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The article discusses Egyptian preparations for a war with Israel in 1973, including war planning, complete doctrine change, counterintelligence preparations, and exercises for crossing the Suez Canal. The Egyptian war plan worked perfectly well in the early stages of the war. This is one of the rare examples of exceptionally successful preparation for war. W artykule omówiono egipskie przygotowania do wojny z Izraelem w 1973 r. obejmujące planowanie wojenne, zmianę doktryny, osłonę kontrwywiadowczą oraz ćwiczenia niezbędne do forsowania Kanału Sueskiego. Egipski plan sprawdził się w początkowej fazie działań militarnych całkowicie, to jeden z rzadkich przykładów wyjątkowo udanego procesu przygotowań wojennych.

Este artículo explica los elementos fundamentales de la relación entre España y la OTAN en vista de su 40 aniversario de pertenencia a la Alianza Atlántica. El texto, tanto en su reconstrucción histórica como en su análisis de los desafíos que caracterizan la postura española en la organización, pretende examinar tres elementos vertebradores de esta relación: la posición ambigua de las élites y la sociedad española respecto a la pertenencia a la OTAN y la relación con EEUU; la naturaleza legalista y multilateral, con un explicita preferencia por la UE, de la política de defensa nacional; y la complejidad del “frente sur”, es decir, el sistema de múltiples y diferentes amenazas a la seguridad de España procedentes de norte de África, donde la OTAN tiene problemas para dar una respuesta satisfactoria. El artículo concluye subrayando la inusual relevancia, para una potencia media como España, de los factores domésticos para determinar tanto la postura internacional del país como los aspectos principales de su doctrina militar., This article explains the fundamental elements of the relationship between Spain and NATO in view of its 40th anniversary of membership of the Atlantic Alliance. This work, both in its historical reconstruction and its analysis of the challenges that characterise Spain's position in the organisation, aims to examine three key elements of this relationship: the ambiguous position of Spanish elites and society with respect to NATO membership and the relationship with the US; the legalistic and multilateral nature, with an explicit preference for the EU, of national defence policy; and the complexity of the 'Southern Flank', that is, the system of multiple and different threats to Spain's security from North Africa, where NATO struggles to provide a satisfactory response. The article concludes by underlining the unusual relevance, for a middle power like Spain, of domestic factors in determining both the country's international posture and the main aspects of its military doctrine.

For the past four decades, the U.S. Army has made repeated attempts to create an enduring doctrinal framework that describes the role of information in conflict, yet these attempts have been largely unsuccessful. What accounts for this struggle? More broadly, why do militaries choose one doctrinal concept over others, and what determines whether a new doctrine will succeed or fail? Building upon classic scholarship in military innovation, this paper traces the evolution of Army information doctrine to highlight the unique role of military sub-communities in determining whether changes to doctrine endure or are ultimately rejected. The structural reforms that were necessary to modify and elevate the role of information within Army doctrine ultimately came to handicap the Army’s ability to transform that role when the strategic environment demanded it. While strategic and technological conditions can create the necessary pretext for doctrinal change, there are important organizational determinants of doctrine that may operate independently of the demands of the overarching strategic environment and that can force difficult and suboptimal compromises with respect to the final product.

The article analyzes the legal principles of Ukraine’s international cooperation with NATO and the European Union.The Resolution of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine of 1993 «Main Directions of Ukraine’s Foreign Policy» was one of the first documents that established the basic principles of Ukraine’s foreign policy towards the Alliance. The defining feature of the foreign policy is the establishment of partnership relations with Western countries, mutually beneficial cooperation, participation in the North Atlantic Cooperation Council and the North Atlantic Assembly.The Partnership for Peace Framework Document stipulates that the signatory state will develop an individual partnership program. Participation in the Program involves cooperation with NATO in the military, military-techni-cal, military-political spheres, in the field of science, ecology, defense economy, etc.On 14 September 1995, the NATO-Ukraine North Atlantic Council approved an Individual Partnership Program, marking the beginning of an “expanded and deepened” relationship.The signing of a Memorandum of Understanding between the Government of Ukraine and NATO on the estab-lishment of a NATO Information and Documentation Center in Ukraine with the aim of disseminating the informa-tion about NATO was of great importance.The decisive factor was the adoption the Charter on a Special Partnership between NATO and Ukraine, a basic political document, on July 9, 1997.The subsequent legal regulations laid the grounds for a stable relationship between Ukraine, NATO and European Union member states. These are, in particular: the NATO-Ukraine Action Plan, the Law of Ukraine “On Fundamentals of National Security of Ukraine”, “Military Doctrine of Ukraine”, Laws of Ukraine “On Amendments to Certain Laws of Ukraine on Ukraine’s Refusal to Implement a Non-Aligned Policy”, “On Amendments to Some Laws of Ukraine on the Foreign Policy of Ukraine” and “On Amendments to the Constitution of Ukraine (on the strategic course of the state to gain full membership of Ukraine in the European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization)”.Thus, the political and legal measures to form the foundation for significant rapprochement with NATO and the European Union are implemented.

Hablar de la guerra de Afganistán es de gran importancia, por cuanto ha sido la más larga de la historia de los Estados Unidos de Norteamérica, con una duración de aproximadamente veinte años, que parece “ir llegando a su fin” con el anuncio por parte del actual presidente de los Estados Unidos Joe Biden, de retirar a 3500 efectivos militares que aún permanecen en tierras afganas hasta el 31 de agosto del año en curso; justamente luego de veinte años del ataque terrorista perpetrado a los Estados Unidos donde aproximadamente 3000 personas perdieron sus vidas, y que detonó el inicio de la guerra en Afganistán. Por la prolongada duración de esta guerra, se la clasifica en cinco fases, de las cuales el presente estudio basa su análisis en parte de los acontecimientos acaecidos durante la segunda fase, establecida desde 2002 hasta 2008, y específicamente se enfoca en la emblemática operación Anaconda, que tuvo lugar entre el 2 y 16 de marzo de 2002. El objetivo del presente estudio es, por consiguiente, analizar de manera histórica, documentada y fundamentada en la doctrina militar vigente tanto de las Fuerzas Armadas del Ecuador y de las Fuerzas Armadas de los Estados Unidos (por ser las protagonistas de la guerra) la conducción militar terrestre de la operación Anaconda. El alcance es analizar la serie de derechos humanos que fueron vulnerados durante la guerra, a pesar de existir convenios del derecho internacional humanitario que protegen a las personas y los bienes afectados. Las conclusiones que se desprenden de ésta investigación, entre otros aspectos, resaltan la trascendencia de un liderazgo efectivo para lograr el éxito de las operaciones basado en una conducción militar fundamentada en aspectos doctrinarios como son las características del enemigo y del campo de batalla, la forma de maniobra y la acción decisiva para alcanzar la conquista del objetivo final.

Güvenlik strateji belgeleri bir devletin tehdit algıları, çıkarları ve olası dış politika hamleleri hakkındaki temel kaynaklardır. Söz konusu güvenlik strateji belgeleri arasında ulusal güvenlik konsepti, dış politika konsepti ve askeri doktrinler yer almaktadır. Bu belgeler ışığında bir devletin bölgesel ve küresel gelişmelere nasıl bir dış politik reaksiyon verebileceği net olarak öngörülebilmektedir. Bu bağlamda Rusya Federasyonu (RF)’nun postSovyet coğrafyaya yönelik politikalarının ve Avro-Atlantik Blok (NATO ve Avrupa Birliği-AB) ile ilişkilerinin anahatlarını söz konusu belgelerde görebilmek mümkündür. Ukrayna da RF-Avro-Atlantik Blok arasındaki ilişkileri belirleyen faktörler arasında yer almıştır. Bu çerçevede RF-Ukrayna ilişkileri genellikle Avro-Atlantik Blok’un doğu genişlemesi bağlamında değerlendirilmektedir. Fakat doğu genişlemesinin yanı sıra iki devlet arasındaki tarihselsembolik ve askeri-jeopolitik ilişkiler de dikkate alınmalıdır. Başka bir ifadeyle Kırım’ın ilhakı sadece güncel jeopolitik gerçekliklere indirgenmemeli, Ukrayna’nın ve Kırım’ın Rus tarih yazımındaki yeri de göz önünde bulundurulmalıdır. Zira RF’nin Ukrayna algısı işgal sürecinde belirleyici olmuştur. Bu çerçevede çalışmada Kırım’ın ilhakı, RF’nin güvenlik strateji belgeleri bağlamında, jeopolitik ve tarihsel gelişmeler ışığında analiz edilecektir. Hiç şüphesiz bu analiz bizce Şubat 2022 de başlayan RF-Ukrayna Savaşı’nın irdelenmesinde de yol gösterici olacaktır. Security strategy documents are the main sources of a state’s threat perceptions, interests, and possible foreign policy steps. These documents include national security concepts, foreign policy concepts and military doctrines. In light of these documents, it is also possible to clearly predict how a state can respond to regional and global developments. In this context, these documents highlight the outlines of the policies of the Russian Federation (RF) toward post-Soviet geography and its relations with the Euro-Atlantic Bloc (NATO and the European Union). Ukraine is also one of the factors determining relations between the RF and the Euro-Atlantic Bloc. Within this frame, relations between the RF and Ukraine are generally assessed in the context of the eastward enlargement of the Euro-Atlantic Bloc. However, in addition to this enlargement, historical-symbolic and military-geopolitical relations between the two states should also be considered. In other words, the annexation of Crimea should be reduced not only to current geopolitical realities but also to the place of Ukraine and Crimea in Russian historiography. After all, the RF’s perception of Ukraine was crucial to the occupation process. Within this framework, the annexation of Crimea will be analyzed in light of geopolitical and historical developments and the context of the RF’s security strategy documents. This analysis will undoubtedly guide the study of the RFUkraine War that began in February 2022.

The threat of hypersonic missiles being employed against U.S. naval forces by adversaries like China and Russia has forced current civilian and naval leaders to reexamine fleet defense to a degree similar to efforts at the end of World War II. When confronted with the threat of kamikazes and early anti-ship cruise missiles, the Navy launched a series of programs to close the capabilities gap between adversary weapons and the lack of a credible defense. The Navy’s eventual solution, the AEGIS Weapon System, was a revolutionary synthesis of system engineering integration with novel fleet defense tactics that have served as the backbone of the Navy surface forces for over 40 years. Why did AEGIS succeed at innovating while other programs failed? This thesis will answer this question by analyzing the development of AEGIS, from program inception to the introduction of AEGIS ships in the fleet, through the four paradigms of military innovation studies. Examination of AEGIS through each paradigm found that intraservice competition and culture were instrumental in AEGIS's success, with significant implications for policymakers. This thesis concludes with recommendations on how to best orient the Navy's approach toward hypersonic missile defense in the future. Lieutenant, United States Navy Approved for public release. Distribution is unlimited.

Norway’s main impetus for developing national military satellite-based capability was the 1977 introduction of the EEZ, through which Norway became responsible for vast maritime areas in the High North. These capabilities also underpinned Norway’s intelligence mission that entailed monitoring Russian military activity, especially the Kola Bay-based Russian strategic forces in the vicinity of Norway. Norway developed niche technologies for military use predominantly based on civilian satellites, and ESA became an essential instrument as it enabled Norway to develop indigenous satellite-based services for the Norwegian Armed Forces. Norway in turn used this capability to reinforce its military relations with the United States and key allies within the NATO framework. Following the pivotal military space strategic review in 2014/2015, the Norwegian Armed Forces developed a function-oriented management structure and incorporated space as a new military domain. National security implications of space were finally incorporated into Norwegian space policy, and Norway has since developed a wide range of national space capabilities, all of which support the nation’s defence and security objectives. This thesis examines how Norwegian military space activity fits into the nation’s overall defence and security policy and argues this activity and the associated national capability development has emerged as a strategic asset in Norwegian alliance policy. This activity reflects upon relations between national policymakers and practitioners, and has contributed to obscure the notion of civil-military separation in Norway. The activity also demonstrates the existence of two unofficial space doctrines in Norway. One focuses on intelligence and the other on force enhancement. The 2020 appointment of the Norwegian Intelligence Service as Norway’s military space authority demonstrates the value of space for intelligence activities supersedes other uses of the domain. Lastly, the study has identified a notable discrepancy between Norwegian military space activity and how space is addressed in national military doctrine.

Baltık ülkeleri bağımsızlıklarını yeniden kazandıkları 1991 yılından itibaren Batı ittifak sisteminin bir parçası olmak için yoğun bir çaba içerisine girmişlerdir. Makale, bu yönelimin temel nedeninin salt kimlik ya da kültür gibi normatif unsurlarla izah edilemeyeceği fikrine dayanmaktadır. Şüphesiz Batı söz konusu ülkeler için hep ait olmadıkları bir dünya olmuştur. Bununla birlikte küçük devletler kategorisinde değerlendirilen Baltık ülkelerin asıl önceliklerinin, bağımsızlıklarını korumak olduğunu unutmamak gerekir. Tarihsel tecrübelerinin bir sonucu olarak Baltık ülkelerinin bu hedeflerinin önünde gördükleri en büyük engel ise Rusya’dır. Yeniden ve yoğun bir şekilde hissedilen Rus tehdidi dengelemek için Batı, bölge ülkeleri açısından tek gerçekçi stratejik tercih olarak görülmüştür. Makalede bölge ülkelerinin NATO ve AB’ye üyelikle sonuçlanan bu süreçte alternatif bir başka seçeneklerinin olmadığı savunulmaktadır. Zira tarihsel tecrübeleri göstermiştir ki bu ülkelerinin bağımsızlıklarını korumak için tehdidin kaynağıyla uyum sağlamak anlamına gelecek şekilde peşine takılma ya da tarafsız kalarak tehdidin ilgi odağı olmaktan kaçınma gibi stratejik tercihlerde bulunmaları sonuç vermemiştir. Dolayısıyla makalenin amacı tehdit dengesi kuramından hareketle Baltık devletlerinin stratejik tercihlerinin mantığını anlamaya çalışmaktır. Zira bölge ülkeleri Batı’ya yönelerek Rus gücünü değil ama bu ülkeden algıladıkları tehdidi dengelemek istemişlerdir., Since 1991, when they regained their independence, the Baltic States have made a concerted effort to become part of the Western alliance system. The article is based on the idea that the primary reason for this orientation cannot be explained solely by normative elements such as identity or culture. Undoubtedly, the West has always been a world to which these countries in question did not belong. Nevertheless, it should not be forgotten that the main priority of the Baltic States, which are categorised as small states, is to preserve their independence. As a result of their historical experiences, Russia is the biggest obstacle that the Baltic countries see in front of these goals. In order to balance the renewed and intensely felt Russian threat, the West has been seen as the only real strategic choice for the region’s countries. This article argues that the countries of the region have no alternative option in this process, which resulted in membership in NATO and the EU. Indeed, historical experience has shown that these countries’ strategic choices, such as bandwagoning to preserve their independence, which would mean aligning with the threatener, or avoiding being the centre of attention of the adversary by remaining neutral have not yielded results. Therefore, this article aims to try to understand the logic of the Baltic states’ strategic choices based on the balance of threat theory. This is because by turning towards the West, the countries of the region have sought to balance not Russian power but the threat they perceive from this country.

This article comparatively analyzes the origins of the military doctrines in Israel and Iran, which are positioned at the poles of status quo and revisionism in the Middle East. In a conceptual hybridity, both parties stand strategically on the defensive but operationally combine defensive with offensive elements. These combinations are backed by powerful cultural motivations and organizational interests in each country. The implications enrich our understanding of the nature of military doctrine and indicate another contributing factor in regional destabilization.

RESUMEN. Este artículo postula la importancia de la geopolítica militar como columna central del pensamiento geopolítico chileno. Para el autor, esto es producto tanto del énfasis por asesorar y ejecutar directrices en este campo como de la reflexión teórica desde principios del XX en el seno del Ejército y la Armada de Chile. Desde esta perspectiva, el cultivo de la geopolítica se ha ligado a nociones de estrategia, geografía política y planificación militar. El artículo sugiere cuatro fases de su desarrollo que dependen del contexto político del país, como también de su mayor o menor acceso a la toma de decisiones del Estado. Como resultado, se establece que el contexto político del país, la autonomía militar o el control civil de las Fuerzas Armadas, entre otros factores, han influido en el desarrollo de la geopolítica en Chile. ABSTRACT. This article postulates the importance of military geopolitics as the central pillar of Chilean geopolitical thought. For the author, this is the product of both the emphasis on advising and executing guidelines in this field and the theoretical reflection within the Chilean Army and Navy since the beginning of the 20th Century. From this perspective, the development of geopolitics has been linked to notions of strategy, political geography, and military planning. The article suggests four phases of development that depend on the country's political context and the state's greater or lesser access to decision-making. As a result, it is established that the national political context, the military autonomy, or the civil control of the Armed Forced, among other factors, have influenced the development of geopolitics in Chile.

Security strategy documents are the main sources of a state’s threat perceptions, interests, and possible foreign policy steps. These documents include national security concepts, foreign policy concepts and military doctrines. In light of these documents, it is also possible to clearly predict how a state can respond to regional and global developments. In this context, these documents highlight the outlines of the policies of the Russian Federation (RF) toward post-Soviet geography and its relations with the Euro-Atlantic Bloc (NATO and the European Union). Ukraine is also one of the factors determining relations between the RF and the Euro-Atlantic Bloc. Within this frame, relations between the RF and Ukraine are generally assessed in the context of the eastward enlargement of the Euro-Atlantic Bloc. However, in addition to this enlargement, historical-symbolic and military-geopolitical relations between the two states should also be considered. In other words, the annexation of Crimea should be reduced not only to current geopolitical realities but also to the place of Ukraine and Crimea in Russian historiography. After all, the RF’s perception of Ukraine was crucial to the occupation process. Within this framework, the annexation of Crimea will be analyzed in light of geopolitical and historical developments and the context of the RF’s security strategy documents. This analysis will undoubtedly guide the study of the RF-Ukraine War that began in February 2022., Güvenlik strateji belgeleri bir devletin tehdit algıları, çıkarları ve olası dış politika hamleleri hakkındaki temel kaynaklardır. Söz konusu güvenlik strateji belgeleri arasında ulusal güvenlik konsepti, dış politika konsepti ve askeri doktrinler yer almaktadır. Bu belgeler ışığında bir devletin bölgesel ve küresel gelişmelere nasıl bir dış politik reaksiyon verebileceği net olarak öngörülebilmektedir. Bu bağlamda Rusya Federasyonu (RF)’nun post-Sovyet coğrafyaya yönelik politikalarının ve Avro-Atlantik Blok (NATO ve Avrupa Birliği-AB) ile ilişkilerinin anahatlarını söz konusu belgelerde görebilmek mümkündür. Ukrayna da RF-Avro-Atlantik Blok arasındaki ilişkileri belirleyen faktörler arasında yer almıştır. Bu çerçevede RF-Ukrayna ilişkileri genellikle Avro-Atlantik Blok’un doğu genişlemesi bağlamında değerlendirilmektedir. Fakat doğu genişlemesinin yanı sıra iki devlet arasındaki tarihsel-sembolik ve askeri-jeopolitik ilişkiler de dikkate alınmalıdır. Başka bir ifadeyle Kırım’ın ilhakı sadece güncel jeopolitik gerçekliklere indirgenmemeli, Ukrayna’nın ve Kırım’ın Rus tarih yazımındaki yeri de göz önünde bulundurulmalıdır. Zira RF’nin Ukrayna algısı işgal sürecinde belirleyici olmuştur. Bu çerçevede çalışmada Kırım’ın ilhakı, RF’nin güvenlik strateji belgeleri bağlamında, jeopolitik ve tarihsel gelişmeler ışığında analiz edilecektir. Hiç şüphesiz bu analiz bizce Şubat 2022 de başlayan RF-Ukrayna Savaşı’nın irdelenmesinde de yol gösterici olacaktır.

This article describes a historical review of the services provided by the Armed Forces of the Republic of Kazakhstan to keep peace in the world Patriotism and heroism is perfectly conveyed on the basis of the peacekeeping activities of the heroically lost and missing peacekeepers. Attention is drawn and compared to the UN regulations and the peacekeeping normative laws of the Republic of Kazakhstan, with special attention to the parts devoted to the military doctrine of peacekeeping . Research was conducted on the basis of sociological methodologies (survey, in-depth interviews) among the military of the Republic of Kazakhstan who conducted peacekeeping service on the territory of Tajikistan and Iraq. The concept of "Peacekeeping", the importance and role of peacekeeping activities was revealed. The authors of the article considered further issues in the development of the peacekeeping service and proposed several solutions.

The vision of the Polish question is analyzed on the base of M. Kolodzinsky's "Ukrainian military doctrine". The nature of the radical intellectual constructs of the early twentieth century in the OUN environment was studied. The general historical context is analyzed, which allows a deeper understanding ofthis phenomenonand reveals a broad picture of the development of contemporary political and social thought. The Ukrainian nationalists in the interwar period were particularly keen on the future strategy and tactics of gaining the Ukrainian state. A detailed review of the concepts and understanding of Ukrainian history in the "Military Doctrine" was made. The main features of the ideological convictions of M. Kolodzinskyi and the most radical wing of OUN members are determined.

В статье рассматриваются вопросы понимания международными политологами стратегии японского правительства по переходу к более решительной военной доктрине, основанной на концептуальной идее предвидения действий потенциального противника. В августе 2016 года кабинет Синдзо Абэ заявил об обращении страны к новой стратегии «Свободный и открытый Индо-Тихоокеанский регион» (FOIP), которая с тех пор стала системообразующим звеном во внешней политике Японии. Тем не менее, среди политологов FOIP нет определенного общего мнения относительно того, что действительно и окончательно входит в рамки внешнеполитического курса официального Токио., The article discusses the issues of understanding by international political scientists of the strategy of the Japanese Government to move to a more decisive military doctrine based on the conceptual idea of anticipating the actions of a potential enemy. In August 2016, the cabinet of Shinzo Abe declared the country's appeal to the new strategy "Free and Open Indo-Pacific Region" (FOIP), which has since become a system-forming link in Japanese foreign policy. Nevertheless, there is no definite general opinion among FOIP political scientists as to what FOIP really and definitively is within the framework of the official Tokyo's foreign policy course.

In the article the author studies the peculiarities of the influence of three principles of statehood formation (army, language, faith) on the state- building process of Ukraine and Israel, their comparative analysis in the perspective of geopolitical state of these countries. The author analyzes the emergence and formation of the armed forces of these countries (Armed Forces and the IDF) and their participation in the protection of national interests, security. Quite interesting and instructive is the formation and operation of the military doctrine of Israel, the process of its modernization and the fundamental role of ideological foundations for the IDF in the process of strengthening the defense capabilities of states. The influence of language and religion for the nation-building and state-building processes of Ukraine and Israel has been studied as a result of a comparative analysis. The author emphasizes the common features of the history of these countries and at the same time different ways and mechanisms of consolidating statehood. In the article the author examines the position of the philosopher T. Wozniak on the very process of development of ideas of Ukraine and Israel in view of institutionalism in the processes of state formation of faith and religion. Citing Ukrainian researchers, the author emphasizes that the success of Israel and the failure of Ukraine in national politics was caused by one, but very important for the cause of language planning, circumstance. The founding of Israel was ruled by a strong, responsible elite for its people, who wanted it to have its own state after the hardships. In Ukraine, such an elite failed to come to power. In his conclusions, the author emphasizes that common events in the history of states, similar features of their genesis encourage close interstate mutually beneficial cooperation and taking into account the lessons of state formation.

The Singapore government since 2000 has stated their goals to have a strong and capable Singapore Armed Forces (SAF). The urgency of having a strong and capable SAF cannot be separated from the multidimensional threats that Singapore has to deal with. China's growing military capability coupled with increased aggressiveness in the South China Sea and relations with two conflicting neighbors are examples of traditional threats facing Singapore. Non-traditional threats, especially terrorism, also haunt Singapore. This article argues that the Revolution in Military Affairs implemented by Singapore is the mitigation of such strategic disadvantage. Through the implementation of the Revolution in Military Affairs which was marked by the acquisition of advanced weaponry technology and followed by changes in military doctrine and organizational adaptation, the SAF has already been transformed into a powerful military in the region.

A review of the monograph titled “The Information Dimension of Hybrid Warfare,” edited by scientific editors Marek Wrzosk, Szymon Markiewicz, and Zbigniew Modrzejewski, presents the most important issues discussed in this book. Attention was paid to the extensive request of the authors - both in foreign and domestic literature. Although it did not result in a universal, generally accepted definition of "hybrid war", it outlined the context of hybrid conflicts with a particular emphasis on informational actions (including propaganda, disinformation) that are used during this type of conflict. The review also provides an interesting case study. This concerns the course of the hybrid war on the example of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict, which has been going on since 2014. Despite the difficulties associated with describing the existing conflict, the authors managed to identify several of the most important areas of action on both sides, and then outline three predictive scenarios, "events". The reviewer also recreates the military doctrine of the Russian Federation and the evolution that took place in the 21st century. The electronic and media dimension of hybrid warfare was also analyzed, which is related to technological development and globalization, which is an increasingly important aspect of this type of conflict. The review also highlights the practical implications of skillfully securing information transmitted over wireless networks and protecting the original information from being captured or lost. According to the reviewer, government agencies should strive to create the appropriate infrastructure necessary to counter potential hybrid conflicts.

The beginning of the third millennium was marked by the desire of the leader countries (USA, China, and Russia) to geopolitical, geostrategic and geo-economic redistribution of spheres of influence. The collapse of the USSR, the dissolution of the Warsaw Pact Organization, the end of the Cold War did not bring the world closer to stability and security. Military force capabilities continue to be considered as one of the most powerful factors in world politics. Proof of this is the intensification of the struggle of the world›s superpowers for regional and global leadership, control over oil, gas and energy flows. It is worth mentioning the Transnistrian conflict, Russia-Led wars in South Ossetia and Abkhazia, the Russian-Georgian war in August 2008, the civil war in Syria, the intensification of Islamic extremism within the ISIS, Russia›s annexation of Crimea, the hybrid war unleashed and continues to wage by the Russian Federation against Ukraine. In this connection, it is becoming increasingly important to provide corresponding levels for the defense budget funding. Thus, the study of the peculiarities of defense financing in Ukraine and powerful military superpowers is of considerable scientific, practical and political interest. Comparing the defense expenditures of different countries makes it possible to identify key problem issues in the defense financing of Ukraine and bring the corresponding costs to international standards. This indicator is one of the most important criteria that characterize the state›s desire for development, relevant combat readiness of the armed forces and other military forces in the face of new challenges. The last years of the previous century were characterized by global geopolitical changes and growing contradictions, which resulted in: the transformation of the bipolar model (USA - USSR) into a multipolar (powerful military superpowers - the USA, Russia, China, Saudi Arabia, France, Japan, Germany, India, Brazil)); globalization of world economic processes; erosion through «hybrid wars», which are a new kind of global confrontation in today›s destabilized international security environment, the facets of the division between war and peace. The availability of weapons of mass destruction and high-precision weapons in the third millennium, the growth of their capacity, the complexity of military equipment and combat assets, the use of new methods and means of warfare have led to significant changes in the functions and tasks of the armed forces, increasing their number and government spending on defense purposes. Today there are about 200 armies in the world with a total number of 24-25 million people (about 0.4% of the world›s population) (Military..., 2002). The state of the troops of any state must correspond to its economic capabilities and at the same time ensure the implementation of national security tasks.

En Colombia, las ciencias militares reúnen varios saberes que, en conjunto, preparan a hombres y mujeres para desarrollar operaciones militares en los niveles de la guerra táctico, operacional y estratégico en los más de 160 programas académicos existentes, entre carreras técnicas, tecnológicas, de pregrado y de posgrado. Este artículo estudia la relación entre el saber Doctrina Militar y las ciencias militares a través de una metodología de cierre de brecha, mediante la cual se realizó un diagnóstico profundo de todas las mallas curriculares de los programas, incluyendo los syllabus, lo cual arrojó información sobre los obstáculos que impiden cumplir el propósito de la institución militar. Como conclusión se propone la ejecución de un plan que incluye soluciones tanto a la fundamentación de las ciencias militares como ciencias, como también a la aceleración del proceso de la producción de doctrina.

The increasing proliferation of small unmanned aircraft systems (sUASs) is forcing a paradigm shift in military doctrine surrounding counter-sUAS and sUAS deployment tactics. This work describes an agent-based model that incorporates established infantry small unit tactics with the ability to deploy sUASs to aid in surveillance and indirect fire targeting. The model is based on current military doctrine and real warfighter experiences and is presented as a foundation from which additional simulation capabilities and analyses may be created. A series of randomly generated situations sets a defending force with the potential to have sUAS capabilities against a superior attacking force without sUAS capabilities. A control case considers defenders without sUAS capabilities. In six experimental cases, defending forces deploy a single sUAS in one of six patrol patterns as a surveillance and indirect fire targeting tool. Subsequent analysis reveals that sUASs generally increase the odds of defender survival during an engagement and that short-range, concentrated patrol patterns lead to higher odds of defender survival and increased indirect fire opportunities. A battery of analyses showcase the model’s capabilities in terms of exploring novel sUAS implementation strategies and illustrating the impact of those strategies over a range of combat effectiveness metrics.

Während die Weltöffentlichkeit auf Russlands Krieg gegen die Ukraine und den sich verschärfenden Konflikt zwischen den USA und China blickt, hat sich die Sicher­heits­lage auf der koreanischen Halbinsel weiter verschlechtert. Nordkorea treibt den Ausbau seiner militärischen Fähigkeiten kontinuierlich voran und hat jüngst seine Nukleardoktrin signifikant modifiziert. Der sich rasch verändernde geopolitische Kontext macht zugleich eine Lösung des Atomkonflikts noch unwahrscheinlicher. Pjöngjang hat den Status quo auf der koreanischen Halbinsel unilateral verändert. Diese neue Realität anzuerkennen ist zwar politisch nicht unumstritten. Doch sind Fortschritte in der Nordkorea-Frage kaum vorstellbar, solange die internationale Gemeinschaft weiter von unbegründeten Erwartungen ausgeht und an dem illusorischen Ziel festhält, das Land zum Verzicht auf seine Atomwaffen zu überreden oder zu zwingen.

While the world's attention is focused on Russia’s war against Ukraine and the inten­sifying conflict between the US and China, the security situation on the Korean Pen­insula has continued to deteriorate. North Korea is steadily advancing the expansion of its military capabilities and recently undertook significant changes in its nuclear doctrine. At the same time, the rapidly changing geopolitical context makes a reso­lution of the North Korean nuclear conflict even less likely. North Korea’s unilateral change of the status quo on the Korean Peninsula poses a serious challenge to the international community, which has few options to counter this threat that is far too dangerous to ignore. (author's abstract)

This thesis presents an examination of Russian military doctrines of 21st century. The focus is to analyse the main threat perceptions, perceptions of international system and Security of the Russian Federation. With respect to that Russian Federation's perceives the international system as multipolar and defines as destabilized. While the systemic reasons are detected as determining sources for threat perceptions, Russia's search in international system is for national stability. Against threat definitions, Russian Federation emphasizes the deterrence capacity of military power, mainly nuclear power. Bu tez, 21. Yüzyıl Rusya askeri doktrinlerinin bir incelemesini sunmaktadır. Odak noktası, Rusya Federasyonu'nun temel tehdit algıları, uluslararası sistem ve güvenlik algısını ve tedbirlerini araştırmaktır. Buna göre; Rusya Federasyonu'nun uluslararası sisteme yaklaşımı çok kutupluluk ve istikrarsızlıkla tanımlanmaktadır. Rusya'nın tehtid anlayışını belirleyen nedenlerin ise uluslararası sisteme bağlı sebepler olduğu tespit edilmiştir. Rusya'nın uluslararası sistemdeki arayışı ulusal istikrar ve tehditlere karşı savunma dayanağı, başta nükleer güç olmak üzere, askeri gücün caydırıcılık kapasitesidir.

In the West, Russia's nuclear deterrence strategy is often described as one of 'escalate to deescalate'. The thinking goes that Moscow is prepared to use nuclear weapons at an early stage in a conflict in order to 'deescalate' and terminate the confrontation quickly in its favour. However, Russia's official military doctrine, nuclear exercises of the Russian military, and debates among political and military elites have so far pointed in a different direction. With the concept of 'strategic deterrence', Russia has developed a holistic deterrence strategy in which nuclear weapons remain an important element. Yet, to gain more flexibility below the nuclear threshold in order to manage escalation, the strategy also conceptualises a broad range of non-military and conventional means. Given Russia's dwindling arsenal of conventional precision weapons due to its war against Ukraine as well as the strategic adaptation of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), Russia's strategy is likely to change: In the coming years, Russia's reliance on its non-strategic nuclear weapons will probably increase. These developments could both undermine crisis stability in Europe and further impede the prospects for nuclear arms control in the future.

Este artículo explica los elementos fundamentales de la relación entre España y la OTAN en vista de su 40 aniversario de pertenencia a la Alianza Atlántica. El texto, tanto en su reconstrucción histórica como en su análisis de los desafíos que caracterizan la postura española en la organización, pretende examinar tres elementos vertebradores de esta relación: la posición ambigua de las élites y la sociedad española respecto a la pertenencia a la OTAN y la relación con EEUU; la naturaleza legalista y multilateral, con un explicita preferencia por la UE, de la política de defensa nacional; y la complejidad del “frente sur”, es decir, el sistema de múltiples y diferentes amenazas a la seguridad de España procedentes de norte de África, donde la OTAN tiene problemas para dar una respuesta satisfactoria. El artículo concluye subrayando la inusual relevancia, para una potencia media como España, de los factores domésticos para determinar tanto la postura internacional del país como los aspectos principales de su doctrina militar. This article explains the fundamental elements of the relationship between Spain and NATO in view of its 40th anniversary of membership of the Atlantic Alliance. This work, both in its historical reconstruction and its analysis of the challenges that characterise Spain's position in the organisation, aims to examine three key elements of this relationship: the ambiguous position of Spanish elites and society with respect to NATO membership and the relationship with the US; the legalistic and multilateral nature, with an explicit preference for the EU, of national defence policy; and the complexity of the 'Southern Flank', that is, the system of multiple and different threats to Spain's security from North Africa, where NATO struggles to provide a satisfactory response. The article concludes by underlining the unusual relevance, for a middle power like Spain, of domestic factors in determining both the country's international posture and the main aspects of its military doctrine.

The Israeli army’s policing since 1967 has raised public awareness of the suffering of the Palestinian population, thereby implicating it as a key player in the Israeli political debate. This article discusses how policing has been presented in the leading military journals Ma’arakhot and Bein HaKtavim from 1967 to 2018. It argues that this coverage has served to mitigate the controversy by avoiding the explicit term ‘policing’ and replacing it with euphemisms that construct it differently in three distinct periods. In particular, since early in the twenty-first century, these journals have suggested alternative terms, which provide policing with hybrid military connotations that respond to pressure from both nationalist and liberal groups. New terms such as ‘the war between the wars’ promote broad public acceptance of the intractable nature of the conflict and legitimize the need to use violence.

RESUMEN. Este artículo investiga la doctrina militar del Ejército colombiano y su relación con las prácticas frente al conflicto armado interno en los años 1995-1998. Primero, mediante un análisis cualitativo, se aborda el desarrollo de la doctrina militar colombiana en ese periodo y la influencia norteamericana y de otros países en ella, así como su mezcla ecléctica con la doctrina nacional frente al conflicto irregular. Luego, mediante encuestas, entrevistas y un grupo focal, se analizaron las prácticas y su relación con la doctrina en una muestra de 180 oficiales del Ejército de la época, tomando como base cuatro reveses operacionales sufridos entonces. Como resultado se encontró que, aunque los oficiales reconocían y valoraban la doctrina, se enfrentaban a situaciones complejas que los llevaban a tomar iniciativas propias con resultados muy variables. ABSTRACT. This article addresses the Colombian Army's military doctrine and its relationship with practices during the internal armed conflict from 1995-1998. First, the development of the Colombian military doctrine in that period and the United States and other countries' influence on it, as well as its eclectic combining with the national doctrine in the face of the irregular conflict, was addressed through qualitative analysis. Then, the practices and their relationship with the doctrine were analyzed in a sample of 180 then active Army officers participating in surveys, interviews and a focus group, based on four operational setbacks suffered at the time. It was found that, although the officers recognized and valued the doctrine, they faced complex situations that led them to take initiatives with varying results.

In India, issues related to environmental governance have not been aligned to the military’s objectives except in a few cases. Since environmental change has not been recognised as a critical 'secu...

How has been the process of desecuritization of the military doctrine in Colombia after the peace process with the farc-ep? In the article, we argue that the process of desecuritization of the military doctrine in Colombia has a turning point in 2007 and that is why the negotiations in Cuba and the signing at the Teatro Colón in Bogotá did not affect the new doctrine of the Military Forces, but they did affect the configuration of the strategic and war plans. In fact, the farc achieved a de-escalation in the vision and security concept in the Colombian agenda and went from being a security threat and problem to an exclusively political issue. ¿Cómo ha sido el proceso de desecuritización de la doctrina militar en Colombia luego del proceso de paz con las farc-ep? En el artículo, argumentamos que el proceso de desecuritización de la doctrina militar en Colombia posee un punto de inflexión en el año 2007 y es por eso por lo que las negociaciones en Cuba y la firma en el Teatro Colón de Bogotá no incidieron en la nueva doctrina de las Fuerzas Militares, pero sí afectaron la configuración de los planes estratégicos y de guerra. De hecho, las farc alcanzaron un desescalamiento en la visión y noción securitaria en la agenda colombiana y pasaron de ser una amenaza y problema de seguridad a un asunto exclusivamente político.

The need for the development and adoption of outer space doctrine becomes more and more evident. Daily space operations are conducted in a doctrinal void, and this void makes it difficult to predict how well-regulated space activities will be in current conditions and how sustainable it will be. Moreover, the tragic events of the present (pandemic outbreak) have shown that the world, despite all its adaptability, is not ready for such a scenario. Therefore, the issue of sustainability of all systems is relevant. The sustainability of outer space activities is no exception. Long-term sustainable space activities require a common approach to policy, theory and doctrine. This article describes how to achieve this balance. In spite of novelty of the processes described in this paper, they will be useful for establishing ideas on policy, theory, and doctrine in order to enable a coherent strategy for the development of space activities.

In recent years, the active policy of theRussian Federationto establish control over the post-Soviet space and confrontation with the Western countries has led to the confrontation betweenRussiaand the West (NATO,USA) at the level of the “Cold War”. The purpose of the article is to highlight the main challenges and threats of theRussian Federationin the military sphere in the process of analyzing the basis of the National Security Strategy of theRussian Federationand its Military Doctrine. Based on certain challenges and threats, the general purposes of the Russian armed forces are analyzed (including in the South-West strategic direction). The strategic goal of Russia's foreign policy is to restore its geopolitical status in the world, the self-assertion of Russia after the collapse of the Soviet Union, reintegration of the post-Soviet space and the creation of a union of the former Soviet republics by the way of building a model of interaction between European countries (excluding only the Baltic countries). The main priorities in the field of national security have set before the Armed Forces of theRussian Federationtasks that can be structured in two main directions: deterrence of military and military-political threats to the interests of theRussian Federation; advocacy of the economic and political interests. From the analysis, it follows that the situation around Ukraine constitutes the main threat to its national security. The armed aggression of Russia against Ukraine, despite the decrease in its intensity in the Donbas region, remains. The likelihood of a military invasion of Ukraine in the form of a full-scale offensive operation remains. Possible reasons for the invasion are more likely to be: - Any attempts from the Ukrainian side, to resolve the conflict on the occupied territory by force method (likely actions of the Russian Federation, in this case - probability conduct a peacekeeping operation to protect the rights and freedoms of the Russian-speaking population in this area is very likely); - Any buildup of NATO’s military capabilities and the deployment of an American missile defense system on the territory of Ukraine (probable actions of the Russian Federation, in this case - deployment troops under the guise of “Green Men” or they conduct a full-scale offensive operation with the purpose to occupy the territory of the left bank of the Dnieper and southern part of Ukraine).

The article deals with the scientific works by Mykola Kapustyansky, one of the most famous and authoritative representatives of the highest officers of the Ukrainian Revolution. He actively participated in the development of statehood and the Armed Forces during the National Liberation Competitions of 1917-1921, collaborated with Hetman Pavlo Skoropadsky and Chief Otaman Symon Petliura, and participated in the military activities of the UNR Army. During the emigration in the 1920s and 1930s, Mykola Kapustyansky actively cooperated with the OUN and also engaged in military scientific activities. He wrote books, lectured, prepared military training courses, and published journals. His theoretical works are a very valuable source. They relate to the period of the Ukrainian Revolution of 1917-1921, the Cossack-Polish Wars and the National Liberation War of Hetman Bohdan Khmelnytsky, the analysis of the military and political situation in the 1920s and 1930s, and the prospects for the development of the Ukrainian military doctrine. Kapustyansky's works have a deep historical analysis, extensive factual material, assessments of socio-political figures and officers. This article has the following tasks: to find out the basic conceptual foundations of the events of the Ukrainian Revolution of 1917-1921 in the works of Kapustyansky, to tell about the research of general-hohorzhim of the Cossack-Polish armed wars, in particular the Khmelnytsky period, to identify the basic aspects of the military doctrine of M. Kapunsky. For the article the author used as sources of the book Kapustyansky Military Knowledge, Modern War and Our Tasks, Hike of the Ukrainian Armies to Kyiv-Odessa in 1919 and Ukrainian Armed Forces and the Ukrainian National Revolution. Also for historiography the author used the works of Ukrainian historians Mykhailo Kovalchuk, Igor Shandrivsky, Yaroslav Tynchenko. The methods of the study are comparative, descriptive, problem-chronological, and complex-analytical ones.

Introduction. In the face of a hybrid war against Ukraine, our county is forced to defend its national-state interests in various ways, including the military ones. Only highly educated, professionally trained patriotic oriented military personnel will be able to manage this. The accomplishing of this task is seemed to be probable in case the leaders of our country use the experience of military construction during the internment period of the UPR Army in the camps of the countries of Central Europe (1921–1924). After all, despite the loss of territory, the extremely difficult conditions of internment, the State Center of the UPR in emigration was able to keep from sputtering an important instrument of state formation – the 40 thousandth Ukrainian Army. It showed the ability to combine the professional training of military personnel with the education of their culturally educated people, patriots of their state. However, a comprehensive synthesis of this experience is impossible without a thorough study of the significant scientific heritage created by previous generations of historians, in particular Ukrainian foreign researchers. This fact causes a deeper analysis of the works of Ukrainian foreign authors on this issue. Purpose. Taking into account the multifaceted nature of this problem, the author aimed to find out, on the basis of a comprehensive analysis of scientific works, the completeness and reliability of coverage in the interwar Ukrainian historiography of military, cultural and educational activities of the State Center of the UPR with the interned soldiers. Results. The author investigated that Ukrainian foreign historians being free from ideological shackles, published some results that focused on various aspects of the problem identified in the article. The epistolary heritage of the Head of the UPR Directory S. Petliura is the most important among these works. It can be viewed as a program for immigrated soldiers aimed to preserve and reorganizing the army in internment. The first publications on the issue appeared in the time of the “camp” period of the UPR Army. The foreign historians continued to study the problem more actively in the 30’s of the twentieth century. The problem was studies by L. Bachynskyi, M. Bytynskyi, V. Filonovych, A. Marushchenko-Bohdanovskyi, G. Porokhivskyi, and others. They operate with the specific facts that testify to the variety of forms and methods of military, cultural and educational activities of the UPR State Center with Ukrainian soldiers who were interned in Polish and Romanian camps. The military and historical articles of O. Udovychenko, V. Petriv, V. Prokhoda, V. Yevtymovych, Omelianovich-Pavlenko, O. Shpylynskyi, S. Shramchenko, and Y. Naumenko are seemed to be very important for developing the emphasized for military doctrine of the UPR Army. Originality . The scientific novelty of this historiographic study is believed to be in the investigating the conceptual approaches and techniques used by Ukrainian foreign historians of the interwar period to reconstruct the military, cultural and educational activities of the State Center of the UPR with interns. Conclusion . The author proved that the creative achievements of Ukrainian foreign historians of the interwar period gave an opportunity to cover the problem under study much more deeply. However, without access to the Soviet archives, foreign researchers wrote much of their work, relying mainly on their own memories. This led to certain factual errors, inaccuracies, subjectivity in assessments and conclusions, which reduced the quality of their work

The author of this article examines the issue of the legal status of the Military Doctrine of the Russian Federation; hence the purpose of the study is to clarify its status. The study analyzed the acts of the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation and the Supreme Court of the Russian Federation. In addition, the author turned to a wide range of doctrinal points of view on issues of interest to us. As a result of the study, we came to the conclusion that the President of the Russian Federation, within the limits of his powers, issues decrees and orders that should not contradict the Constitution of the Russian Federation and federal laws. The President in the status of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief adopts the Military Doctrine, which is officially published and has all the features inherent in normative legal acts.

The article presents a complex of scientific work for studying the military-political activity of General A. Grekov, outlines the main problems that a researcher will encounter in the analysis of the general's figure, identifies the features and tendency of historiographic research in the field of military biography of the period of independent Ukraine. The scientific value of each source is analyzed and a brief description of the thematic works is given. The historiography of the period of independent Ukraine has an inherent desire to make up for the gaps of its development in the period of the USSR. Many scientific works are published on the professional activity of the senior military leadership during the National Liberation Competitions of 1917-1921. Despite the continuing study of military construction issues during the revolution, the personnel potential of the Armed Forces, many issues remain poorly understood, or even not at all. Аccordingly General Olexander Grekov's name is largely mentioned by historians in the context of the historical events in which he participated directly, without creating a separate holistic study. The pioneer in the study of the life path of the General was Yaroslav Tynchenko. Subsequently, he was joined by Mykhailo Kovalchuk and Olexander Diedyk, who, although not comprehensively investigated the military-political activities of the general, but in their works made considerable efforts to present his achievements during the Ukrainian Revolution. Most of electronic resources selectively describe O. Grekov's life, are of a popular science character, and are aimed at an unprepared reader. Individual works also do not exhaust the problem, since they are biographical directories or collections of essays, therefore limited in scope, do not cover the full life and activities of the general. Thus, there is an urgent need to create a separate special study on these topics, which will help to shape the military doctrine of an independent Ukraine and help to fully and objectively reproduce the picture of the events of a hundred years ago.

Purpose. The purpose of the article is to analyze the evolution of the concepts of zoning territories according to the degree of danger, prepare a proposal to clarify the existing concept, taking into account the laws of war, the Military Doctrine, and the National Strategy for Reducing the Risk of Emergencies in the Republic of Belarus for 2019–2030. Methods. General scientific research methods have been used: induction and deduction, analysis and synthesis, comparison and generalization, analogy. Findings. The article determined the role and place of zoning of territories according to the degree of danger in the system of defense measures of the country, formulated suggestions for improving the requirements of technical regulatory legal acts in the field of civil defense. Application field of research. The results of the study are a contribution to the development of the theory of civil defense; they can be used in processing the requirements of technical regulatory legal acts in terms of clarifying conceptual approaches to zoning territories according to the degree of danger.

The book Face-Off: Analysis of India’s Capability to Fight a Two-Front War by Ravi Rikhye, a distinguished author with 35 books to his credit and expertise in military matters offers a detailed narration of India’s capability to fight a two-front war. It is a well-researched book that presents cogent arguments on the subject of India’s capability to fight a two-front war.

The article aims to present a management model based on scientific literature and applicable to military doctrine, highlighting the inclusion of theories of administration and management. It is a case study, with a qualitative approach and is based on bibliographic research. After examining scientific production and describing the current corporate model, the Professional Armed Forces model was chosen, considered compatible with the current context of corporate transformations. It will allow the construction of a new design that integrates processes and values human capital in its strategy in the search for corporate results and professional performance. El artículo objetiva presentar un modelo basado en la literatura científica y aplicable a la doctrina militar, destacando la inclusión de teorías de administración y gestión. Es un estudio de caso, con un enfoque cualitativo en base de la investigación bibliográfica. Después de examinar la producción científica y describir el modelo corporativo actual, se eligió el modelo de las Fuerzas Armadas Profesionales, considerado compatible con el contexto actual de las transformaciones corporativas. Permitirá la construcción de una nueva arquitectura que integra procesos y valores del capital humano en su estrategia en la búsqueda de resultados corporativos y desempeño profesional. O artigo objetiva apresentar um modelo gerencial embasado na literatura científica e aplicável à doutrina castrense, destacando a inclusão de teorias da administração e gestão. Trata-se de um estudo de caso, de abordagem qualitativa e se baseia em pesquisa bibliográfica. Após o exame da produção científica e da descrição do atual modelo corporativo, procedeu-se à eleição do modelo de Forças Armadas Profissionais, tido como compatível ao atual contexto de transformações corporativas. Permitirá a construção de uma nova arquitetura que integre processos e valorize o capital humano em sua estratégia na busca por resultados corporativos e desempenho profissional.

Utilizing military convoys in humanitarian missions allows for increased overall performance of healthcare logistical operations. To properly gauge performance of autonomous ground convoy systems in military humanitarian operations, a proper framework for comparative performance metrics needs to be established. Past efforts in this domain have had heavy focus on narrow and specialized areas of convoy performance such as human factors, trust metrics, or string stability analysis. This article reviews available Army doctrine for manned convoy requirements toward healthcare missions and establishes a framework to compare performance of autonomous convoys, using metrics such as spacing error, separation distance, and string stability. After developing a framework of comparison for the convoy systems, this article compares the performance of two autonomous convoys with unique convoy control strategies to demonstrate the application and utility of the framework.

The chapter addresses planning and designing by asking a threefold question: 1) How does talk about plans and designs mobilize specific understandings of the organization, its environment, future and purpose? 2) How do plans and designs have agency in organizations? 3) How do management concepts affect planning and designing? The chapter draws on various illustrative examples – from Babylonian metaphysics to the U.S. Constitution, from Hobbes’s Leviathan to Prussian military doctrine – to suggest that ‘talk’ about planning and designing has more fundamental implications than previously theorized. Prosperous civilization, the chapter argues, requires plannability of the future and purpose to human action. After a brief etymological exploration and preliminary definition, the chapter explores this idea against the CCO-framework’s backdrop and key assumptions: that communication is constitutive of organizations.

The Siete Partidas, compiled in the mid-13th century for the Castilian king Alfonso X el Sabio, constituted the code of law for Castile and later Spain. Despite the practicality of their instructions and principles on warfare, they are not well studied. This article will review the military provisions, paying special attention to commanders, the battlefield formations for infantry and cavalry, and the rules on booty and ransom, in the context of the time. While it is difficult to pinpoint unequivocal influences, the passages are demonstrably practical within the contemporary military doctrine and the ideals of chivalry. As such, they offer a unique insight into the mechanics of leadership, the battlefield formations of the High Middle Ages, as well as the crucial function of spoils as a source of status-compatible income for the knightly estate and lower nobility, so adding depth and texture to this little-studied yet essential aspect of mediaeval military, economic, and political organisation.

Este documento analiza la situación y los antecedentes en el contexto anterior a la modernización hasta el año 2010, analizando los diferentes factores y orígenes de la violencia y los diferentes grupos armados, haciendo un recorrido y balance de las personas asesinadas, masacres, personas desplazadas, las víctimas de secuestro entre otras, todo lo anterior denoto una tensión entre el concepto de seguridad y la protección de los Derechos Humanos, pero a su vez abarcando el nuevo concepto de seguridad adoptado por la ONU y la Unión Europea que fue aceptada y vinculada al contexto americano. El antecedente de violencia en el país y las diferentes situaciones del conflicto, generaron en el país una situación difícil en cuanto a las denuncias por violaciones a los Derechos Humanos, que sirvieron como antecedentes de la modernización del Ejército, dicha modernización se analiza desde la perspectiva del concepto de seguridad nacional de Washington, donde se observa el conflicto generado por la Guerra Fría entre las dos potencias Estados Unidos y la Unión Soviética, hasta la caída del muro de Berlín, la apertura de los mercados y la caída de la URSS. Todo lo anterior y al término de la Guerra Fría y los nuevos conceptos de seguridad, decantaron en la evaluación integral de la doctrina, primero analizada como concepto y posteriormente estudiando sus implicaciones en la transformación de la Doctrina Militar en Colombia. Dicha Doctrina transformada que denominada por el Ejército de Colombia como Doctrina Damasco, cuyo génesis proviene del año 2011 como parte del Comité de Revisión Estratégica e innovación, se aborda integralmente, ya que incorpora conceptos como el planeamiento por capacidades y el mando tipo misión, por mencionar algunos de sus múltiples aspectos. Estos nuevos conceptos permitieron al Ejército desarrollar nuevos roles y misiones que se encuentran de la mano con ese nuevo tipo de seguridad humana, que implica para el personal militar, el desarrollo de operaciones militares no solo de ataque y defensa, sino también, encaminadas al desarrollo, medio ambiente y nuevas amenazas que no hacían parte del concepto de seguridad nacional. Por ultimo nos plantea que como fruto de la modernización de la Fuerza, y en virtud de esas nuevas opciones plateadas por la modernización, en medio de la Doctrina Damasco, puede el Ejército de Colombia incrementar su participación en operaciones militares a nivel internacional, particularmente en Operaciones de Paz, bajo el mando de las Naciones Unidas, lo que llevaría a que luego de todo este conflicto y posterior a la firma del tratado de paz, sumado a la vasta experiencia a los largo de más de cincuenta años de lucha, permita una mayor participación del Ejército en el contexto internacional y referente de un país que supero el conflicto y presta ayuda a los demás países del mundo. This document analyzes the situation and the antecedents in the context prior to modernization until 2010, analyzing the different factors and origins of the violence and the different armed groups, making a review and balance of the murdered people, massacres, displaced people, victims of kidnapping, among others, all of the above denoted a tension between the concept of security and the protection of Human Rights, but at the same time encompassing the new concept of security adopted by the UN and the European Union that was accepted and linked to the American context. The antecedent of violence in the country and the different situations of the conflict, generated in the country a difficult situation regarding the complaints of Human Rights violations, which served as antecedents of the modernization of the Army, said modernization is analyzed from the perspective from Washington's concept of national security, where the conflict generated by the Cold War between the two powers, the United States and the Soviet Union, is observed, until the fall of the Berlin Wall, the opening of markets and the fall of the USSR. All of the above, and at the end of the Cold War and the new security concepts, led to the integral evaluation of the doctrine, first analyzed as a concept and later studying its implications in the transformation of Military Doctrine in Colombia. Said transformed Doctrine, called by the Colombian Army as the Damascus Doctrine, whose genesis comes from 2011 as part of the Strategic Review and Innovation Committee, is approached comprehensively, since it incorporates concepts such as planning by capabilities and mission-type command, for mention some of its many aspects. These new concepts allowed the Army to develop new roles and missions that go hand in hand with this new type of human security, which implies for military personnel, the development of military operations not only of attack and defense, but also aimed at developing , environment and new threats that were not part of the concept of national security. Finally, he suggests that as a result of the modernization of the Force, and by virtue of these new options presented by modernization, in the midst of the Damascus Doctrine, the Colombian Army can increase its participation in military operations at the international level, particularly in Peace Operations, under the command of the United Nations, which would lead to, after all this conflict and after the signing of the peace treaty, added to the vast experience throughout more than fifty years of struggle, allow a greater participation of the Army in the international context and a benchmark for a country that overcame the conflict and provides aid to other countries in the world. Magister en Derecho Público http://unidadinvestigacion.usta.edu.co Maestría

The political goals and strategic objectives of the state are formed on the basis of its real military and economic capabilities. The adequacy of a military doctrine lies in its strict compliance with the general goals of state development and with those material and human resources available to the state during the period of the doctrine. A proper understanding of the defense planning experts by the basic principles of military doctrine is possible only in the case of constant analysis of the state's capabilities for the economic development of the Armed Forces of Ukraine and the consistency (order) of complex planning of their development in the medium and long term. The purpose of the article is to analyze the state of provision of the Armed Forces of Ukraine with financial resources, to make the forecast of this state for the long term by extrapolation method and to determine the order of complex planning of their development. Qualitative scientific substantiation of planning of development of the Armed Forces of Ukraine is possible only if there is sufficient information: about the conditions of development of the Armed Forces of Ukraine; state (efficiency) of implementation of programs (plans) of the development of the Armed Forces; changes in their composition and size; economic opportunities of the state. Predicting the prospects for the development of the Armed Forces of Ukraine is a necessary element of defense planning. Objects of military forecasting should be everything that significantly influences the tasks of the Armed Forces, their composition, forms of combat operations and methods of use of forces and means, efficiency of development. The article presents the results of the analysis of the state of providing the Armed Forces of Ukraine with financial resources in the period 2005 - 2018, investigates the dynamics of some indicators of the economic capabilities of the state and their impact on the development of the Armed Forces of Ukraine. According to the results of the analysis, the forecast of the state of provision of the Armed Forces of Ukraine with financial resources for the long term (2019-2032) is made using the extrapolation method. The article also defines the basic principles of complex planning for the development of the Armed Forces of Ukraine by the main stages of its implementation in the defense planning system. In further research on the topic of the article, it is necessary to focus the attention of scientists on the development of methods of forecasting the development of the Armed Forces of Ukraine, taking into account the indicators of the forecast of the development of the country's military and economic potential.

Ehud Eilam’s new book makes an important contribution to the literature on several dimensions of Israel’s security policy. It seeks to close the gap between the relatively limited literature on Isr...

The urgency of the article is due to the need to develop new approaches to increasing the effectiveness of the Armed Forces of Ukraine at the present stage of their development and designing new methods and tasks in the military policy of the state. These approaches, according to the authors, should be based on the basis of the best and most promising achievements of world military thought and take into account their own historical experience of Ukrainians. In the context of studying this experience, the authors of the article consider the theoretical contributions of some representatives of Ukrainian military emigration, whose ideas and opinions formed the basis for the design of the military doctrine of the modern Ukrainian state. The purpose of the study is to analyze the conceptual approaches to the foundations of military construction during the period of the national revolution of 1917-1921 in the writings of military historians, to clarify the place and role of Ukrainian military authors in the elaboration of the theoretical norms of the military doctrine set forth in the pages of scientific works on the issue of national construction armed forces. The article describes the state of military construction of the period of the national revolution of 1917-1921. Shows the main problems of military-theoretical nature, which are presented in the writings of military historians of the interwar period. It is shown how the representatives of military emigration considered the problems connected with the future world armed conflict and the possibility of rebuilding their own army. The novelty of the study is to comprehensively study Ukrainian military-theoretical thought in the interwar period, to distinguish between conceptual differences in the views of military theorists on ways of forming a military doctrine.