component, an opposition also expresses a subjective one, manifesting a communicants unique view on the communicative situation and thus displaying semantics of oppositivity. Unlike spatial, logical and grammatical oppositions, generally characterized by a symmetrical structure, the subjective (oppositive) opposition is asymmetrical. It is revealed that due to the structural asymmetry this kind of opposition is marked by greater semantic potential compared to logical and grammatical oppositions. It is proved that the complication of subjective oppositions with antonymous pairs, lexical and syntactical repetitions, antithetic units, oxymorons etc. extends the scope of meanings implied by them; and the use of subjective (oppositive) oppositions in a literary text themselves becomes an effective tool of contrast-building both on the lexical-grammatical and textual levels.

In the article, the author analyzes the «pre-elections» that took place in Hungary in September – October 2021, in other words, the «primaries» of the opposition. Such an attempt of being elected to the Parliament in Central European countries was applied for the first time since the change of the system and its result, judging by the subsequent emotions of the participants, cannot yet be considered unambiguous. There is no such norm in the Constitution of the country, however, instead of creating an electoral coalition, as, for example, in the neighboring Czech Republic, Hungarian opposition politicians decided to go further, in a certain sense, binding themselves to the model of the American electoral system. The essence of the vote, as it was explained by the participants of the event, was not to disperse the opposition forces, but to gather them into one fist in order to defeat the FIDESZ / KDNP coalition that had already won three times subsequently before the spring of 2022. The outcome of first primaries in history of Hungary is interesting by the fact that in the end, the victory was by a politician of a new generation who took part in this event, but did not bind himself to signing program documents, and who only recently created his own political movement. The question of how consistent his former candidates for the post of prime Minister from the opposition will be in the remaining six months is also interesting. One way or another, Hungary’s political system is being tested by a new electoral mechanism, which is designed to consolidate the main political forces of this country. No less interesting in this regard is the line of conduct of the ruling party and Prime Minister Viktor Orban, who did not interfere in the new political process taking place in full view of the whole country.

The investigation of long-term trends in contentious politics relies heavily on protest event analysis based on newspaper reports. This tends to be problematic in restricted media environments. To mitigate the effects of bias and (self-)censorship, researchers of protest in authoritarian regimes have experimented with other sources such as international media and dissident websites. However, even though classical news media are easier targets for repression, journalistic reports might still outperform other sources regarding the quality of information provided. Although these advantages and disadvantages are known in the literature, different types of sources have seldom been tested against each other in an authoritarian context. Using the example of Russia between 2007 and 2012, the present article systematically compares protest event data from English-language news agencies, dissident websites, and several local sources, first and foremost with a view to improving methodological knowledge. The analysis addresses broad trends across time and space as well as the coverage of specific regions and single protest events. It finds that although the data sources paint different pictures of protest in Russia, this divergence is systematic and can be put to productive use. The article closes with a discussion on how its findings can be applied in other contexts.

Tarih boyunca İslam âlimlerinin siyasete dair tutumlarının farklı olduğu bir gerçektir. Zaman içinde âlimlerin aynı siyasi yapıya yönelik farklı tavırlar sergilediği ya da bir âlimin aynı iktidara karşı farklı zamanlarda farklı tutumlar ortaya koyduğu görülmüştür. Dolayısıyla ulemanın siyasete ilişkin davranışlarını belirlemek oldukça zordur. Örneğin, yönetimin haksız uygulamalarına karşı ulema, siyasî otoriteyi reddedip isyan edenler, sözlü muhalefette bulunanlar, tarafsız kalanlar ve son olarak siyasetin bütün uygulamalarını onaylayanlar gibi çeşitli tutumlar geliştirmişlerdir. İslam’da toplumsal düzenin devamlılığı esastır. Bu yüzden âlimler, toplumsal yapıda asayişin temini ve devamlılığı konusunda ciddi fonksiyonlar icra etmişlerdir. Bu açıdan İslam dünyasının son devleti Osmanlı’nın mutlakıyet, meşrutiyet ve cumhuriyet dönemlerini yaşamış Said Nursi’nin siyasete yönelik tutumu irdelenmeğe değerdir. Zira onun geliştirdiği temel ilkelerden biri olan “müspet hareket”, siyasetin önemli ilkelerinden biridir. Onun için bu kavramın politik alanda ifade ettiği anlamın tam olarak tespit edilmesi önemlidir. Nursi, kendi siyasi muhalefet duruşunu ve kendi hareket tarzını bu prensip üzerinden ifade etmiştir. Bu makalemizde, Said Nursi’nin toplumsal düzen için ifade ettiği müspet hareket kavramı ve ifade ettiği siyasi yansımaları ele aldık. Bu çalışmada, öncelikle müspet hareket kavramının tanımı yapılmış, daha sonra Nursi’nin hayatı kısaca anlatılıp bir müspet hareket olarak Nursi’nin siyasi tutumu ele alınmıştır.