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In the social and behavioral sciences, it is often not interesting to evaluate the null hypothesis by means of a p-value. Researchers are often more interested in quantifying the evidence in the data (as opposed to using p-values) with respect to their own expectations represented by equality and/or inequality constrained hypotheses (as opposed to the null hypothesis). This article proposes an Akaike-type information criterion (AIC; Akaike, 1973, 1974) called the generalized order-restricted information criterion approximation (GORICA) that evaluates (in)equality constrained hypotheses under a very broad range of statistical models. The results of five simulation studies provide empirical evidence showing that the performance of the GORICA on selecting the best hypothesis out of a set of (in)equality constrained hypotheses is convincing. To illustrate the use of the GORICA, the expectations of researchers are investigated in a logistic regression, multilevel regression, and structural equation model. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2021 APA, all rights reserved).

V diplomskem delu z naslovom Trajnostna ženska kolekcija Roza opisujem nastajanje in izvedbo avtorske kolekcije, ki se inspirira v izkušnjah življenja na obmejnem območju Gorice in Nove Gorice. Poleg obmejnega zˇivljenja so glavno izhodišče kreiranja kontrasti med skromnimi, preprostimi vrednotami slovenskih zˇensk in prefinjenostjo uglajenih italjanskih starejsˇih dam, kot tudi razlike v estetiki teh dveh mest. V teoretičnem delu sem se poglobila v zgodovino omenjenega območja ter mešanja kultur narodov. Najprej sem raziskala zgodovino oblačenja in oblačilno identiteto italijanskega naroda, pri čemer sem se osredotočila na enega izmed najprepoznavnejših kosov italijanske mode, krzneni plašč. Sledili sta raziskava zgodovine slovenske tekstilne industrije in preizpraševanje o modni identiteti Slovenk. Kot značilni element slovenske oblačilne kulture sem izpostavila ročne tehnike, njihovo pomembnost skozi čas ter zakaj se jih danes ponovno obuja in aktualizira. Na koncu teoretičnega dela sem opisala položaj starejših žensk v modni industriji, saj jih le ta mnogokrat ignorira. V praktičnem delu sem predstavila razvoj kolekcije in trajnostne principe oblikovanja, ki sem se jih pri tem poslužila. Začela sem z oblikovanjem tekstilnih eksperimentov, ki povezujejo estetiko dveh mest. Te so mi služile kot osnova pri tvorbi silhuet, ki odražajo združevanje oblačilnih identitet slovenskih in italijanskih žensk. Kolekcija realiziranih petih silhuet je prikazana skozi modne in tehnične skice, barvno paleto ter izbor materialov. Slednji je temeljil na starih zalogah in ostankih propadlih proizvodenj. Predstavljen je tudi razvoj in uporaba različnih trajnostnih principov, kot so kvačkanje iz odpadnih najlonk, povezovanje različnih polizdelkov ter uporaba odpadne preje za razvoj krznenih kvačkanin. Končni rezultat je trajnostna avtorska kolekcija, namenjena zrelim ženskam, ki se kljub svojim letom še vedno želijo izražati z modnimi oblačili. Namen, sporočilo in vzdušje kolekcije je dokumentirano skozi serijo fotografij-modni editorial. In my graduate collection, titled Sustainable womenswear collection Roza, I describe development and execution of this collection, which takes inspiration from experiences of living on the border between Gorizia and Nova Gorica. Alongside life by the border, the main source of inspiration are contrasts between humble, simple values of Slovene women and sophistication of glamourous Italian older ladies, as well as the differences of the two cities' aesthetics. Throughout theoretical part of my thesis, I delved into the history of this region and mixing of the two nations' cultures. Firstly, I analysed the history of clothing and dress identity of the Italian nation, where I focused on one of the most recognizable pieces of Italian fashion, the fur coat. This was followed by researching the history of Slovenian textile industry and questioning about fashion identity of Slovenian women. As one of the focal elements of Slovenian dress culture, I put into the spotlight handcraft techniques, their importance throughout time and why they are being reborn and modernised nowadays. In conclusion of theoretical thesis, I described the position older women hold in the fashion industry, due to lack of their representation. In the practical part of my thesis, I have presented sustainable approaches to design and execution of the collection. I started with designing textile experiments, which combine the aesthetics of the two cities. These served me as a base to form fashion silhouettes, reflecting the merge of Slovenian and Italian dress identities. The collection of five silhouettes is presented through collages and technical sketches, selection of materials, which was based on deadstock and leftovers from bankrupted textile companies, and colour palette reflecting the architecture of mentioned cities. Also depicted is development and use of different sustainable principles, as the progress of creating yarn and crochet items from stockings, the connection of different intermediate products and the use of deadstock yarn in a new manner. At the end, the collection is represented through editorial. The finished product is a capsule collection, targeted towards older women, who despite their age still feel the desire to express themselves with clothing. The purpose, message and atmosphere of the collection is documented through the series of fashion photographs.

Structural equation modeling (SEM) software commonly report information criteria, like the AIC, for the model under investigation and for the unconstrained/saturated model. With these criteria, (non-)nested models can be compared. This comes down to evaluating equalities (e.g., setting some paths equal or to 0). These criteria cannot evaluate inequality restrictions on the parameters, while the AIC-type criterion called GORICA can. For example, GORICA can evaluate the hypothesis stating that one predictor has more (standardized) strength than some other predictors. This paper illustrates inequality-constrained hypothesis-evaluation in SEM models using the GORICA (in R). Examples will be presented for confirmatory factor analysis, latent regression, and multigroup latent regression.

Magistrska naloga obravnava rubriko podlistek v goriškem časopisu Gorica, ki izhajal med letoma 1899 in 1914. Časopis je pripadal katoliškemu taboru. Glavni namen magistrskega dela je bil pregledati vse časopisne izvode omenjenega časopisa in iz tega narediti kronološki bibliografski zapis vseh podlistkov časopisa Gorica. Pri tem se je poskušalo ugotoviti in razbrati, kdo so avtorji del v podlistku (pri prevedenih delih pa tudi prevajalca), ki je po navadi podpisan s psevdonimom, kraticami oziroma kako drugače, in nato ovrednotiti rezultate. Vseh številk časopisa Gorica je 1501, 1183 številk jih podlistek vsebuje, 318 številk pa je brez podlistka. Podlistki se delijo na leposlovne podlistke in na polliterarne podlistke. V leposlovnih podlistkih se pojavljajo vse tri literarne zvrsti. V polliterarnih podlistkih prevladujejo književne kritike in kritike gledaliških predstav. Obravnava podlistkov časopisa Gorica v magistrskem delu prinaša nove ugotovitve, saj se pred tem še nobeden raziskovalec ni natančneje ukvarjal s časopisom Gorica in z omenjeno rubriko, prav tako o časopisu ni veliko napisanega v drugih virih. The master's thesis deals with the part of the newspaper called feuilleton in the newspaper Gorica which was based in the town Gorica. The newspaper came out in years between 1899 and 1914. The newspaper belonged to the Catholic political camp. The main purpose in this master's thesis was to check all the newspaper's issues and from there to make a chronological bibliographical record of all the feuilletons in Gorica newspaper. In doing so I was trying to work out who the authors of the works in the feuilletons were (in the translated works I tried to find the translator). The articles of the feuilleton were usually signed with a pseudonym, an abbreviation or something different. After that I evaluated the data. There were 1501 issues of Gorica, 1183 contained the feuilleton, 318 did not. The feuilltons are divided into fiction feuilletons and to the nonfiction. In fiction feuilletons there can be found all three literary genres. In nonfiction feuilletons literary reviews and theatre reviews prevail. The exploration of the feuilletons in Gorica newspaper in this masters thesis produces new research findings since this area has not been researched before and the newspaper itself has not been widely studied.

V diplomskem delu se ukvarjam z leposlovjem, ki je izhajalo v goriškem glasilu Soča med letoma 1904 in 1915. Najprej sem pregledala vse ohranjene številke in oblikovala bibliografijo, ki sem jo kasneje postavila na Wikivir. Pri analizi sem se najprej osredotočila na sama leposlovna dela (količino objavljenega leposlovja, zvrstnost in vrstne oznake), nato pa sem pozornost namenila avtorjem, pri katerih me je zanimalo predvsem razmerje med poznanimi in nepoznanimi, tujimi in slovenskimi ter razmerje med avtorji glede na spol. In my thesis I deal with fiction published in Gorica's gazette Soča, between the years 1904 and 1915. First, I went through all the accessible editions and created a bibliography, which I also published on Wikivir. In the beginning of the analysis I focused on fiction (mostly on quantity of published literature and different genres) and later on I paid more attention to the authors (known and unknown authors, foreign and slovenian authors, as well as the difference between authors, regarding gender).

Toponimi so v preteklosti odražali določene značilnosti tistega časa, njihov pomen pa je izviral bodisi iz naravnih značilnosti kraja ali iz zgodovinskega in kulturnega razvoja skupnosti, ki je tisti prostor naseljevala. Danes so poimenovanja uličnih imen in drugih prostorov instrument nacionalne države, ki pomaga pri ustvarjanju enotnega kolektivnega spomina skupnosti na nekem teritoriju in predstavlja »lepilo«, ki veže med sabo različne si regionalne entitete v eno celoto homogene nacionalne države. Zgodovinska poimenovanja kraja lahko zaradi njihove neločljive povezanosti z določenimi lokacijami uporabimo pri spoznavanju prostora, pri odkrivanju njegove zgodovine, gospodarskega, družbenega in političnega dogajanja, ki mu je ta prostor bil priča. Stara toponomastika nam tudi v Gorici odpira vrata v bogato mestno preteklost, za katero pa kaže, da počasi izginja iz zavesti ljudi in iz njihovega kolektivnega spomina. Videli smo, da je poimenovanje eden najpomembnejših delov identitete. Vsaki stvari, bitju, pojavu, dogodku in tudi kraju mora človek dati ime, da bi zanj obstajali. Poimenovanja imajo pomembno vlogo pri oblikovanju človekove navezanosti na kraj in predstavljajo njegov zapis v prostor. Skupina s poimenovanjem kraja zaznamuje svoje poselitveno območje in tako uveljavi svojo moč v tem prostoru. Komemorativna imena avtoritete moči uporabljajo za oblikovanje želenega kolektivnega spomina, saj se skupnost k preteklosti, ki je zanjo pomembna, vedno vrača prek materialnega okolja, ki jo obdaja. Zato moramo pri preučevanju kolektivnega spomina svojo pozornost usmeriti k prostoru in prav zato je nadzor nad prostorom ključen za nadzor nad družbo kot celoto. V raziskavi smo sledili »nadzoru« nad poimenovanjem prostora. Predmet raziskovanja je bilo uradno poimenovanje Gorice od začetka prejšnjega stoletja do danes. Na začetku 19. stoletja je urbana toponomastika dobila uradni značaj. Imena so takrat opisovala prostorske značilnosti mesta (npr. Via Corta, Via Cipressi, Via Giardini, Via Lunga, Via Mercato, Via Stretta), lahko so ime dobila po javnih stavbah ali drugih arhitektonskih značilnostih – npr. po mostovih (Via Bagni, Via Ospitale, Via Ponte Isonzo, Via Posta Vecchia), nekatera so ime dobila po geografskih okrajih (Via S. Andrea, Via Salcano, Via Trieste), nastane pa tudi že kar nekaj novih imen, ki so nosila spomin na pomembne osebnosti. Načrtno preimenovanje krajev (tisto, ki je »vsiljeno od zgoraj«) pomeni simbolno osvajanje prostora, kar se je v Gorici pokazalo večkrat – na primer ob izbruhu prve svetovne vojne, ko je Avstrija zaradi grožnje po izgubi svojih primorskih ozemelj skušala svojo politično vlado v mestu okrepiti s simboličnim preimenovanjem nekaterih mestnih predelov, in po prvi svetovni vojni, ko nova italijanska oblast preimenuje skoraj celotno mesto. Goriška je bila dolga stoletja stičišče latinskega in slovanskega sveta. V duhu vzpona nacionalizmov in oblikovanju nacionalne zavesti so že v drugi polovici 19. stoletja različne skupnosti na tem prostoru izpostavljale svoje zahteve po toponomastiki v njim lastnem jeziku. Slednje velja tudi za slovensko govorečo skupnost, ki – kljub močni prisotnosti slovenskega jezika v tem prostoru – ni nikdar dočakala uradne ulične toponomastike v slovenščini. Slovensko govoreča skupnost je namreč za mesto imela svoja poimenovanja in nekatera so se ohranila do danes, saj so se med generacijami prenašala ustno. Inventarizacija slovenskih imen je pokazala, da ta večinoma izhajajo iz obdobja pred prvo svetovno vojno. Ker pa vemo, da jezik svojo moč dobiva na vizualnem področju, sem s terenskim delom ugotavljala, kolikšen del teh imen se je do danes ohranil med Slovenci v Gorici, ali z drugimi besedami: v kolikšni meri je uradni spomin komemorativnih uličnih imen do današnjega časa prevladal nad ljudskim spominjanjem slovenske narodne skupnosti v Italiji. Rezultati so pokazali, da se stopnja poznavanja imen zmanjšuje – to je bilo še posebej vidno pri primerjavi rezultatov starejše in mlajše generacije. Terenska raziskava kaže na to, da večinski, uradni jezik počasi izpodriva neuradna poimenovanja prostora in da se spomin na avstrijsko obdobje pred prvo vojno – vsaj med Slovenci – izgublja. Da bi se danes poimenovanja v manjšinskih jezikih ohranjala, bi bila nujna institucionalna podpora. Prvi korak v to smer bo gotovo postavitev tablic s starimi slovenskimi imeni, ki pa bodo omejeni le na okoliška območja Štandreža, Pevme, Oslavja in Štmavra. V samem mestnem jedru, kjer že stojijo nekatera zgodovinska poimenovanja v italijanskem jeziku, tablic s slovenskimi imeni ne bodo postavili. Občina bo namestila tablice s slovenskimi ljudskimi poimenovanji samo na območju izvajanja določil zaščitnega zakona številka 38 iz leta 2001 o vidni dvojezičnosti, ki velja le v Štandrežu, Podgori, Pevmi, Štmavru in na Oslavju. Urbani center Gorice bo ostal izključno italijanski. Neuradna slovenska imena spadajo po Assmannovi (2008) teoriji med komunikativni spomin, saj so nastala s pomočjo medsebojnih odnosov in v relativno majhnem prostorskem krogu slovenske skupnosti na Goriškem, med katero se tudi ohranjajo. Za komunikativni spomin, med katerega sodijo neuradna slovenska imena, velja, da ni institucionaliziran, ni podpiran s strani izobraževalnih institucij, navadno ga ne preučujejo strokovnjaki, ne praznuje se ga ob posebnih priložnostih, ni formaliziran ali na kakršenkoli način ovekovečen v materialnosti. Vseeno ima komunikativni spomin moč povezovanja družin, skupin in generacij, ker je prisoten v vsakodnevni interakciji in komunikaciji med člani neke skupnosti. Vse obratno velja za kulturni spomin, med katerega štejemo uradna komemorativna ulična imena – je torej institucionaliziran, eksterioriziran, objektiviziran in »shranjen« v obliki simbolov. Ker je čas komunikativnega spomina omejen – traja namreč tri do največ pet generacij ali 80 do 100 let, v skupnosti, ki jo povezuje ista izkustvena, spominska in pripovedna realnost – bo najverjetneje usoda slovenskih uličnih in ledinskih imen v Gorici sledila temu pravilu. Ob tem se nam pojavi vprašanje o prihodnosti. Kakšna je usoda slovenskih toponimov, ki izhajajo iz ljudskega izročila? Kakšen spomin bo ostal Slovencem o Gorici? Po kakšnem mestu se bodo sprehajali? Po tistem, kjer bodo prečkali Travnik in šli po Gosposki ulici do Goriščka? Ali bodo postali »tujci v lastnem mestu«, ker zanj ne bodo imeli več lastnih imen? Želja po ohranjanju imen mora gotovo priti iz skupnosti same. In kaj lahko skupnost sama – torej neodvisno od vladajočih avtoritet – naredi, da ohrani svoja poimenovanja? Najbolj pomembna je gotovo zavestna uporaba slovenskih toponimov – v komunikaciji, v slovenski publicistiki, obvestilih ipd. Ta bi »podaljšala« trajanje komunikativnega spomina in tako bi se imena prenesla v prihodnost, v nek čas, ko bi jih bila oblast v mestu končno pripravljena sprejeti in vključiti tudi v vizualno krajino samega mestnega središča. S tem bi slovenska imena lahko nekoč celo postala del kulturnega spomina (vseh Goričanov) in njihova usoda ne bi bila tako negotova, kot trenutno je. Na območjih, kjer so spomini kompleksni, sporni in razločevalni, je še toliko bolj pomembno ustvariti povezovalne skupnosti spomina. Tu je potrebno zavedanje, da pravo spoštovanje identitete presega individuum in mora biti to »raztegnjeno« na celotno področje, kjer neka jezikovna manjšina živi, zato je dvo- ali večjezična toponomastika na etnično mešanih ozemljih ključnega pomena. Priznavanje jezikovnih pravic manjšinam je pomembno zato, ker promovira enakost kljub raznolikosti, izboljša komunikacijo in javne storitve ter pripomore k stabilnosti in preprečevanju konfliktov. Prisotnost slovenščine (in furlanščine) v Gorici pa ne bi bila ključnega pomena samo za manjšine, ki bi s tem utrjevale svojo navzočnost, svoj položaj na teritoriju in prisotnost jezika, ampak tudi za pripadnike večinskega naroda, ker bi jim s tem bila dana možnost, da bi se vsakodnevno soočali z manjšinskim jezikom, ga spoznavali, s čimer bi posledično lažje razvili pozitiven odnos do tega jezika. Prikaz razvoja uradnega in neuradnega poimenovanja mesta nam daje možnost, da ovrednotimo in ocenimo trenutno stanje v mestu. Kritično lahko presodimo primernost poimenovanja prostora, v katerem je bilo ves ta čas prisotno etnično in jezikovno raznoliko prebivalstvo, a kljub temu danes (skoraj) ne najdemo imen, ki bi poleg italijanske reprezentirale ostale skupnosti. Pregled toponomastike nam daje možnost, da premislimo, kakšno sliko nam danes mesto posreduje o njegovi preteklosti in sedanjosti in kot najbolj pomembno: kaj nam mesto pove o njegovi prihodnosti in vključenosti v širši, mednarodni, prostor. In the past, toponyms reflected certain characteristics of that time, and their meaning was derived either from the natural characteristics of the place they named or from the historical and cultural development of the community that inhabited the area. Today, street names and names of other places are used as an instrument of a nation-state, which help create a unified collective memory of a community in a certain territory and represent the "adhesive" that binds different regional entities into a homogeneous nation-state whole. Because of their inseparable connection to certain locations, historical place names can be used to discover that space, its history, economic, social and political events that this space has witnessed. In Gorizia, old toponymy also opens the door to the town's rich history however, this knowledge seems to be slowly disappearing from people's consciousness and from their collective memory. We have established that naming is one of the most important parts of one's identity. Every thing, being, phenomenon, event and place must be given a name, as naming plays an important role in shaping human attachment to a particular place and represents its record in space. By naming a place, the group living there marks its settlement area and thus enforces its power over this area. The commemorative names of authorities can be used to create the desired collective memory, since the community always returns to its memories of the past that are important to it with the help of the environment that surrounds it. Therefore, in studying collective memory, we must direct our attention to space, and that is why controlling space is the key to controlling society as a whole. In the study, we examined the "control" aspect of space naming. The subject of research was the Gorizia's official name from the beginning of the last century to the present. At the beginning of the 19th century, urban toponymy was officially recognized. The place names given back then most often described the spatial features of the city (e.g. Via Corta, Via Cipressi, Via Giardini, Via Lunga, Via Mercato, Via Stretta), public buildings or other architectural features – e.g. bridges (Via Bagni, Via Ospitale, Via Ponte Isonzo, Via Posta Vecchia), some streets were named according to geographical area (Via S. Andrea, Via Salcano, Via Trieste), and a few new names bore the memory of impotant historical figures. The planned renaming of places (the one "forced from above") means a symbolic conquest of space, which happened in Gorizia several times, for example, during the outbreak of World War I, when Austria, as a result of the threat of losing its coastal territories, tried to strengthen its political government in the city with the symbolic renaming of certain urban areas, as well as after World War I, when the new Italian authorities renamed almost the entire city. For centuries, the Province of Gorizia was the meeting point for Latin and Slavic worlds. In the second half of the 19th century, the rising nationalist tendencies and the formation of national consciousness led various communities in this area to demand toponymy in their own language. The latter also applies to the Slovene-speaking community which – despite the strong presence of the Slovene language in this area – had never obtained official street toponymy in Slovene. The Slovene-speaking community had its own names for the city, and some of these have been preserved to this day, since they have been orally transmitted from generation to generation. The field research of Slovenian names has shown that these names mostly derive from the period before World War I. However, since it is known that language acquires its power only when seen, this thesis and its field research determined how much of these names have been preserved among Slovenes in Gorizia to this day, or in other words, to what extent the official memory of commemorative street names prevailed over the folk remembrance of the Slovene national community in Italy up to this day. The results showed that the degree of familiarity with names is decreasing – this was especially evident when comparing the results of the older and the younger generation. Field research suggests that the official language spoken by the majority is slowly eradicating unofficial namings of the space and that the memory of the Austrian period before the First War – at least among Slovenes – is becoming lost. Institutional support would be necessary in order to preserve the denominations in minority languages today. The first step in this direction will be the placement of signs carrying old Slovenian names, which will be limited only to the surrounding areas of Štandrež, Pevma, Oslavje and Štmaver. In the very center of the city, where certain historical names in Italian have already been put in place, signs with Slovenian names will not be placed. The municipality will erect signs with Slovenian folk names only in the area of the implementation of the provisions of the the protection law for the Slovene national community 38/2001 regarding visible bilingualism, which is valid only in Štandrež, Podgora, Pevma, Štmaver and Oslavje. The urban center of Gorizia will remain exclusively Italian. According to the Assmann theory (2008), unofficial Slovenian names belong to a communicative memory, since they were created through mutual relations and in a relatively small spatial circle of the Slovenian community in the Province of Gorizia where they are preserved as well. Communicative memory, which includes unofficial Slovenian names, is considered to not be institutionalized, is not supported by educational institutions, is usually not examined by experts, not celebrated on special occasions, not formalized or in any way eternalized in the material world. Nevertheless, communicative memory has the power to connect families, groups and generations, because it is present in everyday interactions and communication between the members of a community. The opposite is true for cultural memory, among which the official commemorative street names are considered – it is institutionalized, exteriorized, objectified and "stored" in the form of symbols. Since the time of communicative memory is limited – it lasts from three to a maximum of five generations, or from 80 to 100 years, in a community that is connected by the same experiential, memorial and narrative reality – most likely the fate of Slovenian street and place names in Gorizia will follow this rule. In areas where memories are complex, controversial and distinctive, it is all the more important to create a framework of memories that connects people living in a particular community. Here, awareness is needed to ensure that true respect for identity goes beyond the individual, and this must be "stretched" to the whole area where a linguistic minority lives, therefore bilingual or multilingual toponymy in ethnically mixed territories is crucial. The recognition of linguistic rights to minorities is important because it promotes equality despite diversity, improves communication and public services, and contributes to stability and conflict prevention. The presence of Slovene (and Friulian) in Gorizia would not be of crucial importance only to minorities that would use these languages to fortify their presence there, their position on the territory and the presence of their language, but also for the members of the majority population, because they would be given the opportunity to deal with the language of the minority on a daily basis and familiarize themselves with it, which would consequently facilitate the development of a positive attitude towards this language.

Toponimi so v preteklosti odražali določene značilnosti tistega časa, njihov pomen pa je izviral bodisi iz naravnih značilnosti kraja ali iz zgodovinskega in kulturnega razvoja skupnosti, ki je tisti prostor naseljevala. Danes so poimenovanja uličnih imen in drugih prostorov instrument nacionalne države, ki pomaga pri ustvarjanju enotnega kolektivnega spomina skupnosti na nekem teritoriju in predstavlja »lepilo«, ki veže med sabo različne si regionalne entitete v eno celoto homogene nacionalne države. Zgodovinska poimenovanja kraja lahko zaradi njihove neločljive povezanosti z določenimi lokacijami uporabimo pri spoznavanju prostora, pri odkrivanju njegove zgodovine, gospodarskega, družbenega in političnega dogajanja, ki mu je ta prostor bil priča. Stara toponomastika nam tudi v Gorici odpira vrata v bogato mestno preteklost, za katero pa kaže, da počasi izginja iz zavesti ljudi in iz njihovega kolektivnega spomina. Videli smo, da je poimenovanje eden najpomembnejših delov identitete. Vsaki stvari, bitju, pojavu, dogodku in tudi kraju mora človek dati ime, da bi zanj obstajali. Poimenovanja imajo pomembno vlogo pri oblikovanju človekove navezanosti na kraj in predstavljajo njegov zapis v prostor. Skupina s poimenovanjem kraja zaznamuje svoje poselitveno območje in tako uveljavi svojo moč v tem prostoru. Komemorativna imena avtoritete moči uporabljajo za oblikovanje želenega kolektivnega spomina, saj se skupnost k preteklosti, ki je zanjo pomembna, vedno vrača prek materialnega okolja, ki jo obdaja. Zato moramo pri preučevanju kolektivnega spomina svojo pozornost usmeriti k prostoru in prav zato je nadzor nad prostorom ključen za nadzor nad družbo kot celoto. V raziskavi smo sledili »nadzoru« nad poimenovanjem prostora. Predmet raziskovanja je bilo uradno poimenovanje Gorice od začetka prejšnjega stoletja do danes. Na začetku 19. stoletja je urbana toponomastika dobila uradni značaj. Imena so takrat opisovala prostorske značilnosti mesta (npr. Via Corta, Via Cipressi, Via Giardini, Via Lunga, Via Mercato, Via Stretta), lahko so ime dobila po javnih stavbah ali drugih arhitektonskih značilnostih – npr. po mostovih (Via Bagni, Via Ospitale, Via Ponte Isonzo, Via Posta Vecchia), nekatera so ime dobila po geografskih okrajih (Via S. Andrea, Via Salcano, Via Trieste), nastane pa tudi že kar nekaj novih imen, ki so nosila spomin na pomembne osebnosti. Načrtno preimenovanje krajev (tisto, ki je »vsiljeno od zgoraj«) pomeni simbolno osvajanje prostora, kar se je v Gorici pokazalo večkrat – na primer ob izbruhu prve svetovne vojne, ko je Avstrija zaradi grožnje po izgubi svojih primorskih ozemelj skušala svojo politično vlado v mestu okrepiti s simboličnim preimenovanjem nekaterih mestnih predelov, in po prvi svetovni vojni, ko nova italijanska oblast preimenuje skoraj celotno mesto. Goriška je bila dolga stoletja stičišče latinskega in slovanskega sveta. V duhu vzpona nacionalizmov in oblikovanju nacionalne zavesti so že v drugi polovici 19. stoletja različne skupnosti na tem prostoru izpostavljale svoje zahteve po toponomastiki v njim lastnem jeziku. Slednje velja tudi za slovensko govorečo skupnost, ki – kljub močni prisotnosti slovenskega jezika v tem prostoru – ni nikdar dočakala uradne ulične toponomastike v slovenščini. Slovensko govoreča skupnost je namreč za mesto imela svoja poimenovanja in nekatera so se ohranila do danes, saj so se med generacijami prenašala ustno. Inventarizacija slovenskih imen je pokazala, da ta večinoma izhajajo iz obdobja pred prvo svetovno vojno. Ker pa vemo, da jezik svojo moč dobiva na vizualnem področju, sem s terenskim delom ugotavljala, kolikšen del teh imen se je do danes ohranil med Slovenci v Gorici, ali z drugimi besedami: v kolikšni meri je uradni spomin komemorativnih uličnih imen do današnjega časa prevladal nad ljudskim spominjanjem slovenske narodne skupnosti v Italiji. Rezultati so pokazali, da se stopnja poznavanja imen zmanjšuje – to je bilo še posebej vidno pri primerjavi rezultatov starejše in mlajše generacije. Terenska raziskava kaže na to, da večinski, uradni jezik počasi izpodriva neuradna poimenovanja prostora in da se spomin na avstrijsko obdobje pred prvo vojno – vsaj med Slovenci – izgublja. Da bi se danes poimenovanja v manjšinskih jezikih ohranjala, bi bila nujna institucionalna podpora. Prvi korak v to smer bo gotovo postavitev tablic s starimi slovenskimi imeni, ki pa bodo omejeni le na okoliška območja Štandreža, Pevme, Oslavja in Štmavra. V samem mestnem jedru, kjer že stojijo nekatera zgodovinska poimenovanja v italijanskem jeziku, tablic s slovenskimi imeni ne bodo postavili. Občina bo namestila tablice s slovenskimi ljudskimi poimenovanji samo na območju izvajanja določil zaščitnega zakona številka 38 iz leta 2001 o vidni dvojezičnosti, ki velja le v Štandrežu, Podgori, Pevmi, Štmavru in na Oslavju. Urbani center Gorice bo ostal izključno italijanski. Neuradna slovenska imena spadajo po Assmannovi (2008) teoriji med komunikativni spomin, saj so nastala s pomočjo medsebojnih odnosov in v relativno majhnem prostorskem krogu slovenske skupnosti na Goriškem, med katero se tudi ohranjajo. Za komunikativni spomin, med katerega sodijo neuradna slovenska imena, velja, da ni institucionaliziran, ni podpiran s strani izobraževalnih institucij, navadno ga ne preučujejo strokovnjaki, ne praznuje se ga ob posebnih priložnostih, ni formaliziran ali na kakršenkoli način ovekovečen v materialnosti. Vseeno ima komunikativni spomin moč povezovanja družin, skupin in generacij, ker je prisoten v vsakodnevni interakciji in komunikaciji med člani neke skupnosti. Vse obratno velja za kulturni spomin, med katerega štejemo uradna komemorativna ulična imena – je torej institucionaliziran, eksterioriziran, objektiviziran in »shranjen« v obliki simbolov. Ker je čas komunikativnega spomina omejen – traja namreč tri do največ pet generacij ali 80 do 100 let, v skupnosti, ki jo povezuje ista izkustvena, spominska in pripovedna realnost – bo najverjetneje usoda slovenskih uličnih in ledinskih imen v Gorici sledila temu pravilu. Ob tem se nam pojavi vprašanje o prihodnosti. Kakšna je usoda slovenskih toponimov, ki izhajajo iz ljudskega izročila? Kakšen spomin bo ostal Slovencem o Gorici? Po kakšnem mestu se bodo sprehajali? Po tistem, kjer bodo prečkali Travnik in šli po Gosposki ulici do Goriščka? Ali bodo postali »tujci v lastnem mestu«, ker zanj ne bodo imeli več lastnih imen? Želja po ohranjanju imen mora gotovo priti iz skupnosti same. In kaj lahko skupnost sama – torej neodvisno od vladajočih avtoritet – naredi, da ohrani svoja poimenovanja? Najbolj pomembna je gotovo zavestna uporaba slovenskih toponimov – v komunikaciji, v slovenski publicistiki, obvestilih ipd. Ta bi »podaljšala« trajanje komunikativnega spomina in tako bi se imena prenesla v prihodnost, v nek čas, ko bi jih bila oblast v mestu končno pripravljena sprejeti in vključiti tudi v vizualno krajino samega mestnega središča. S tem bi slovenska imena lahko nekoč celo postala del kulturnega spomina (vseh Goričanov) in njihova usoda ne bi bila tako negotova, kot trenutno je. Na območjih, kjer so spomini kompleksni, sporni in razločevalni, je še toliko bolj pomembno ustvariti povezovalne skupnosti spomina. Tu je potrebno zavedanje, da pravo spoštovanje identitete presega individuum in mora biti to »raztegnjeno« na celotno področje, kjer neka jezikovna manjšina živi, zato je dvo- ali večjezična toponomastika na etnično mešanih ozemljih ključnega pomena. Priznavanje jezikovnih pravic manjšinam je pomembno zato, ker promovira enakost kljub raznolikosti, izboljša komunikacijo in javne storitve ter pripomore k stabilnosti in preprečevanju konfliktov. Prisotnost slovenščine (in furlanščine) v Gorici pa ne bi bila ključnega pomena samo za manjšine, ki bi s tem utrjevale svojo navzočnost, svoj položaj na teritoriju in prisotnost jezika, ampak tudi za pripadnike večinskega naroda, ker bi jim s tem bila dana možnost, da bi se vsakodnevno soočali z manjšinskim jezikom, ga spoznavali, s čimer bi posledično lažje razvili pozitiven odnos do tega jezika. Prikaz razvoja uradnega in neuradnega poimenovanja mesta nam daje možnost, da ovrednotimo in ocenimo trenutno stanje v mestu. Kritično lahko presodimo primernost poimenovanja prostora, v katerem je bilo ves ta čas prisotno etnično in jezikovno raznoliko prebivalstvo, a kljub temu danes (skoraj) ne najdemo imen, ki bi poleg italijanske reprezentirale ostale skupnosti. Pregled toponomastike nam daje možnost, da premislimo, kakšno sliko nam danes mesto posreduje o njegovi preteklosti in sedanjosti in kot najbolj pomembno: kaj nam mesto pove o njegovi prihodnosti in vključenosti v širši, mednarodni, prostor. In the past, toponyms reflected certain characteristics of that time, and their meaning was derived either from the natural characteristics of the place they named or from the historical and cultural development of the community that inhabited the area. Today, street names and names of other places are used as an instrument of a nation-state, which help create a unified collective memory of a community in a certain territory and represent the "adhesive" that binds different regional entities into a homogeneous nation-state whole. Because of their inseparable connection to certain locations, historical place names can be used to discover that space, its history, economic, social and political events that this space has witnessed. In Gorizia, old toponymy also opens the door to the town's rich history however, this knowledge seems to be slowly disappearing from people's consciousness and from their collective memory. We have established that naming is one of the most important parts of one's identity. Every thing, being, phenomenon, event and place must be given a name, as naming plays an important role in shaping human attachment to a particular place and represents its record in space. By naming a place, the group living there marks its settlement area and thus enforces its power over this area. The commemorative names of authorities can be used to create the desired collective memory, since the community always returns to its memories of the past that are important to it with the help of the environment that surrounds it. Therefore, in studying collective memory, we must direct our attention to space, and that is why controlling space is the key to controlling society as a whole. In the study, we examined the "control" aspect of space naming. The subject of research was the Gorizia's official name from the beginning of the last century to the present. At the beginning of the 19th century, urban toponymy was officially recognized. The place names given back then most often described the spatial features of the city (e.g. Via Corta, Via Cipressi, Via Giardini, Via Lunga, Via Mercato, Via Stretta), public buildings or other architectural features – e.g. bridges (Via Bagni, Via Ospitale, Via Ponte Isonzo, Via Posta Vecchia), some streets were named according to geographical area (Via S. Andrea, Via Salcano, Via Trieste), and a few new names bore the memory of impotant historical figures. The planned renaming of places (the one "forced from above") means a symbolic conquest of space, which happened in Gorizia several times, for example, during the outbreak of World War I, when Austria, as a result of the threat of losing its coastal territories, tried to strengthen its political government in the city with the symbolic renaming of certain urban areas, as well as after World War I, when the new Italian authorities renamed almost the entire city. For centuries, the Province of Gorizia was the meeting point for Latin and Slavic worlds. In the second half of the 19th century, the rising nationalist tendencies and the formation of national consciousness led various communities in this area to demand toponymy in their own language. The latter also applies to the Slovene-speaking community which – despite the strong presence of the Slovene language in this area – had never obtained official street toponymy in Slovene. The Slovene-speaking community had its own names for the city, and some of these have been preserved to this day, since they have been orally transmitted from generation to generation. The field research of Slovenian names has shown that these names mostly derive from the period before World War I. However, since it is known that language acquires its power only when seen, this thesis and its field research determined how much of these names have been preserved among Slovenes in Gorizia to this day, or in other words, to what extent the official memory of commemorative street names prevailed over the folk remembrance of the Slovene national community in Italy up to this day. The results showed that the degree of familiarity with names is decreasing – this was especially evident when comparing the results of the older and the younger generation. Field research suggests that the official language spoken by the majority is slowly eradicating unofficial namings of the space and that the memory of the Austrian period before the First War – at least among Slovenes – is becoming lost. Institutional support would be necessary in order to preserve the denominations in minority languages today. The first step in this direction will be the placement of signs carrying old Slovenian names, which will be limited only to the surrounding areas of Štandrež, Pevma, Oslavje and Štmaver. In the very center of the city, where certain historical names in Italian have already been put in place, signs with Slovenian names will not be placed. The municipality will erect signs with Slovenian folk names only in the area of the implementation of the provisions of the the protection law for the Slovene national community 38/2001 regarding visible bilingualism, which is valid only in Štandrež, Podgora, Pevma, Štmaver and Oslavje. The urban center of Gorizia will remain exclusively Italian. According to the Assmann theory (2008), unofficial Slovenian names belong to a communicative memory, since they were created through mutual relations and in a relatively small spatial circle of the Slovenian community in the Province of Gorizia where they are preserved as well. Communicative memory, which includes unofficial Slovenian names, is considered to not be institutionalized, is not supported by educational institutions, is usually not examined by experts, not celebrated on special occasions, not formalized or in any way eternalized in the material world. Nevertheless, communicative memory has the power to connect families, groups and generations, because it is present in everyday interactions and communication between the members of a community. The opposite is true for cultural memory, among which the official commemorative street names are considered – it is institutionalized, exteriorized, objectified and "stored" in the form of symbols. Since the time of communicative memory is limited – it lasts from three to a maximum of five generations, or from 80 to 100 years, in a community that is connected by the same experiential, memorial and narrative reality – most likely the fate of Slovenian street and place names in Gorizia will follow this rule. In areas where memories are complex, controversial and distinctive, it is all the more important to create a framework of memories that connects people living in a particular community. Here, awareness is needed to ensure that true respect for identity goes beyond the individual, and this must be "stretched" to the whole area where a linguistic minority lives, therefore bilingual or multilingual toponymy in ethnically mixed territories is crucial. The recognition of linguistic rights to minorities is important because it promotes equality despite diversity, improves communication and public services, and contributes to stability and conflict prevention. The presence of Slovene (and Friulian) in Gorizia would not be of crucial importance only to minorities that would use these languages to fortify their presence there, their position on the territory and the presence of their language, but also for the members of the majority population, because they would be given the opportunity to deal with the language of the minority on a daily basis and familiarize themselves with it, which would consequently facilitate the development of a positive attitude towards this language.

Among the activities of St. Clement of Ohrid was the construction of the church and monastery in Ohrid, which was carried out at the end of the 9th century at the location where some Byzantine basilicas had stood previously. As findings of archaeological excavations have shown, St. Clement first built a small triconch church at the location of the ruined basilica. This triconchos was later expanded by the addition of a capacious “pronaos” in inscribed-cross form, where St. Clement was interred. This “pronaos” was characterized by entrances on the north and south sides that were identical to those of the inscribed-cross church that existed near the village of Velcë along the Šušica River (in southern Albania) at the turn of the 9th‒10th century. During the tenure of Archbishop Dmitrios Chomatianos (1216–1236), the “pronaos” was replaced with a new church into which the relics of St. Clement were placed. In the Ottoman period, the Church and Monastery of St. Clement were disassembled to build a mosque. At the very beginning of the 10th century, the triconchal church in the Monastery of St. Clement served as a model for the church in the Monastery of St. Naum, in the southern part of the Ohrid lake area. The groundwork(s) of a further church in a triconchal shape, whose construction can be traced back to the time of St. Clement, has also been discovered at Gorica, near Ohrid. Ruins of yet another triconchal church which also belongs to the period under review can be found near the village of Zlesti, in the Dolna Debarca region, not far from Ohrid. In the vicinity of the village of Izdeglavje, in the Gorna Debarca region, there is also a church whose establishment is related to the activity of St. Clement of Ohrid as well.

Namen diplomske naloge je določitev meje strnjenih vaških naselij glede na različne kazalnike na podlagi razpoložljivih prostorskih podatkov. V teoretičnem delu so predstavljene različne definicije meje naselja od slovenske prostorske zakonodaje do različnih avtorjev, ki so se ukvarjali s proučevanjem naselij. Na podlagi razpoložljivih podatkov in izbranih kazalnikov smo na primeru treh testnih naseljih Gorica in Studenčice v Občini Radovljica ter Kočna v Občini Jesenice, določili mejo naselja za vsakega od obravnavanih naselij. Vsa tri naselja spadajo po tipologiji v strnjena vaška naselja (Fister, 1993, 20). Mejo naselja smo določili s pomočjo podatkov o katastrski občini (GURS, 2014), o meji naselja iz Registra prostorskih enot (GURS, 2014), o Evidenci dejanske rabe kmetijskih in gozdnih zemljišč (MKO, 2013), o namenski rabi prostora (Prostorski red Občine Radovljica, 2012 in Občinski prostorski načrt Občine Jesenice, 2013) ter na podlagi določanja odmikov (angl. »buffer«) od objektov. Dobljene rezultate za posamezno naselje smo medsebojno primerjali. Ugotovili smo, da meje naselja ne moremo določiti na podlagi meje katastrske občine in meje naselja iz Registra prostorskih enot. Ostalih pet kazalnikov je dalo primerljive rezultate. Ugotavljamo, da je za smiselno določitev meje strnjenega vaškega naselja nujna kombinacija večjega števila kazalnikov ter kadar je le mogoče tudi terenski ogled. Prenos kazalnikov za posamezen tip naselja na raven vseh naselij v Sloveniji je težaven zaradi velike raznolikosti Slovenije ter različnih naravnogeografskih okolij, ki na podlagi preizkusa na treh izbranih primerih naselij ni mogoč. The purpose of the thesis is to determine the boundaries of dense rural settlements according to various indicators on the basis of available spatial data. In the theoretical part we’re presenting different definitions of the boundaries of the village of Slovenian spatial planning legislation to the various authors who have dealt with the study of settlements. Based on the available data and the indicators we defined in the case of three test areas Gorica and Studenčice in Municipality of Radovljica and Kočna in Municipality of Jesenice, we set boundary of settlement for each of mentioned settlements. All three settlements belonging by the typology to the compact village settlements (Fister, 1993). Boundary of the village were determined using data on cadastral municipality (GURS, 2014), on the border of the village from the Register of Spatial Units (GURS, 2014), on the Record of the actual use of agricultural and forest land (MKO, 2013), on purposely land use (Spatial order Municipality Radovljica, 2012 and the Municipal spatial Plan of the Municipality of Jesenice, 2013) and on the basis of determining deviations (»buffer«) of objects. We compared the results obtained for each village and found out that the boundaries of the village can’t be determined on the basis of the cadastral municipality borders and boundaries of the village from the Register of spatial units. The other five indicators gave comparable results. We can establish that for a reasonable determination of boundaries of the compact village settlements, is essential to combine a large number of indicators and whenever possible the field visit. Transfer of indicators for each type of settlement to the level of the whole settlements of Slovenia is difficult due to the great diversity of Slovenia and because of nature-geographical environments variety and is not possible only on basis of the test on those three selected cases of settlements.

Josip Vancaš pripada skupini najvažnijih projektanata sakralnih građevina na području Bosne i Hercegovine, Hrvatske i Slovenije u zadnjim desetljećima 19. i početkom 20. stoljeća. Najveći dio svojega opusa realizirao je u Bosni i Hercegovini koja se od 1878. do 1918. nalazila pod upravom Austro-ugarske Monarhije. Iako je sarajevski, vrhbosanski nadbiskup Josip Stadler odigrao ključnu pokroviteljsku ulogu u životu i stvaralaštvu Josipa Vancaša ovaj je arhitekt vrlo usko bio vezan i uz franjevački red. Na većini od 13 franjevačkih samostanskih crkava koliko je početkom 20. stoljeća postojalo na području Bosne i Hercegovine, bar prema Vancaševim tvrdnjama (Tolisa, Plehan, Petričevac, Kraljeva Sutjeska, Sarajevo, Kreševo, Fojnica, Jajce, Šćit, Mostar, Široki Brijeg, Guča Gora, Gorica kod Livna) izvodio je katkad veće, katkad manje intervencije. Ovaj se članak usredotočuje na zahvate na trima franjevačkim crkvama podignutima sredinom 19. stoljeća: u Gučoj Gori kod Travnika u središnjem dijelu Bosne (dograđena 1892. – 1895.), na Gorici kraj Livna u južnom dijelu Bosne (dograđena 1905. – 1906.) te u Tolisi kod Orašja u sjevernom dijelu Bosne (dograđena 1911. – 1912.), važnim primjerima romantičarske sakralne arhitekture u toj zemlji, koje su pregradnjama dobile i novi stilski karakter primjereniji ukusu visokog odnosno kasnog historicizma. Ova tri zahvata svjedoče s jedne strane o nesklonom odnosu Vancaša i većine njegovih suvremenika prema romantičarskoj arhitekturi, a s druge strane o stilskim mijenama karakterističnim za kraj 19. i početka 20. stoljeća. Dok je crkva u Gučoj Gori pregrađena potpuno po načelima visokog historicizma u neoromaničkom stilu, na crkvi u Livnu, dograđenoj u neorenesansnom stilu, već se primjećuju kasnohistoricistička rješenja (prozori u svodovima u glavnom brodu), dok toliška crkva pokazuje kako se Vancaš znao okušati u stilu koji je u sakralnu arhitekturu ušao tek na prijelazu iz 19. u 20. stoljeće – neobaroku. Vancašu na zatečenim građevinama (a čini se djelomično i investitorima, franjevcima) primarno nije bila prihvatljiva izrazita jednostavnost arhitektonske dekoracije. Vancaš stoga ne samo da ove crkve proširuje i stilski korigira, on ih istodobno bogato (bogatije) dekorira. Kada su mu financijske mogućnosti dopuštale, kao na Gučoj Gori, intervenira sveobuhvatno i na pročeljima (glavnom) i u unutrašnjosti, kada nisu, kao u Tolisi i na Gorici, intervenciju usredotočuje na unutrašnjost, koju proširuje, nadsvođuje sigurnijim, vatrootpornijim betonskim svodovima i ukrašava bogatim dekorativnim oslikom, te samo djelomično modificira i dekorira zatečenu arhitektonsku dekoraciju. Sve su tri crkve nakon obnove postale trobrodne dvotoranjske bazilike. Do danas je najcjelovitije ostala sačuvana crkva na Gorici koja ostaje rijedak primjer historicističkog Gesamtkunstwerka u umjetnosti Bosne i Hercegovine.

Na nivou idejnog projekta prikazano je oblikovno- funkcionalno i tehničko rješenje vodovoda naselja Gorica. Definirane su mjerodavne vrijednosti opterećenja kao ulaza u numerički model kojim je izvršeno dimenzioniranje sustava. Definirane su sve relevantne karakteristike objekata u sustavu te je uz tehnički opis i nacrte objekata u sustavu, izrađen i pripadajući troškovnik.

V diplomskem delu je predstavljen kratek kulturnozgodovinski oris Vipavske doline in mesta Gorica. Geografsko zgodovinski pregled Gorice ter mest Ajdovščina in Vipavski Križ, ki sta se skozi zgodovino potegovala za osrednjo vlogo v dolini, je predstavljen po zgodovinskih obdobjih. Opisana so kulturna delovanja in pomembnejše institucije v mestih. Zajeta je tudi bogata grajska in sakralna dediščina na območju celotne Vipavske doline in okolice Gorice. Omenjene so tudi osebnosti, ki so mestom v njihovem kulturnem življenju in razvoju dodale poseben pečat. My thesis features a short cultural and historical presentation of the Vipava Valley and the city of Gorizia. The geografical and historical review of Gorizia and the cities Ajdovščina and Vipavski Križ, which have througout history competed for the central role in the valley, is structured according to historical periods. Descriptions are given for cultural activities and the more important institutions in the cities. The thesis also covers a rich castle and church heritage in the Vipava Valley and the areas surroundings of Gorizia. Individuals who left a distict mark on the cultural life and development of the cities are mentioned as well.

The paper deals with the victims of the Second World War in areas with the majority Slovene population in the hinterlands of Gorizia and Trieste. On the basis of the data retrieved by the Slovene and Italian researchers, a victimological sketch has been drawn which considers 822 Slovene war victims who amount to over 5 percent of the total population in the above area and who lost their lives in the period from the Italian entry to the war until the beginning of 1946. This time frame embraces all the wartime victims as well as those executed immediately after the war. Although, due to the specific historical processes, certain differences can be noted between this area and Central Europe, there are also similarities which were dictated by the total war. Whilst the majority of victims are military personnel, the proportion of civilians is much higher than in the First World War., Razprava obravnava žrtve 2. svetovne vojne v krajih z večinskim slovenskim prebivalstvom v zaledju Gorice in Trsta, Ob upoštevanju podatkov italijanskih in slovenskih raziskovalcev se je izrisala viktimološka skica, ki upošteva 822 slovenskih žrtev vojne, ki pomenijo izgubo nad 5% prebivalstva obravnavanega območja in so življenje izgubile od vstopa Italije v vojno do začetka leta 1946. V tem časovnem okviru so zajete vse žrtve vojne in neposrednih povojnih usmrtitev. Zaradi specifičnih zgodovinskih procesov opažamo med tem območjem in osrednjo Slovenijo določene razlike, pa vendar najdemo tudi podobnosti, ki jih je narekovala totalna vojna. Večina žrtev je sicer še vedno med vojaškimi osebami, vendar je delež civilistov mnogo višji kot v 1. svetovni vojni.

The 1871 Klasnić hoard is one of the most important silver treasures of the 14th c. in Croatia. Coins from this hoard represent a relatively high percentage of the entire systematic collection of Venetian and Hungarian silverlings of that period in the Zagreb Archaeological Museum Numismatic Collection. Computerization and the programme NUMIZ, developed by the Ljubljana National Museum Numismatic cabinet have made this considerable and tedious task ofpossible. The percentages of silver coins according to rulers are as follows: Hungary Ludovic I....................748 (41.44%) Maria..........................4 Gorizia Meinhard III...................1 Padova Jacopo II......................3 Venice F.Dandolo.....................18 (0.99%) B.Gradenigo....................1 A.Dandolo.....................47 (2.60%) M.Falier.......................1 G.Gradenigo...................37 (2.06%) G.Dolfin.....................110 (6.09%) L.Celsi.......................64 (3.55%) M.Corner......................29 (1.61%) A.Contarini..................718 (39.78%) M.Morosini.....................7 (0.41%) A.Venier.......................8 (0.44%)

The treatise describes the first meeting of the Slovene partisans with the representatives of the armed forces of Great Britain, which took place in March 1943 near Gorica, Primorska. It gives a detailed description of these contacts until August 1943., Razprava opisuje prvo srečanje slovenskih partizanov s predstavniki oboroženih sil Velike Britanije, do katerega je prišlo marca 1943 pri Gorici na Primorskem. Podrobno opisuje te stike do avgusta 1943.