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Globally, drastic biodiversity declines and the worsening climate crisis demand overhaul of existing land use policies which have failed to reconcile food production and environmental conservation. In Europe, most existing policies compensate farmers to voluntarily implement land-sharing measures, commonly referred to as wildlife-friendly farming, which seeks to deliver conservation benefits on the farmed land through agri-environment schemes (AES) offering a fixed price per hectare. Investment into sharing has continued despite the accumulation of evidence showing that, for the same amount of lost food production, substantially more would be delivered for conservation and climate change mitigation with the contrasting approach of land sparing, where high-yield farming allows large areas to be spared elsewhere in the landscape as (semi-)natural habitat. Following Brexit, the UK has the opportunity to rethink this approach; but until now policy decisions have had to be made without estimates of the relative taxpayer costs of using sharing and sparing to deliver target conservation outcomes. Addressing this critical research gap was the primary aim of this thesis, as follows. In this thesis, I sought to uncover the taxpayer and food production costs of delivering meaningful conservation outcomes with land sharing and sparing. First, I conducted a novel comparison of the costs of monitoring sharing and sparing schemes for compliance and effectiveness. Monitoring is a fundamental, though often overlooked, taxpayer cost. In terms of effectiveness monitoring, I found current monitoring levels to be insufficient to precisely determine the effects on wild species of sharing schemes; in contrast, the same effort could deliver relatively precise estimates of the much larger effects of sparing. Furthermore, turning to compliance monitoring, I found the cost-effectiveness of existing English AES could be vastly improved with more compliance monitoring; however, this may be politically unpopular with farmers. It is therefore notable that I also found relatively less money was wasted when monitoring sparing at a sub-optimal rate compared to sharing. Second, I used a discrete choice experiment involving 118 arable farmers to establish their willingness to accept (WTA) payment to participate in sharing and sparing schemes that delivered the same biodiversity and carbon outcomes. I found that all but the most farmland-tolerant outcomes were delivered at less taxpayer expense with sparing. Third, combining this assessment of farmer WTA with knowledge of how much schemes must be monitored, I compared the taxpayer costs of delivering the same environmental outcomes with fixed-price sharing and sparing schemes which paid all recruits at the WTA of the least-willing farmer required in the scheme to deliver the target outcome. I found that sparing delivered the same outcomes at less than half the taxpayer cost of sharing; and, importantly, sparing saw only 79% of the food production lost under sharing. Fourth, I examined the distribution of farmer stated WTA, finding that variation in responses was mostly driven by factors other than lost gross margin. Given marked inter-farmer variation in their stated WTA, variable-price schemes, which pay farmers their stated WTA rather than the rate required by the least-willing participant, offered savings to both sharing and sparing schemes. However, even under variable pricing, sharing was not cheaper than sparing in delivering our more farmland-sensitive outcomes. Finally, I examined whether a land-purchase strategy, where the government purchases land and then contracts organisations to manage and create habitat on it, would deliver sparing at less expense than a farm-subsidy approach. I found land purchase was more cost effective than the farm-subsidy approach if long timeframes, low discount rates and large budgets were considered; however the impacts on farming communities of largescale ownership changes warrant further consideration. To conclude, I found overwhelming evidence for UK arable farming that land sparing can deliver biodiversity and carbon outcomes at substantially lower cost than land sharing both in terms of taxpayer costs and lost food production. The relative costs of sharing would increase even more with consideration of species that do not tolerate farmland, in a country with a shorter history of agriculture where fewer habitat specialists have gone extinct compared the UK, and if the production required elsewhere to compensate greater volume of food production lost under sharing was taken into account. Furthermore, the effects of sharing may be near-impossible to precisely determine with current monitoring efforts and continued sub-optimal compliance monitoring would increase the costs of sharing-like options relatively more than the more sparing-like options of existing AES. Whilst variable pricing and land purchase may further reduce the costs of sparing, the costs of delivering meaningful environmental outcomes are most substantially reduced by pursuing a land-sparing, rather than land-sharing, approach. This work is of considerable significance to the UK government, given that prevailing land-sharing policy approaches can at best deliver less than half the environmental outcomes delivered by the same budget spent on land sparing., Cambridge Trust; Hughes Hall

This study discussed the legal consequences of canceling land purchases with down payments in the district of North Lombok. The research problem was how the legal protection to the seller for the cancellation of the land purchase with down payment and the status of its Conveyance Deed. This study aimed at determining and analyzing the legal protection of the seller for the cancellation of the land purchase and to analyze the status of the Conveyance Deed due to the cancellation. It utilized an empirical legal method with a conceptual approach, a legislative approach, and a sociology of law approach. This study found that: 1) the regulations governing the sale and purchase with down payment protection law included the Civil Code Article 1464, the consumer protection law article 4 letter (h) regarding the claim for compensation, the jurisprudence of the Supreme Court Decree No. 2661K/Perdata/2004 dated 28 February 2006, the decision of the Tanjungkarang District Court No. 5/pdt.g/2015/pn.tjk dated 31 August 2015 and article 1339 of the Civil Code in conjunction with article 1347 of the Civil Code; 2) in terms of the status of Conveyance Deed due to cancellation, the Conveyancer could not cancel the Sale and Purchase Deed that had been made in the event of a dispute. The parties had to settle it to the judiciary where one party was the plaintiff and the other party was the defendant.

Исследуются субъекты кредитных правоотношений: Крестьянский банк в рамках его деятельности, сельские общества, товарищества из крестьян и отдельные крестьяне как клиенты банка, вовлеченные в процесс государственной ипотеки земли в конце XIX века. С этой целью анализируются не только организационно-правовые документы, регламентирующие процедуру залога земельных участков, но и законодательный аспект предоставления Крестьянским банком ссуд. На практике клиенты банка испытывали трудности в виде высоких цен на землю, значительных доплат, низких размеров выдаваемой ссуды, неурожаев и других природных катаклизмов. Не до конца продуманная политика правительства Российской империи, приведшая к росту задолженностей по ипотеке, потребовала корректировки банковского законодательства в 1895 году и введения новых операций по выдаче ссуд., The subjects of credit relations are studied: a peasant bank within its activities, rural societies, peasant partnerships and individual peasants as bank customers involved in the process of state mortgage of land at the end of the XIX century. For this purpose, not only the organizational and legal documents regulating the procedure for the pledge of land plots are analyzed, but also the legislative aspect of the provision of loans by the Peasant Bank. In practice, the bank's clients are experiencing difficulties in the form of: high land prices, significant surcharges, low loan amounts, crop failures and other natural disasters. The ill-considered policy of the government of the Russian Empire, which led to an increase in mortgage arrears, required an adjustment of banking legislation in 1895 and the introduction of new loan operations., СОВРЕМЕННОЕ ПРАВО, Выпуск 9 2022, Pages 140-146

Рассматриваются способы и основания принудительного прекращения права собственности на земельные участки. Исследуются изменения гражданского и земельного законодательства. Анализируются материалы судебной практики. Определяются проблемы правоприменения.

S intenzivnom gradnjom autocesta u Republici Sloveniji urbana je komasacija postala vrlo aktualan postupak za dobivanje zemljišta za autocestu, u prvom redu zbog usitnjene strukture posjeda u Sloveniji. Istodobno je gradnja autocesta potaknula i zamisao o izradbi programskog okružja, koje bi postupke urbane komasacije ubrzalo i prije svega moderniziralo., Along with the intensive construction of highways in the Republic Slovenia, urban land consolidation has become a procedure of a current interest in gaining the land for the highway, in the first place because of the fragmented property structure in Slovenia. At the same time, the construction of highways initiated the idea of creating a program support that would speed up and above all modernise the procedures of urban land consolidation.

Juridical nature of dairy quotas and quota transactions. A quota allocation to a producer gives a merchandizing right rather than a property one. Quota transactions among producers cannot work apart from land transfers. Besides, since july 1987, a purchaser may not automatically get any benefit from a quota which can be wholly or partly added to the national reserve. By binding a quota to a land, the EC regulation intended to prevent any quota purchase ; meanwhile that was already enforced by French laws. However, since october 1987, as long as temporary transfers are authorized by members States, a leasing quota market might soon develop in France., Le droit à commercialiser que sanctionne l'attribution d'un quota n'emporte nullement pour son bénéficiaire la propriété de sa référence. Aussi bien il ne peut en disposer librement, les transferts de quotas entre producteurs ne pouvant s'opérer indépendamment d'une mutation foncière. Au surplus depuis le décret du 31 juillet 1987, la référence éventuellement attachée à un bien ne profitera plus, ni toujours, ni entièrement, au cessionnaire mais, selon le jeu de trois variables (nature et taille du bien, référence de l'entrant), pourra, dans certains cas être ajoutée totalement ou partiellement à la réserve nationale. En liant ainsi quota et foncier, les règlements communautaires ambitionnaient d'interdire toute transaction. Pour autant, si en France, contrairement aux prédictions de la plupart et à ce qui se passe dans d'autres pays de la Communauté, aucun marché des quotas n'a pu réellement s'établir, c'est essentiellement en raison des particularismes fonciers qui y prévalent. Depuis le mois d'octobre 1987, les Etats membres peuvent autoriser leurs producteurs à céder temporairement une partie de leur référence et il est probable que si la France adoptait cette disposition, un marché locatif des quotas volants s'instaurerait rapidement à l'initiative des producteurs., Crisenoy Chantal de. De la nature juridique des quotas laitiers et de leurs transferts. In: Cahiers d'Economie et sociologie rurales, N°7, 2e trimestre 1988. Quotas laitiers. pp. 155-177.

Read Monday, 24th February, 1890, In the paper on "Forestry in Ireland," read by me before the Statistical and Social Inquiry Society of Ireland, in July, 1889, I described at some length the forestry regulations of the principal European countries, and the measures taken to encourage and affect re-foresting. I would now shortly point out how the planting of trees may be protected and encouraged by government control. I would then show the advantages of forestry in Ireland from both an industrial and climatic point of view, and also as a means for the reclamation of waste lands, considering shortly some objections that may be made against proposals to re-forest the country.

Read Tuesday, 13th April, 1886., A scheme was put forward some short time ago, which promised to effect a radical and sweeping change in the ownership of the land, without imposing any great hardship or additional burden on any class in the State. Mr. Giffen, the author of the scheme propounded, under the nom de plume "Economist" in the Statist early in the present year, claimed for his proposal that it would enable the imperial government to buy out every landlord in Ireland, giving him consols at par, equal in nominal amount to twenty years' purchase of the present judicial rents; to give the land free to the present occupiers, subject only to a rent-charge of one-half or two-thirds of the present judicial rents, payable to the new local authorities in Ireland, and to relieve the imperial exchequer of all payments now made out of it in connection with the local government of Ireland. Without in any way touching on the more purely political aspect of the question, my object is to consider the facts and figures on which Mr. Giffen's proposal is based, and submit his proposal to a more minute examination than has yet been given to it. To do this satisfactorily it will be necessary to analyze carefully the present burden of local and imperial taxation in Ireland, and define the existing and forecast the future financial relations between the exchequers of Great Britain and Ireland. Before dealing with the proposed future financial relations between the two countries, it will be necessary to state carefully the present position of affairs, so that we may thoroughly understand the circumstances with which we have to deal, and the existing interests which we must take into account.

Read February 6th 1852, My attention has been lately directed to the subject of public companies, by the many plans recently brought before the public for the formation of such associations for the purpose of buying land, and sometimes for carrying on various trades and manufactures; for instance, we have had, from time to time, the National Land Society, Freehold Land Investment Societies, a Farmer's Estate Society, and a West of Ireland Land Investment Society, which latter contemplates not only the purchase of land, but the cultivation and farming of it; and not only agriculture, but also the manufacture of sugar from beet, of chicory, and flax?all to be grown and manufactured by the company. This company bases its claim for public support on a very showy pamphlet by Mr. Digby Seymour, to which I shall call more particular attention before I conclude.

A paper read before the statistical section of the British Association, at Edinburgh, August 6th, 1850., In this paper I propose to direct your attention to some statistical information which I have collected respecting the sales of estates in Ireland by the Incumbered Estates Court. The questions which I proposed to myself in arranging the information which I collected are the following:?First?"Does it appear that any necessity existed for establishing the cheap, simple, and expeditious forms of procedure of the Incumbered Estates Court, in lieu of the proceedings previously required in the Courts of Chancery and Exchequer? Secondly?Is there any evidence of the parties most interested having confidence in the proceedings of the new court? Thirdly?At what rates of purchase have the estates been really sold? Fourthly?To what cause is the difference of prices realized for the different classes of estates to be ascribed?

Read Tuesday, 28th April, 1857, A Bill was prepared in the early part of last year to alter the constitution, procedure and practice, to increase the powers, and diminish the expense of in the Court of Chancery in Ireland and to discontinue the Incumbered Estates' Court. The Bill also provided that a percentage of purchase money should be paid out proceeds of the estates or leases sold under the increased jurisdiction which it was then proposed to give the Court of Chancery. It is to this portion of the bill that I purpose applying the present observations, with the view of seeing how far the scheme has been sanctioned by subsequent enquiry.

Read Friday, 29th November, 1912., When presenting to you this evening a retrospect of the progress of Land Purchase in Ireland since 1885, it is not necessary to refer to the various causes which led up to the then existing dead-lock in the sale and transfer of Irish land, save to remind you that while the bitter agrarian and political agitation which followed upon the Fair Rent legislation of 1881 had closed the door of the Irish land market to all bidders except the occupying tenants, no adequate means had been afforded to them to become owners of their holdings upon equitable terms.

Read 21st May, 1855, When the sales of land first took place under the Incumbered Estates Act, it was expected that there would be a very large number of English purchasers. So strong was this impression, that one of the Commissioners was selected from the conveyancing bar in England, with a view no doubt to give confidence to this class of purchasers. This expectation was founded on two economic fallacies ; first, that Ireland was suffering from a want of capital; and secondly, that it required a very large amount of capital to buy incumbered estates. The first of these fallacies I endeavoured to expose in a paper read before the the British Association at Ipswich in 1851, and published in the Transactions of this society. The second fallacy admits of an easy refutation. If we only reflect that the incumbrances on land in Ireland are generally held by Irishmen, under such circumstances the more incumbered the estates are, the less capital is required in the aggregate to purchase them. The produce of each sale being applied in paying off incumbrances, sets free nearly as much capital as is absorbed in the purchase.

Dated April 1st, 1853, It will be found convenient in the following report, to adopt the division naturally suggested by the subject proposed for my examination; and accordingly I shall treat in their order, first, of the present system of selling and mortgaging land in Ireland; secondly, of the leading features of the modes of sale and mortgage in the United States ; and thirdly, the various regulations for the same objects in the principal states of Europe. From a consideration of these I shall proceed to intimate the alterations necessary for the amendment of the prominent defects of our system, and making it more cheap, certain, and expeditious. It may, perhaps, by some be deemed unnecessary to detail the causes, or mode of procedure, by which the powers of sale and mortgage are so Ireland so impeded; but without some attention to the details and technicalities of an old and artificial code of rules relating to our landed property, the differences of other systems would be imperfectly understood, and the alterations suggested as necessary might seem too vague and empirical.