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La caída del califato proclamado en junio de 2014 por parte de Abu Bakr al Baghdadi desde la Gran Mezquita de Mosul ha traído consigo el regreso a Europa de miles de combatientes terroristas extranjeros, muchos de ellos acompañados de mujeres y niños. Y, en este sentido, España no ha sido una excepción. No cabe duda de que, dentro de los sujetos retornados a España y a otros países de Europa y Occidente, existe un número importante de ellos que lo hace considerando su experiencia vivida en términos de trauma y pesadilla. Sin embargo, existen también aquellos otros que regresan por conveniencia, tratando de ocultar a las autoridades de su país crímenes horrendos cometidos durante su estancia en zonas de conflicto. Con respecto a España, los combatientes retornados han podido ser hasta ahora únicamente condenados por delitos de integración en organización terrorista, o bien traslado a un país extranjero con finalidades terroristas. Al contrario que en otros países, en el caso de España todavía no se ha producido ninguna condena de un sujeto retornado por delitos de carácter grave (asesinatos, torturas, lesiones, etc.) cometidos en territorio sirio o iraquí. Por ello, el objetivo de este trabajo es exponer cómo otros países del entorno cultural europeo han podido recabar las pertinentes pruebas para enjuiciar y condenar a sus súbditos desplazados a zonas de conflicto por la comisión de delitos de carácter grave., The fall of the caliphate proclaimed in June 2014 by Abu Bakr al Baghdadi from the Great Mosque of Mosul has brought with it the return to Europe of thousands of foreign terrorist fighters, many of them accompanied by women and children. And, in this sense, Spain has not been an exception. There is no doubt that, within the subjects who have returned to Spain and to other countries in Europe and the West, there is a significant number of them who do so considering their experience in the caliphate in terms of trauma and nightmare. However, there are also those who return for convenience, trying to hide from the police forces of their country horrendous crimes committed during their stay in conflict zones. With regard to Spain, the returned foreign fighters have so far only been sentenced for crimes of integration into a terrorist organization, or transfer to a foreign country for terrorist purposes. Contrary to other countries, in the case of Spain there has not yet been any conviction of a subject returned for serious crimes (murder, torture, injury, etc.) committed in Syrian or Iraqi territory. Therefore, the aim of this article is to expose how other countries of the European cultural environment have been able to collect the relevant evidence to prosecute and sentence their subjects displaced to conflict zones for committing serious crimes.

About 700 European children are stranded with their mothers in the detention camps in northeast Syria. They are children of European departees who travelled to the Levant after 2012 to join one of the fighting forces against the Syrian regime. Most European countries refuse to repatriate these children because of their parents, who are considered terrorists. This paper investigates the status of these children through the analysis of the political and media-debates and ongoing collaborative ethnographic research in Belgium. We argue that these children reside in a condition of virtual innocence, which is characterized by a continuous interrogation of their social, political, and ontological status as well as their right to life. This condition of virtual innocence also sheds a different light on the state of exception: rather than being expressed through a permanent ban, it becomes manifested through an undecided and pending inclusion into the bios.

The article examines instances of de jure and de facto denationalization that arise from (suspected) terrorism by analyzing penal outcomes for affected citizens. The article first exposes cases of de jure denationalization that confine citizens to global spaces and draws parallels with instances of de facto denationalization that deny repatriation from abroad. I then argue that both situations signal state’s avoidance of the duty to punish, deviate from conventional penal aspirations and engender volatile global penality. To support this argument, I explore three questions: (1) who punishes, (2) who is punished and (3) what the purpose of punishment is. I conclude by exposing the emerging features of global neo-colonial penality as they pertain to both its objects and objectives.

eingereicht von Berat Rushiti Diplomarbeit Universität Linz 2023

Polish citizens and people of Polish descent played a considerably significant role in the Spanish Civil War. They fought on both sides of the conflict, however, most of them in the Republican Army (4,500-5,000 among ca. 35,000 soldiers of the International Brigades). Approximately 75% of them comprised of immigrants, mainly from France, who were predominantly either activists or supporters of the French Communist Party. Only 600-800, or according to some sources 1200 individuals, the majority of whom were communists (80% or more), were believed to come directly from Poland. The highest number of volunteers fought within the ranks of 13th Brigade “Jarosław Dąbrowski”, which took part in the major key operations and suffered huge losses amounting to 30-40%. A few dozens of Poles fought in the Gen. F. Franco’s National Army. Most of them were professional soldiers of the Spanish Foreign Legion, who had joined it before the war broke out, so their participation in the war was not dictated by ideological reasons. The author adopts synthesizing approach to portray the Polish soldiers fighting for each side of the conflict, including their background and involvement in the most important military operations. The article pays an attention to the fates of Polish veterans of the International Brigades referred to as “Dąbrowszczacy” during the World War II and, following this, an attempt to demonstrate the specific role and changes “Dąbrowszczacy” were undergoing within the political system of the Polish People’s Republic (PRL). Los ciudadanos polacos y las personas de ascendencia polaca desempeñaron un papel considerablemente importante en la Guerra Civil española. Lucharon en ambos lados del conflicto, aunque la gran mayoría de ellos en el Ejército Republicano (4.500-5.000 entre aproximadamente 35.000 soldados de las Brigadas Internacionales). El 75% de ellos eran inmigrantes, que habitaban principalmente en Francia, que eran predominantemente activistas o partidarios del Partido Comunista Francés. Se creía que solo 600-800, o según algunas fuentes 1200 individuos, la mayoría de los cuales eran comunistas (80% o más), procedían directamente de Polonia. El mayor número de voluntarios luchó dentro de las filas de la 13ª Brigada "Jarosław Dąbrowski", que participó en las principales operaciones clave y sufrió enormes pérdidas que ascienden al 30-40%. Algunas decenas de polacos combatieron en el ejército franquista. La mayoría de ellos eran soldados profesionales de la Legión Extranjera Española, que se habían incorporado a ella antes de que estallara la guerra, por lo que su participación en la guerra no estuvo dictada por motivos ideológicos. El autor adopta un enfoque sintetizado para retratar a los soldados polacos que luchan por cada lado del conflicto, incluidos sus antecedentes y participación en las operaciones militares más importantes. El artículo presta atención a los destinos de los veteranos polacos de las Brigadas Internacionales a los que se hizo referencia como "Dąbrowszczacy" durante la Segunda Guerra Mundial y, a continuación, un intento de demostrar el papel específico y los cambios que estaban experimentando los "Dąbrowszczacy" dentro del sistema político de la República Popular de Polonia (PRL).).

Due to the country’s nuclear program, international efforts regarding it and the impact of the sanctions, the economic and political consequences of the termination of these sanctions, and the “proxy war” it actively carries out in the region, Iran has been one of the key focal points of international relations. Iran's efforts to shape its immediate geography through by “proxies” have undergone significant progress, and the Syrian Civil War has been one of the most influential battlefields where Iran has used this “know-how” it had accumulated over years.In this study, how Iran devised a transboundary strategy to ensure the regime’s authority in Syria will be discussed. The study, in order to do so, will provide a general discussion of Iran’s post-revolutionary regional ambitions and key actors within this context. After that, the Arab Spring and the Syrian Civil War dimensions of this regional strategy will be discussed by profiling some key foreign Shi’a actors with an eye on their recruitment strategies online and offline. By doing so, how Iran has become an influential actor in the Syria Civil War, as the battlefield where Iranian regional strategy in a transnational pattern is played out quite effectively will be made sense of., Ülkenin nükleer programı, bununla ilgili uluslararası çabalar ve yaptırımların etkisi, bu yaptırımların sona ermesinin ekonomik ve politik sonuçları ve bölgede aktif olarak izlediği “vekâlet savaşı” stratejisi nedeniyle İran, uluslararası ilişkilerin gündeminde oldukça önemli bir yer işgal etmektedir. İran'ın yakın coğrafyasını şekillendirmeye yönelik çabaları “vekiller” yoluyla önemli bir ilerleme kaydetmiş ve Suriye İç Savaşı, İran'ın yıllar boyunca biriktirdiği bu “know-how” ı kullandığı en etkili savaş alanlarından biri olmuştur.Bu çalışmada, İran’ın Suriye’deki rejimin otoritesini sağlamak için sınır aşan bir strateji geliştirdiği öne sürülmektedir. Çalışma, bu argümanı temellendirmek adına İran’ın devrim sonrası bölgesel hedefleri ve bu bağlamdaki kilit aktörlerin genel bir tartışmasını sunacaktır. Takiben, Arap Baharı ve Suriye İç Savaşı kapsamında bu bölgesel stratejinin, bazı önemli Şii’i aktörlerin oyuna dahil edilme süreçlerinin çevrimiçi ve çevrimdışı süreçleri göz önünde bulundurarak bir profilleme çalışması üzerinden tartışılacaktır. Böylelikle İran’ın bölgesel stratejisi bağlamında sahaya en etkin biçimde ağırlığını koyduğu alanlardan olan Suriye’de nasıl bir sınır-aşan strateji üzerinden etkin konuma geldiğinin anlaşılması hedeflenmektedir.

This article analyses the decisions of Belgian and Dutch courts concerning the repatriation of the family members of foreign fighters who are now detained in dire conditions in North-East Syria. The article shows that, under international law, these women and children have no individual right to be repatriated by their State of nationality, based on either consular assistance, the extraterritorial applicability of human rights treaties, or the right of return to one's own country. Nonetheless there are good reasons why States should exercise their prerogative to repatriate.

Governments face a tough and timeless challenge: dealing with the capability of radical terrorist organizations to recruit foreign fighters. However, scholars so far have ignored that this phenomenon pertains to the realm of complexity theory, failing to determine the combination of country-level variables able to catalyze this issue. This is an important concern if countries want to design effective socio-political strategies aimed at decreasing terrorist groups’ capability to enroll foreign fighters or, at least, to curtail the penetration of their radical message. Thus, to address this issue we undertake an exploratory data mining approach (knowledge discovery in databases) to discover country-level patterns which might engender conditions that induce people to join an extremist organization, based on the case of ISIS. After a pre-selection procedure, the 950 variables initially selected were reduced to 22, and subsequently used in decision tree algorithms. Findings reveal the existence of six specific country clusters, which are characterized by some spatial, structural (economic and political), and social variables that create favorable conditions for the emergence of the phenomenon. Academic and practical recommendations are then discussed. RESUMO Na atualidade, um dos maiores desafios para os governos é lidar com organizações terroristas radicais e, em particular, a forma como elas recrutam combatentes estrangeiros. Porém, pesquisadores até agora ignoraram que este fenômeno pertence ao reino da teoria da complexidade, falhando em determinar a combinação de variáveis de países que podem catalisar o problema. Esta é uma questão importante para nações que querem elaborar estratégias sociopolíticas eficazes para diminuir a adesão de combatentes estrangeiros a grupos extremistas ou, pelo menos, para reduzir a penetração de suas mensagens radicais. Portanto, para estudar este fenômeno, fizemos um estudo através da prática de mineração de dados para descobrir padrões a nível nacional que poderiam influenciar a inclusão desses jovens em grupos terroristas, usando como exemplo o caso do chamado Estado Islâmico. Após um procedimento de pré-seleção, as 950 variáveis inicialmente selecionadas foram reduzidas para 22, e subsequentemente utilizadas em árvores de decisão. As descobertas revelam a existência de seis grupos específicos de países, caracterizados por variáveis espaciais, estruturais (econômicas e políticas) e sociais que criam um ambiente favorável para o surgimento deste fenômeno. Posteriormente, discutimos recomendações acadêmicas e práticas. RÉSUMÉ L’un des plus grands défis pour les gouvernements aujourd’hui est de traiter avec les organisations terroristes radicales et, en particulier, la façon dont elles recrutent des combattants étrangers. Cependant, les chercheurs ont jusqu’à présent ignoré que ce phénomène appartenait au domaine de la théorie de la complexité, n’ayant pas réussi à déterminer la combinaison de variables nationales pouvant catalyser le problème. Il s’agit d’un enjeu important pour les nations qui souhaitent concevoir des stratégies sociopolitiques efficaces pour diminuer l’adhésion des combattants étrangers aux groupes extrémistes ou, à tout le moins, réduire la pénétration de leurs messages radicaux. Par conséquent, pour étudier ce phénomène, nous avons mené une étude à travers la pratique de l’exploration de données pour découvrir des modèles au niveau national qui pourraient influencer l’inclusion de ces jeunes dans des groupes terroristes, en prenant comme exemple le cas du soi-disant État Islamique. Après une procédure de présélection, les 950 variables initialement sélectionnées ont été réduites à 22, puis utilisées dans les arbres de décision. Les résultats révèlent l’existence de six groupes spécifiques de pays, caractérisés par des variables spatiales, structurelles (économiques et politiques) et sociales qui créent un environnement favorable à l’émergence de ce phénomène. Nous discutons ensuite des recommandations académiques et pratiques. RESUMEN Hoy en día, uno de los mayores desafíos para los gobiernos es tratar con organizaciones terroristas radicales y, en particular, cómo estas reclutan a combatientes extranjeros. Sin embargo, hasta ahora los investigadores han ignorado que este fenómeno pertenece al ámbito de la teoría de la complejidad, fallando en determinar la combinación de variables de países que pueden catalizar el problema. Esta es una cuestión importante para las naciones que desean desarrollar estrategias sociopolíticas eficaces para reducir la composición de combatientes extranjeros a grupos extremistas o, al menos, para reducir la penetración de sus mensajes radicales. Por lo tanto, para estudiar este fenómeno, realizamos un estudio a través de la práctica de la minería de datos para descubrir estándares nacionales que podrían influir en la inclusión de estos jóvenes en grupos terroristas, utilizando como ejemplo el caso del llamado Estado Islámico. Después de un procedimiento de preselección, las 950 variables seleccionadas inicialmente se redujeron a 22, y posteriormente se utilizaron en árboles de decisión. Los resultados revelan la existencia de seis grupos específicos de países, caracterizados por variables espaciales, estructurales (económicas y políticas) y sociales que crean un entorno favorable para la aparición de este fenómeno. Más tarde, discutimos recomendaciones académicas y prácticas.

The Baltic Sea basin is one of the busiest areas in Europe in terms of the passenger transport and is considered as a domestic sea of the European Union, very important for the development and prosperity of all citizens. A high number of ferries connections along with exclusive cruise ships, visiting the Baltic countries, make the sea very busy. At the same time the security of lines of communications has become the highest priority, especially that a possibility of terrorist attacks still poses a serious threat. Although terrorism has been being fought intensively since 11th September, terrorist organizations such as Al-Qaeda or Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant, are still able to attack. The article considers the threat of organizing a terrorist attack posed by Foreign Terrorist Fighters returning home to the Baltic countries. Due to the fairly high number of Foreign Terrorist Fighters in some countries around the Baltic Sea, very intense passenger traffic in the area, and the appeals which have been proclaimed by Al-Qaeda and Islamic State leaders, there is a possibility of a terrorist attack occurrence in the near future. Cited facts lead to the conclusion that some precautions should be taken both in terms of technical and organizational measures to make passenger traffic secure.

The phenomenon of foreign terrorist fighters’ movement to Syria to join ISIS (Islamic State of Iraq and Syria) has received enormous attention in the world. Tens of thousands of individuals are moving from various parts of the world, including Indonesia, to join the Caliphate that ISIS is fighting for. There are still many reasons for the departure of foreign terrorist fighters to Syria, so this study will examine those that have not been revealed before. This is a qualitative research project using in-depth interviews as data collection techniques. There are 20 speakers who were foreign terrorist fighters but had returned to Indonesia. Just World Theory is used as a framework for thinking in this research. The findings show that not only the issue of religious ideology is the reason for the departure of foreign terrorist fighters to Syria but also the illusion of utopian life they imagined abroad. The findings of this study categorize the respondents' answers in seven ways, i.e. fair and prosperous life, verses and hadith, helping the cause of fellow Muslim who are being wronged, heaven, khilafah, living life like in the age of the prophet, and the order of hijrah.

After the proclamation of the so-called Islamic State in June 2014 thousands of Europeans, including hundreds of Austrian residents, went to fight and live with ISIS or other extremist groups in Syria or Iraq. Austria is one of the European countries with the highest per-capita share of foreign fighters. The article gives a broad overview of the situation in Austria: Who are the different groups relevant in this field? How did young people who grew up in Austria become radicalised, and what is their current status? The data from two Austrian commissioned research projects and one EU-funded project are supplemented by the findings of recent research in northern Syria focusing on the current situation of Austrian foreign fighters and their families and supporters in the region.

This paper presents the results of a mixed-methods survey of the perspectives of 208 Dutch Muslim women on the reintegration of female returnees from the Islamic State (IS). Based on the responses and written statements made by Dutch Muslim women of Moroccan, Surinamese and Turkish ethnicities, respondents perceived greater risks associated with different female returnees, especially if the community in which respondents lived were resistant to the idea. However, Muslim female returnees were seen in sympathetic terms when perceived as presenting fewer risks to national security. The study demonstrates how receptive different Dutch Muslim women are to the reintegration of female returnees from IS, where issues of identity and political culture also play a role. The findings suggest that successful reintegration also needs sustainable reintegration into an emotionally supportive social network on the one hand and that programs need community support and acceptance on the other. The gendered approach offers valuable insights on how Muslim women can play a crucial role in deradicalization.

Este artigo investiga as redes sociais do Estado Islâmico e como elas são usadas para o recrutamento de novos combatentes estrangeiros, conhecidos como foreign fighters. E ao mesmo tempo, é nas redes sociais em que esses combatentes procuram o reconhecimento que pode lhes ser negado ou ignorado dentro da sociedade em que estão previamente inseridos. Para a realização desta análise, o presente trabalho foi dividido em três sessões: a primeira é focada na apresentação do Al Hayat Media Center, que consiste no centro de mídia do Estado Islâmico responsável pela confecção e propagação da propaganda, consequentemente das redes sociais; a segunda sessão é feita uma análise das redes sociais e como elas auxiliam no recrutamento; por fim, o reconhecimento é utilizado para embasar a procura pelo Estado Islâmico por esses indivíduos.Palavras-Chave: Redes Sociais; foreign fighters; Reconhecimento. ABSTRACTThis article investigates the social networks of the Islamic State and how they deployed for the recruitment of new foreign fighters. And at the same time, it is in social networks that these fighters seek the recognition that can be denied or ignored within the society upon which they inserted. For this analysis, the present work was divided into three sessions: the first is focus on the presentation of the Al Hayat Media Center, which consists of the Islamic State’s media center responsible for confection and propagation of propaganda, consequently liable for the social networks; the second session consists an analysis of social networks and how they assist in recruitment; finally, recognition was applied to support the Islamic State’s demand for these individuals. Keywords: Social networks; foreign fighters; Recognition. Recebido em: 06 jul. 2021 | Aceito em: 10 jan. 2022.

Starting 2011, many travelled from other countries to support different parties of the Syrian revolution. Many came from Sweden, and many joined the Islamic State. Swedish “Syria travellers” often came from areas labelled as [especially] vulnerable. The purpose of the thesis is to examine and analyse different understandings of the phenomenon of individuals travelling from Sweden to the conflict areas in Syria and Iraq, based on narratives collected from actors with local anchoring. The empirical material consists of 54 interviews with public and local actors, and Syria travellers. The results show a territorial stigmatization and a moral differentiation where the residents of the [especially] vulnerable area is understood as “failed” or "tolerated" citizens, something that informants link to the study object. There is a gap between those who seek background explanations in religion and those who seek them in social structures. Furthermore, the results indicate that there are several possible representations of Syria travellers, ranging from terrorists and nihilists to moralists. The work against “radicalization” is described as poorly anchored among practitioners and an extended supply of knowledge is requested. The interviewed Syria travellers describe them-selves as moral actors, and often highly religiously motivated. The thesis also show how guilt by association is a lived reality for Muslims in a time where negative representations of Islam dominate. The thesis should be regarded as a contribution to the expansion of the important field of research on professionals' social representations of why some individuals make violent interpretations of Islam and are attracted to movements such as the Islamic State. The thesis is also a call to further explore Syria travellers' own representations and arguments. Both local actors and Syria travellers represent groups that professionals may en-counter in their work. Knowledge of such social groups, and about the representations articulated within them, is valuable for the practice of Social Work, but also for other professions such as teachers, leisure workers, police, and decision makers at different levels in society.

The master's thesis deals with the phenomenon of foreign fighters primarily represented by contemporary jihadists. The author explores the insufficiently researched issue of participation of jihadist foreign fighters in insurgencies regarding their roles and activities in conflict zones. First, the author reviews the available academic literature on the concept of foreign fighters focusing on key definitions. Subsequently, the academic literature on seven most significant jihadist foreign-fighter mobilisations, Afghanistan (1980-1992), Bosnia (1992-1995), Somalia (1993-present), Chechnya (1994-2009), Afghanistan (2001-present), Iraq (2003-present), and Syria (2011-present), is analysed to identify patterns of similarity and difference in the jihadist foreign fighters' roles and activities. The author then introduces five distinct types of jihadist foreign fighters: 1) military and ideological leaders, field commanders; 2) foot soldiers; 3) suicide attackers; 4) support personnel; and 5) jihadist brides/wives. Each type is characterised based on the empirical evidence from the seven abovementioned cases of jihadist foreign-fighter mobilisations. Keywords Foreign Fighters, Insurgency, Jihadism, Roles, Typology Title The Roles of Foreign Fighters in Insurgencies: A Typology

The research for this article is based on original biographical and relational data on 1,019 foreign fighters from France, Germany, and the UK who had traveled to a conflict country due to their Jihadi convictions between the years 2000 and 2016. It investigates where and how they had radicalized. The findings suggest that foreign fighters were primarily recruited through interpersonal or religious organizational networks. Salafist mosques, radical religious associations, and more informal groups dedicated to proselytizing were particularly crucial to the radicalization process. In contrast, contexts such as the Internet or prisons were comparably less relevant to the radicalization process of foreign fighters. The important role of interpersonal and organizational ties was further evidenced by social network analysis, which found that the majority of foreign fighters were linked within a single social network prior to their mobilization. Overall, the findings document the continued relevance of religious organizations in the recruitment and mobilization of jihadi foreign fighters.

Why do rebel groups undergo fragmentation? While extensive research about the consequences of rebel fragmentation exists, research on the process of fragmentation remains relatively nascent. This dissertation collects three papers on the causes of rebel group fragmentation. In the first paper, I develop a junior cadres-based explanation of fragmentation. I argue that in a centralized rebel group, factions will emerge when leaders block junior cadres’ access to senior decision-making bodies. Junior cadres who want to influence the organization’s politics therefore face a choice between remaining within the rebel group and exiting it. Factionalizing is a way to redress grievances by aggrieved junior cadres who deem peaceful mechanisms for upward mobility ineffective. Using original datasets and personal interviews, I find strong evidence supporting my argument in the case of Palestinian Fatah. In the second paper, I argue that the solution to the question of fragmentation lies in rebel socialization—specifically, military training (MT). MT increases group cohesion by strengthening horizontal bonds among combatants; vertical bonds between combatants and commanders; and members’ institutional bonds to the organization’s overall mission and esprit de corps. Members become mutually dependent, thus making splintering more costly and fragmentation less likely. I test this argument on a global sample of 83 rebel groups active between 1989 and 2010. I find that rebel groups that have recently conducted MT are less likely to fragment by about 75 percent. In the third paper, I explore the effect of foreign fighters (FFs) on rebel fragmentation, examining a number of mechanisms derived from previous research. First, I explore how reduced group dependency on local fighters, preference divergence, strategic disagreements, and member segregation increase the likelihood of fragmentation for rebel groups that recruit FFs. Second, I posit that if the foreignness of FFs in relation to local insurgents makes fragmentation more likely, then rebel groups that recruit coethnic FFs will be less likely to experience fragmentation. I test these arguments on a global sample of 227 rebel groups active between 1989 and 2011. I find that rebel groups that recruit FFs are significantly more likely to fragment, even after accounting for the endogenous choice of rebel groups to recruit FFs. Against my expectations, I find that the recruitment of coethnic FFs does not diminish the probability of fragmentation. This finding raises questions about the value of ethnic homogeneity in the context of FFs in particular.

This paper examines the current conditions and challenges concerning the country’s penitentiary system from the perspective of the possible transference of violent extremist ideologies from some convicts, particularly returnees from foreign fronts, to other prisoners. It reveals to what extent psychologists and other professionals involved in the process of resocialization are equipped with skills and tools for assessing the risk of personal violent radicalization, or, for monitoring the progress of the convicted individuals in their rehabilitation. It also addresses the issue of implementation of proper rehabilitation programs designed to provide violent extremists with helpful skills and attitudes for breaking the circle of violence and re-directing from their previous course toward socially acceptable activities.

This is an introduction to a special issue on the role played by veterans of the Spanish Civil War’s International Brigades during the Second World War. It argues that the study of these veterans is worthwhile for three reasons: the extraordinary mobility that the antifascist struggle of the years 1936–45 enabled; the microcosm it provides for the assessment of what happens when ideologically fuelled concerns meet pragmatic wartime needs; and the relevance of how governments and military organizations have dealt with suspect returnees in the past for present-day dilemmas that several governments face.

The phenomenon of terrorism encompasses the international system, not only in terms of terrorist attacks, but also in terms of foreign fighters who were increasingly common in the ranks of the so-called Islamic State, mainly from Europe. This phenomenon has been studied abroad, but specifically, in the Portuguese case, there is not much academic literature. Therefore, in this thesis, I focus on the Portuguese foreign fighters who joined the Islamic State, studying the role of the media in portraying their radicalization, recruitment, and their potential return. The research is informed by the theoretical and methodological principles of Critical Terrorism Studies and it comprised a thematic analysis of news articles from two Portuguese newspapers – Público and Diário de Notícias. The analysis reflects that the portrait of the media is important to build a certain social reality and to build knowledge, that is completed with the Critical Terrorism Studies and, that the media reflect the three major processes that a foreign fighter goes through, which is the recruitment, the radicalization, and their potential return. Also, it shows the important findings of this research, that the media helps constructing the knowledge regarding the Portuguese terrorism, and on this specific case, the Portuguese Foreign Fighters phenomenon. O fenómeno do terrorismo é algo que abrange o sistema internacional, não só em termos de ataques terroristas, mas também em termos dos combatentes estrangeiros que são cada vez mais comuns nas fileiras do Estado Islâmico, principalmente vindos da Europa. Este fenómeno tem sido muito estudado no estrangeiro, mas em relação ao caso específico português existe muito pouca informação. Por isto, nesta tese, decidi focar-me nos combatentes portugueses que decidiram ir para o Estado Islâmico, mas focando-me no papel dos media ao retratá-los nos seus respetivos jornais. A investigação foi feita através de uma análise temática e de acordo com o Critical Terrorism Studies e a influência dos Media. A análise reflete que o retrato dos media é importante para construir a realidade social e para a construção do conhecimento, podendo ser um completo aos Critical Terrorism Studies e que os media refletem os três maiores processos que um combatente estrangeiro passa, que é o recrutamento, radicalização e o potencial retorno. Ademais, demonstra, através da análise, os resultados desta investigação, que os media contribuem para a construção de conhecimento sobre o fenómeno do terrorismo e, neste caso específico, sobre os Portugueses combatentes no ISIS.

Publisher Copyright: © 2021. All Rights Reserved. This article provides the first-ever empirical overview of patterns of jihadist financing in Finland. As jihadism has evolved in the country, particularly during the 2010s, financing-related activities have become increasingly present, also developing in quality and variance. While there are no upheld convictions on terrorist financing in Finland to date, the authors have identified at least three distinct types of jihadist financing present in the country. First, assets have been raised and moved to armed jihadist groups operating in conflict zones abroad. Second, foreign fighters traveling to Syria and Iraq, predominantly to join IS, have self-financed their travel and equipment purchases, partly through illicit means, and, in at least one case, also moved assets for the benefit of the group they joined. Lastly, there have been assets raised in Finland and moved to individuals engaging in jihadist activities abroad. However, Finland faces notable challenges in investigating and prosecuting these offenses, hampering its efforts to promote criminal accountability for terrorist offenses.

Waar vanaf 2012 de aandacht voornamelijk uitging naar westerlingen – waarvan ruim driehonderd uit Nederland – die zich en masse aansloten bij jihadistische groeperingen in Syrië en Irak, was er veel minder aandacht voor de aantrekkingskracht van een ander conflict in de ring rond Europa: de Russisch-Oekraïense oorlog, die volgde op onder meer de annexatie van de Krim in 2014. In dit artikel bekijken de auteurs wat we weten over de Nederlandse strijders die naar Oekraïne gereisd zijn en wat dit voor gevolgen heeft.

Following the onset of the Syrian Civil War in 2011, the world witnessed the largest mobilisation of foreign fighters than any other conflict in history. With the declaration of the Caliphate across Syria and Iraq in 2014, the particular phenomenon of Islamic State (IS) foreign fighters has been on the increased radar of Governments across the world. At the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) meeting on Foreign Terrorist Fighters, members unanimously passed Resolution 2178 urging members to develop measures in response to the perceived threat. How the journeys of foreign fighters relate to various national contexts remains under-researched within the existing literature. Building on an emerging literature that specifically addresses the nuances of these actors distinct from the wider terrorist category, this thesis presents an analysis of the various national approaches towards engagement (and non-engagement) with this cohort. In doing so it analyses how various Western states have conceptualised and interacted with IS foreign fighter journeys. Utilising a conceptual framework derived from Social Movement Theory (SMT), this thesis takes an assemblage approach to presenting empirical insights into these understandings and interaction ‘moments’ across the cases of Australia, the United Kingdom (UK) and Denmark. These various states are demonstrated to have adopted different approaches to understanding and engaging with the phenomenon. Drawing on semi-structured interviews with key stakeholders and civil society members and the analysis of official reports, this research sheds light on these and contributes significant empirical data to a notoriously challenging area of research. Within each case studies examined, the research shows how five key characteristics are understood to epitomise the relationship between foreign fighter individual and the Western state. The research analyses when particular ‘moments’ of interaction occur, and explores how the direction or trajectory of a foreign fighter journey is understood. It is during particular ‘moments’ identified in the journey timeline of foreign fighters that states focused efforts around understanding, threat perception and thus responses. The research demonstrates the way in which foreign fighter journeys resonate and interact with these various nation states speaks to broader debates around structure and agency within International Politics and counter-terrorism narratives. Across the cases, the perceptions of foreign fighters developed by various actors are shown to be shaped by national policies focused primarily on criminal justice measures, with efforts therefore falling within the ‘returning’ phase of a journey. Given such insights, the research reflects on how policy-makers can better address the complexity of experience expressed throughout this research. The research makes four significant and original contributions. Firstly, it provides a comprehensive comparative analysis across Australia, the UK and Denmark in relation to the phenomenon of IS foreign fighters. Secondly, it develops a conceptual framework for researching violent and non-violent mobilisations relevant to research spanning various disciplines. Thirdly, it offers rich empirical insights into the relationship between foreign fighter individual and their relationship with the Western state. Finally, this thesis contributes an approach to researching mobilisations that draws on original data to unearth layered and dynamic ideas spanning the realms of the micro, meso and macro simultaneously. These insights capture a diversity of experience in relation to how structure and agency plays into journeys and understandings of these. With a focus on journeys and interactions, the research highlights the importance of opportunities both within policymaking imaginaries and to foreign fighters as individuals. An approach that captures such ideas is crucial for not only developing understanding of foreign fighter experiences and the responses that seek to address them, but for future issues concerning national security frameworks and the foundations in which these are embedded and built on.

This article presents the main ANSA involved in the conflict in Eastern Ukraine. It focusses on an analysis of the specific phenomenon of the opolchentsy - Narodnoe opolchenie Donbassa. The aim of this paper is to introduce and describe these actors and to ground them in certain theoretical conceptions. The paper also tracks the changing motivations of the various ANSA brought under the umbrella of the quasi-state actor NOD throughout the conflict, and the changing array of formations that made up the opolchenie during a particular period of time. Evidently, the opolchenie do not fit into the usual classifications of ANSA.

In its efforts to counteract terrorist threats and contain the risks posed by returning foreign fighters, the Netherlands, like several other European states, has enacted legislation introducing denationalisation as a counter-terrorism measure. The Dutch measures target convicted terrorists and foreign fighters alike, the latter without the prior involvement of the judiciary. This practice not only challenges traditional conceptions of citizenship, but also raises several human rights concerns, of which discrimination is the most pressing. This Article therefore examines the measures taken by the Netherlands and analyses their compatibility with Articles 14 and P12-1 of the European Convention on Human Rights, to assess the measures' disproportionate focus on Dutch-Moroccans from a legal perspective. Based on this conclusion of inequality, the Article then ventures beyond purely legal analysis to discuss the Dutch legislation more broadly, before linking the legal argument with normative critiques on the denationalisation of terrorists, and foreign fighters in particular. Taken together, the legal and normative findings establish that denationalisation as a counter-terrorism measure in the Netherlands cannot be reconciled with the legal or normative dimension of the equality principle.

The return of foreign fighters and their families to the European Union has mostly been considered a security threat by member States, which consequently adopt repressive measures aimed at providing an immediate, short-term response to this perceived threat. In addition to this strong-arm approach, reintegration strategies have also been used to prevent returnees from falling back into terrorism and to break down barriers of hostility between citizens in the long term. Amidst these different strategies, this paper seeks to identify which methods are most desirable for handling returnees.

Ukraine has been viewed by some as having become a training ground, networking opportunity, and general hub for the far-right due to the conflict in the east of the country, which began in 2014. With this type of terrorism on the rise in the West and events like the storming of the US Capitol Building in January 2021 fresh in the memory, it should come as no surprise that any such possibilities will generate concern. To investigate the types and extent of the threats posed by participants in the Ukraine conflict, we scrutinise the activities of a few alumni that we know of to date, as well as highlighting neglected historical episodes of right-wing fighters. We make three arguments here based on occurrences so far. Firstly, we know little about far-right foreign fighters and more attention needs to be paid to historical instances of the phenomenon. Secondly, some limited but diverse threats have already arisen from the Ukraine conflict and others may emerge in the future, but it would be unwise to overplay and homogenise the problem. Finally, it is Ukraine itself that probably faces the greatest challenges from its domestic far-right, although, if left unchecked, it may affect others in providing a space for, and permitting the growth of, connections with like-minded individuals and groups based elsewhere. Despite our warning about exaggerating the problem, Western security services should be taking the far-right very seriously at present, such as in relation to potential infiltration of them by such elements.

O Daesh revolucionou a forma de fazer terrorismo, pois, através de uma potente máquina propagandística, foi capaz de alinhar narrativa, ideologia e espetáculo, alcançando uma popularidade e recrutamento cobiçados por qualquer organização. De facto, a Europa está a sofrer os efeitos desta propaganda: lobos solitários, células terroristas, combatentes estrangeiros, bem como a polarização da sociedade como consequência de um ciclo de ódio criado pela dinâmica recrutamento-ataque-xenofobia. Uma análise dos relatórios do Conselho de Segurança das Nações Unidas, artigos científicos, entrevistas, e notícias sobre a evolução dos factos no terreno, possibilitou, mediante uma estratégia qualitativa e raciocínio dedutivo, atingir o objetivo desta pesquisa: identificar as políticas e ferramentas, nos domínios policial e militar, que têm funcionado no combate contra as potenciais ameaças do Daesh à segurança da União Europeia. Resumidamente, concluiu-se que embora os atentados tenham diminuído, isto não se traduz numa redução da ameaça, mas antes num período de transição que revela um futuro de incertezas para a Europa, especialmente quando observado o número de conspirações e tentativas frustradas, fruto dos esforços antiterroristas. Ou seja, esta fase de transição não resulta de uma perda de motivação dos terroristas, mas da perturbação da sua capacidade para planear e executar ataques. Daesh has revolutionised the way terrorism is carried out. Using a powerful propaganda machine, it has combined narrative, ideology and spectacle to achieve levels of popularity and recruitment that any organization would like to enjoy. Europe is now suffering the effects of this propaganda: lone wolves, terrorist cells, foreign fighters and a polarised society are the consequence of the cycle of hate triggered by the recruitmentattack- xenophobia dynamic. This study uses a qualitative strategy and deductive reasoning, based on an analysis of UN Security Council reports, scientific articles, interviews, and news articles on how the facts on the ground are developing to: identify the policies and tools that have been used by the police and the military to counter the potential threats that Daesh poses to the security of the European Union. The findings revealed that, while the number of terrorist attacks has decreased, this does not mean that the threat level has been reduced, but rather that this is a transitional phase that spells an uncertain future for Europe, especially considering the number of plots and attempted attacks that have been thwarted by counterterrorism efforts. In other words, this transitional phase does not mean that terrorists are less motivated, but rather that their ability to plan and execute attacks has been disrupted. info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

The awareness that the threat of terrorism is no longer linked only to the Middle East, but has home-grown nature and arisen from young people living on European soil, alarmed the public and subsequently provoked increased interest in radicalisation research. 9/11 or the European terrorist attacks in London or Madrid have led to the increasing media attention of the phenomenon of radicalisation occurring among young European Muslims. At the beginning of the new millennium, the threat stemming from terrorism embodied one of the most urgent security challenges, whether for politicians or scholars. The academic and political interest in research into factors that increase the risk of radicalisation to violent extremism has ended up in many efforts to grasp and properly define radicalisation, or to outline the expected pathways of radicalisation (Veldhuis, 2009: 1). In my thesis, I build on these efforts of prominent experts and I examine the effect of the factors contributing to violent radicalisation like social networks, dissatisfaction with current reality, moral outrage, family and individual characteristics including criminal backgrounds. I look at the impact of these factors in case studies of three Western European countries - Belgium, France, and the United Kingdom. Except discussing specific...

Why do some rebel groups perpetrate conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV) while others do not? A growing body of research has suggested various explanations, but offers no consensus regarding this puzzling question. At the same time, recent studies have recognized how foreign fighters impact rebel groups’ violence against civilians. Yet, to what extent the presence of foreign fighters could also explain rebel-inflicted CRSV remains unexplored. In this study, I argue that rebel groups with foreign fighters are more likely to perpetrate CRSV than rebel groups without foreign fighters, based on two causal mechanisms. Firstly, foreign fighters pose a risk to the internal cohesion of rebel groups, which is why CRSV is initiated as a socialization tool. Secondly, foreign fighters alleviate the rebel groups dependency on the local civilian community, thereby enabling such violence. The results from logistic regressions, based on a sample of 45 rebel groups between 1989 and 2014, indicate that there is indeed covariation between the presence of foreign fighters and CRSV occurrence. The findings contribute to the ongoing scholarly debate trying to explain variations in CRSV, as well as to the emerging field of foreign fighters' effect on violence against civilians. The results also have relevant policy implications for the international efforts in preventing CRSV.

While transnational rebellion and rebel recruitment have received much attention in previous literature, the combination of the two, transnational rebel recruitment, has been relatively understudied. This study aims to cover this research gap by further developing Jeremy Weinstein’s theory on resource endowments to test their effect on transnational rebel recruitment. It seeks to answer the research question: “How do resource endowments impact transnational rebel recruitment?”. A distinction will be made between domestic and transnational rebel groups to test the theoretical argument. It will be argued that rebel groups can have a variation in their economic and social endowments, which both have a domestic an transnational variant. The main hypothesis reads: transnational rebel groups that have much transnational resource endowments are more likely to recruit transnationally. This study will employ a structured focused comparison on strategically picked cases using Mill’s method of difference. The selected cases that will be compared are the transnational rebel group NPFL in Liberia (1989-1995) and the domestic rebel group NRA in Uganda (1981-1986). This study finds support for the theory and the main hypothesis.

The article investigates the effects of a terror attack in Copenhagen and the subsequent escalating anti-radicalization business. On February 15, 2015, Omar el-Hussein was shot dead by the Danish police. Earlier that day, Omar el-Hussein had killed two people: a Jewish guard in front of a synagogue and a participant in a cultural event on freedom of speech. A few days later, the government adopted the largest (counter-) terrorism package in the history of Denmark. Although the package was presented as a firm response to the Copenhagen shootings, the legislation primarily targeted ‘Islamic foreign fighters’. Among acquaintances of Omar el-Hussein, the slippage was clearly noticed. Omar el-Hussein had never fought in the Middle East but was known, first and foremost, as a petty criminal who had recently been released from a Danish prison. I argue that a central condition for the change of scale from ‘criminal Danish citizen’ to ‘Islamic foreign fighter’ is aphasia–the occlusion of knowledge surrounding Omar that was consolidated with his death. The empty space of Omar enabled a new political logic that produced new scales of measurement, which, in turn, led to an accelerating anti-radicalization industry that occluded the killing of other Danish Muslim citizens; namely, the victims of a gang war in Danish housing projects. As the anti-radicalization business grew and created an excess of legislation, institutions and policies that targeted violent extremism by Islamic terrorists, it became increasingly difficult to voice and recognise the extreme violence that primarily targeted Danish Muslim citizens.

The departure of substantial numbers of ‘foreign fighters’ and the occurrence of terrorist attacks on European soil have prompted renewed interest in citizenship deprivation as a policy measure. This article aims to contribute to the debate on its utility as a counterterrorism measure by examining recent developments in citizenship deprivation legislation and its use in Belgium, France, Germany, the Netherlands and the UK; discussing the wide array of possible scenarios that may follow after an individual is deprived of citizenship; and analysing to what extent the various outcomes are instrumental in countering terrorism. It concludes that most of the outcomes are problematic from a human rights perspective, or counterproductive in the fight against terrorism as they may cause further marginalisation and radicalisation and can play into the hands of terrorist groups, may cause people to disappear from the radar, and may undermine crucial international cooperation.

Dissertação de Mestrado em Relações Internacionais - Estudos da Paz, Segurança e Desenvolvimento apresentada à Faculdade de Economia During the 2010s several third-country nationals crossed borders in order to directly participate at the forefront of the Syrian and Iraqi conflict. The large majority of these individuals – also known as foreign fighters – ended up joining the self-proclaimed Islamic State. Considering the unprecedent numbers of individuals mobilized to Syria and Iraq, multiple countries expanded their domestic laws regarding citizenship revocation to prevent the return of these fighters to their countries of origin. Nevertheless, the United Kingdom played a leading role in this domain by introducing, in 2014, through the Immigration Act, a clause that allows the revocation of citizenship to naturalized citizens, as long as it is predictable that the concerned individuals may obtain nationality from a third country. Taking into account the predictability of an action may not result in its effective implementation, this specific law originated numerous debates due to the ambiguity it represented regarding states’ international duty to prevent statelessness. Therefore, it is relevant to analyze and understand how a policy that undermines a consensual international duty, is accepted, legitimized and introduced into the British legislation. Through exploratory research, and particularly Copenhagen School and post-structuralism’s contributions, it is possible to argue that such acceptance and legitimation stems from the securitization of Islamic State’s foreign fighters. In fact, the analysis of the British governmental narrative reveals that this group of actors is repeatedly presented as an unprecedent threat to the national security in the United Kingdom, mainly due to the possibility of committing terrorist attacks. Despite the existence of valid concerns associated with the return of Islamic State’s foreign fighters – terrorist attacks committed by these actors have already occurred on European territory – the presentation of this group as an exceptional security threat leads to the implementation of an extraordinary policy that entails multiple consequences. Citizenship revocation potentially resulting in statelessness not only represents a controversial precedent within the scope of international law, but also originates consequences on a political and security level – namely by allowing foreign fighters to carry on involved in conflicts or insurgent groups – which makes it possible to question the impact of such policy in the context of the global fight against terrorism. A década de 2010 foi palco de uma mobilização sem precedentes de nacionais de países terceiros que cruzaram fronteiras com o intuito de participar no conflito sírio e iraquiano. Para a significativa maioria deste grupo de atores – designados como foreign fighters – o autoproclamado Estado Islâmico tornou-se o principal grupo ao qual se juntaram. Perante este fenómeno, múltiplos países expandiram as suas leis domésticas de revogação da nacionalidade como forma de impedir o retorno destes combatentes aos países de origem. Porém, o Reino Unido assumiu um papel de destaque neste âmbito ao introduzir, em 2014, através do Immigration Act, uma cláusula que possibilita a retirada da nacionalidade, a cidadãos naturalizados, caso seja previsível que o indivíduo visado possa adquirir nacionalidade de um país terceiro. A amplitude da medida britânica – a previsão de uma ação pode não resultar na sua efetiva concretização – despoletou inúmeros debates legais, académicos e societais pela ambiguidade que representava relativamente ao dever internacional dos estados em prevenirem a apatridia. Neste contexto, importa analisar e compreender de que modo uma medida que coloca em causa um dever internacionalmente reconhecido, encontra aceitação e legitimidade para ser introduzida na legislação do Reino Unido. Através da pesquisa exploratória, e recorrendo aos contributos da Escola de Copenhaga e do pós-estruturalismo, é possível argumentar que tal aceitação e legitimação advém da securitização do fenómeno dos foreign fighters do autoproclamado Estado Islâmico. De facto, a análise da narrativa governamental britânica revela que estes atores são recorrentemente apresentados como ameaça sem precedentes para segurança nacional do Reino Unido, principalmente devido à possibilidade de perpetrarem ataques terroristas domesticamente. Apesar da existência de receios legítimos associados ao regresso de foreign fighters do autoproclamado Estado Islâmico – já ocorreram, em solo europeu, ataques terroristas realizados por estes atores – a apresentação deste grupo como ameaça securitária excecional conduz à implementação de uma medida extraordinária que não está desprovida de consequências. A revogação da nacionalidade potencialmente conducente à apatridia não só representa um precedente controverso no âmbito do direito internacional, como também pode originar consequências políticas e securitárias – nomeadamente ao possibilitar a continuidade do envolvimento de foreign fighters em conflitos e/ou grupos insurgentes – que permitem questionar a eficácia desta ação no panorama global de combate ao terrorismo.

Quel est le point commun entre George Orwell, André Malraux, Davy Crockett et Oussama Ben Laden ?Cette question pourrait en surprendre certains. Comment trouver un point commun entre, l’auteur de La Ferme des animaux et de 1984, le résistant et ministre français et l’élu du Congrès des États-Unis ancré dans la culture populaire ?Qui plus est s’ils le partagent avec l’ancien leader d’Al Qaida.Comme des milliers d’autres, ils ont été des « combattants étrangers ». En des temps différents et pour défendre des causes différentes, ils entreprirent un voyage qui les mena à prendre les armes dans des guerres étrangères. Ce phénomène historique a connu, depuis la dernière décennie, un nouveau tournant juridique à travers le flux des milliers d’étrangers qui ont rejoint l’une des parties belligérantes en Syrie ou en Irak. Pour faire face à cette menace pour la paix et la sécurité internationales, les Nations unies ont alors créé le statut juridique de « combattant terroriste étranger », soumettant ces étrangers des conflits armés aux dispositions de la lutte contre le terrorisme. Toutefois, ce statut semble souffrir de nombreuses lacunes qui, notamment, ne permettent pas de différencier un terroriste international d’un simple volontaire international, d’un membre d’un groupe armé organisé ou encore d’un combattant d’une force armée étatique. George Orwell, André Malraux et Davy Crockett seraient aujourd’hui sûrement considérés comme des « combattants terroristes étrangers ». De plus, l’application de ce statut pour identifier des acteurs des conflits armés entre en opposition avec certaines règles du droit international. Finalement, pour trouver le statut juridique des « combattants étrangers », pour les identifier et encadrer leurs activités, y compris leurs actes terroristes, c’est vers les règles du Droit international humanitaire qu’il faut se tourner. Les « combattants étrangers », même terroristes, sont déjà identifiés par les statuts du Droit dans la guerre., What do George Orwell, André Malraux, Davy Crockett and Osama Bin Laden have in common? This question might be surprising to some. How to find a common trait between the author of Animal Farm and 1984, the French resistance former minister, and the elected representative of the United States congress rooted in popular culture? Especially, if they are to share it with the former leader of Al Qaeda.Like thousands of others, they were "foreign fighters". In different times and to defend different causes, they undertook a journey which led them to take up arms in foreign wars. This historic phenomenon underwent a new legal turning point the last decade through the flow of thousands of foreigners who joined one of the belligerent parties in Syria and Iraq. To address this threat to international peace and security, the United Nations created the legal term of “foreign terrorist fighter”, subjecting these foreigners in armed conflicts to provisions in international counter-terrorism law. However, this status suffers shortcomings, which make it impossible, in particular, to differentiate between an international terrorist, an international volunteer, a member of an organized armed group or even a combatant of a state armed force. Today, George Orwell, André Malraux and Davy Crockett would probably be considered as "foreign terrorist fighters". In addition, the application of such status to identify actors of armed conflicts is in opposition with some rules of international law. Finally, to determine the correct legal status of "foreign fighters", to identify them and thus regulate their activities, including their terrorist acts, it is to the rules of international humanitarian law that we must turn. Even when qualified as “terrorists”, "foreign fighters" are already identified by the status of the law of war., Doctorat en Sciences juridiques, info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

From 2011, Europe is facing a problem of a large number of its citizens who were leaving to go on foreign battlefields and are joining terrorist groups who have appeared in the conflict in Syria. Foreign fighters were not something new that occurred but it was new to see that many people from different countries, all wanting to join and participate in foreign conflict. People were starting to join different terrorist groups the most notorious and most famous one was a group called the Islamic state. This organization has attracted a large number of people in a short amount of time. Here roots were in al-Qaida, one of the most famous terrorist organization of all time. Not long after the conflict started, first foreign fighters started coming back to their home countries. And even though politicians were happy when foreign fighters started leaving to join IS, because they expected decrease of small crimes, they were not that happy when those same foreign fighters started coming back. The largest wave of returns started in 2013 and continued for next couple of years. When it become known fact that foreign fighters are returning, all eyes were on the politicians who did not have many solutions for this kind of a problem. What to do with returning foreign fighters became main question. This question was not being asked just for the sake of it, but because people started to be scared of returning fighters. And not only that, it became clear that everyone is asking, are returning foreign fighters someone that we should be afraid of? Many more questions emerged. Are foreign fighters more willing to do a terrorist attack of some sort when they return home? Do they represent a security risk for their homeland? These questions are among the ones who will be researched in this paper.

The literature on foreign fighters devotes considerable attention to the questions of why individuals join armed groups outside of their nation-states and their propensity for engaging in political violence after they return to their home countries. But what happens to those who do not return but go on to join new groups or even new wars?This paper examines career foreign fighters who have traversed from one insurgency to another. We present an original dataset of over 50 individuals who served as foreign fighters in multiple insurgencies. More than half of those who could be identified as having served with more than one armed group achieved leadership positions, which is historically atypical for foreign fighters. Some become top leadership while a significant percentage also facilitate terror attacks.The Syrian conflict has produced a policy debate about whether it is more dangerous to allow foreign fighters to return or to leave them unaccounted. This study provides the first evidence that foreign fighters who survive their first tours accumulate resources, develop skills, and transfer their abilities to new violent actors. Our findings indicate that career foreign fighters pose a greater and broader security threat than returning, one-off foreign fighters.

The last two decades have seen the term ‘foreign fighter’ enter our everyday vocabulary. The insurgencies in Afghanistan and Iraq, the Syrian Civil War and the rise and fall of the Islamic State group have sparked public interest in the phenomenon of people choosing to leave their own countries and fight in a foreign conflict. Foreign fighters, their origins, motives, activities and potential danger to their home countries have become subjects of debate, attracting contributions from politicians, military personnel, the media, security analysts, political scientists and legal scholars, but to a much lesser extent from historians. The 10 articles of this special issue showcase new historical research on foreign military labour, including an overview of the early modern period and numerous case studies which cover the last 165 years and stretch over five continents. The aim is to better understand the experiences and challenges faced by both the foreigners and the host country, particularly its armed forces, and to highlight the significance of these trends to the contemporary debate on foreign fighters. Designed after a conference held in June 2018 at the Centre for History at Sciences Po, Paris, the issue is inspired by a number of key questions. What motivated individuals to join a foreign conflict or army? How were they treated and perceived by their hosts, and, when taken prisoner, by the enemy? How complete was their integration in the host’s combat formations? How did foreigners perform in battle? What happened to them after the war ended?

International audience; The last two decades have seen the term ‘foreign fighter’ enter our everyday vocabulary. The insurgencies in Afghanistan and Iraq, the Syrian Civil War and the rise and fall of the Islamic State group have sparked public interest in the phenomenon of people choosing to leave their own country and fight in a foreign conflict. Foreign fighters, their origins, motives, activities and potential danger to their home countries have become subjects of debate, attracting contributions from politicians, military personnel, the media, security analysts, political scientists, legal scholars but to a much lesser extent from historians. The ten articles of this special issue showcase new historical research on foreign military labour, including an overview of the early modern period and numerous case studies which cover the last 165 years and stretch over five continents. The aim is to better understand the experiences and challenges faced by both the foreigners and the host country, particularly its armed forces, and to highlight the significance of these trends to the contemporary debate on foreign fighters. Designed after a conference held in June 2018 at the Centre for History at Sciences Po, Paris the issue is inspired by a number of key questions. What motivated individuals to join a foreign conflict or army? How were they treated and perceived by their host, and, when taken prisoners, by the enemy? How complete was their integration in the host’s combat formations? How did foreigners perform in battle? What happened to them after the war ended?

This study examines how radicalisation in Indonesia is treated in the Australian press. Radicalisation is widely defined as a dramatic shift in the belief system of an individual or a group, denial of democratic means, and justifying the use of violence to achieve the political aims in this paper. Although there are various types and drivers of radicalisation, the researcher limited this research to identifying the framing of six pathways of Islamic radicalisation in Indonesia identified by Hwang and Schulze and Idris. For this purpose, 301 articles from selected Australian broadsheets and tabloids, dating up to 8 May 2020, were collected. Using quantitative and qualitative content analysis to generate the frequency of terms and metaphors used to describe radicalisation pathways in Indonesia, the study finds that the securitising and stigmatising frames are mainly employed in the Australian press in portrayal of radicalisation in Indonesia. In addition, the study explores the different style of coverage employed in Australian broadsheets and tabloids. Before conducting the comparative study, the researcher surmised that broadsheets will cover radicalisation in Indonesia with neutral tone while tabloids will sensationalise the issue. However, the outcome revealed that the framing employed by...