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This article argues for the necessity of an approach to diaconal work that can best be defined as active and sustainable peacebuilding and reconciliation toward social transformation. It explores ways in which a diaconia specifically informed by justice and peace perspectives, called “justpeace-diaconia” by the author, should serve as an entry point for engagement into the complex dynamics towards reconciliation in the Canadian context, deepened by its colonial legacy that still pervades the social fabric. These challenges and diversities—even complicities—of perspective are viewed through the lens of peace-diaconia to examine the implications for diaconal work in Canada and explore whether meaningful journeys for reconciling and building relationships are possible.

Starting in 1970, the British Empire in the Pacific began to collapse, and within a decade, it was entirely dismantled. Compared to the remaining American and French colonial empires in the Pacific, this timeline is unique. Literature largely credits the rapid decolonization of British dependencies in the Pacific to British interests and their decision-making processes. There is only limited discussion of how these islands may have affected each other and influenced this rapid period of decolonization. My research seeks to answer the following question: To what extent did Pacific Islands influence each other’s decolonization movements, timing, and processes? This thesis pursues this question by closely examining two case studies: Fiji and New Hebrides. More specifically, I analyze their independence journeys through the lens of the first elected political leaders, who were also among the first advocates for independence during these formative years of state-building. Using rich archival material from the U.K. National Archives, Australian National University, and National Library of Australia, I examine the political leaders’ personal writings and identify specific sources of influence in the years leading up to Fijian and New Hebridean independence. My research finds that Pacific leaders and their independence movements drew inspiration from prior colonial dependencies that shared some significant deterrent to independence, for example ethnic division, and these precedents were often found outside the region. I find limited evidence of Pacific Islands influencing each other’s decolonization processes and movements, despite their close proximity.

This essay will look at the key challenges public Higher Education Institutions (HEIs) faced in Brazil during the COVID-19 lockdown. The pandemic led universities to close their campuses and adopt an online interface for academic activities. However, many of these institutions do not have the technological infrastructure for such, nor did the staff and students who suffered further social exclusions. The president of Brazil referred to the pandemic as a “little flu” and later on responded to measures adopting the lockdown as a “hysteric” act that “will lead to an economic crash”. Considering the lack of support from the government and the process of dismantling resources for public HE since the beginning of the new presidency elected in 2018, the COVID-19 lockdown quickly revealed the institutional racism, elitism and ableism evident in this administration’s agenda. The consequence of the agenda is the cuts on research funds and lack of infrastructure to provide online classes, as examples of the severe policies that promote the erasure of marginalised groups. Such policies follow Sylvia Wynter’s “Argument”, revealing a code of symbolic life and death of how human order organises itself through the coloniality of power/being. In order to show how such symbolic code is engraved in the Brazilian educational system, this study explores narratives of staff and students from three universities per region of Brazil to identify how the colonial legacies are correlated with postulates of power in the Brazilian HEIs setting during the pandemic. The paper discusses the challenges experienced while keeping the HE sector active during a pandemic that the government has belittled. The conclusions advocate for organised strategies at the union and social movements level to dismantle the colonial occupation put in place in the foundation of the HEIs and reinforced by the current necropolitical administration.

Among historical factors leading to state dysfunctionality phenomenon on the African continent, colonial legacy is most often indicated. It is a common perception that colonialism understood not only as colonial rule but also as colonial legacy is the main responsible for today’s African crises of statehood. The study focuses on Luso-African continental states (Angola, Mozambique, Guinea-Bissau) that have quite a similar historical experience, not only the difficult and long war for independence, but also lack of political stability in the postcolonial period (civil wars, coups d’état, experiments with socialism and one-party system). The article is an attempt to reflect on the hypothesis that the Portuguese colonial legacy can be perceived as a historical factor leading to state dysfunctionality, however its evaluation should be more complex, as from today’s perspective it could bring some benefits that derive most of all from the common official language, similar historical experience and some sense of the Luso-African or Lusophone identity. The paper is based on the qualitative analysis of the already existing data, critical reading of the literature of the subject, as well as qualitative data gathered during author’s study visits to Portugal, Mozambique and Guinea-Bissau.

Local fixers are becoming increasingly important for international media due to escalating security threats to international journalists, budget cuts within international media organizations, and the disappearance of long-stay correspondents. Local fixers give local color and context to news stories, but their work in conflict regions is extremely dangerous. Making things worse, fixers are at the bottom of the international correspondence totem pole. This paper approaches the situation from the perspective of fixers using qualitative in-depth interviews made in northwestern Pakistan, whereby we see fixers’ problems in a wider context of post-colonial relationships. The role of Western international journalists is discussed within a cultural context of hegemony, primarily drawing on theories of Edward Said and Antonio Gramsci.

This study investigates the long-term influence of colonial legacy on the nexus between inward foreign direct investment (FDI) and labor market. We construct a panel dataset containing 285 Chinese cities 2011 to 2017 along with detailed information about Chinese modern history during 1842-1955). Our results show that the inward FDI has a positive effect on employment and such an effect is more pronounced in the regions with colonial influence than their counterparts. Further, we find that the experience of Western colonization strengthens the positive effect of inward FDI on employment whereas the experience of Japanese colonization weakens or even overturns this positive effect. These findings are robust to controlling for the endogeneity between inward FDI and employment as well as employing alternative measures for the colonization.

Efforts to understand the background to perceptions and manifestation of corporate social responsibility (CSR) in the developing world need to focus on establishing their link with the challenges of socio-economic governance and societal expectations and cultural traditions. This signifies a departure from a western centric understanding of CSR but also an over-focus on CSR as philanthropy. This study considers the Malawian tourism industry and finds that its colonial legacy, post-colonialism development thinking and the national education system explain the prevalence of a ‘CSR as philanthropy’ agenda. When these factors interact with challenges of socio-economic governance and societal expectations, however, the universality thesis that has often been associated with the theory and implementation CSR can be challenged. These findings therefore suggest a shift from the western centric CSR thinking to a CSR perspective that is strongly grounded in local values and norms and which meets the expectations of the global society. This indicates a way forward if CSR is to be adequately institutionalized in the developing world.

Efforts to understand the background to perceptions and manifestation of corporate social responsibility (CSR) in the developing world need to focus on establishing their link with the challenges of socio-economic governance and societal expectations and cultural traditions. This signifies a departure from a western centric understanding of CSR but also an over-focus on CSR as philanthropy. This study considers the Malawian tourism industry and finds that its colonial legacy, post-colonialism development thinking and the national education system explain the prevalence of a ‘CSR as philanthropy’ agenda. When these factors interact with challenges of socio-economic governance and societal expectations, however, the universality thesis that has often been associated with the theory and implementation CSR can be challenged. These findings therefore suggest a shift from the western centric CSR thinking to a CSR perspective that is strongly grounded in local values and norms and which meets the expectations of the global society. This indicates a way forward if CSR is to be adequately institutionalized in the developing world.

This volume explores the intellectual history of the Dutch Empire from a long-term and global perspective, analysing how ideas and visions of empire took shape in imperial practice from the seventeenth century to the present day. Through a series of case studies, the volume critically unearths deep-rooted conceptions of Dutch imperial exceptionalism and shows how visions of imperial rule were developed in metropolitan and colonial contexts and practices. Topics include the founding of the Dutch chartered companies for colonial trade, the development of commercial and global visions of empire in Europe and Asia, the continuities and ruptures in imperial ideas and practices around 1800, and the practical making of empire in colonial court rooms and radio broadcasting. Demonstrating the relevance of a long-term approach to the Dutch Empire, the volume showcases how the intellectual history of empire can provide fresh light on postcolonial repercussions of empire and imperial rule.

Growth improved substantially in most countries in sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) since 1990, but poverty in SSA as a whole has fallen by about a third, compared to by half or more in other developing regions. While some countries have had little or no success in reducing poverty, many have had significant achievements. The paper argues that inter-country differences, traceable to colonial experience, are crucial to understanding this varied SSA performance. This is based on a distinction between relatively labour-intensive smallholder' colonial economies and capital-intensive "extractive economies" exporting minerals and plantation crops. Because of the more equitable income distribution and African political inclusion generated in smallholder economies, at independence they were in a better position than extractive economies to translate growth into poverty reduction. Since the 1990s (when poverty data are available) the distinction in terms of poverty reduction can be observed. The empirical analysis estimates the growth elasticity of poverty using various specifications, some including inequality. There are two key robust findings: i) smallholder economies significantly outperform extractive economies in poverty reduction; and ii) growth rates do not differ on average between the two groups, but the growth elasticity of poverty is higher in smallholder economies.

This volume explores the intellectual history of the Dutch Empire from a long-term and global perspective, analysing how ideas and visions of empire took shape in imperial practice from the seventeenth century to the present day. Through a series of case studies, the volume critically unearths deep-rooted conceptions of Dutch imperial exceptionalism and shows how visions of imperial rule were developed in metropolitan and colonial contexts and practices. Topics include the founding of the Dutch chartered companies for colonial trade, the development of commercial and global visions of empire in Europe and Asia, the continuities and ruptures in imperial ideas and practices around 1800, and the practical making of empire in colonial court rooms and radio broadcasting. Demonstrating the relevance of a long-term approach to the Dutch Empire, the volume showcases how the intellectual history of empire can provide fresh light on postcolonial repercussions of empire and imperial rule.

This volume explores the intellectual history of the Dutch Empire from a long-term and global perspective, analysing how ideas and visions of empire took shape in imperial practice from the seventeenth century to the present day. Through a series of case studies, the volume critically unearths deep-rooted conceptions of Dutch imperial exceptionalism and shows how visions of imperial rule were developed in metropolitan and colonial contexts and practices. Topics include the founding of the Dutch chartered companies for colonial trade, the development of commercial and global visions of empire in Europe and Asia, the continuities and ruptures in imperial ideas and practices around 1800, and the practical making of empire in colonial court rooms and radio broadcasting. Demonstrating the relevance of a long-term approach to the Dutch Empire, the volume showcases how the intellectual history of empire can provide fresh light on postcolonial repercussions of empire and imperial rule.

This volume explores the intellectual history of the Dutch Empire from a long-term and global perspective, analysing how ideas and visions of empire took shape in imperial practice from the seventeenth century to the present day. Through a series of case studies, the volume critically unearths deep-rooted conceptions of Dutch imperial exceptionalism and shows how visions of imperial rule were developed in metropolitan and colonial contexts and practices. Topics include the founding of the Dutch chartered companies for colonial trade, the development of commercial and global visions of empire in Europe and Asia, the continuities and ruptures in imperial ideas and practices around 1800, and the practical making of empire in colonial court rooms and radio broadcasting. Demonstrating the relevance of a long-term approach to the Dutch Empire, the volume showcases how the intellectual history of empire can provide fresh light on postcolonial repercussions of empire and imperial rule.

Background: India is facing a mental health crisis but to change community stigma, we need to address historical trauma. This article discusses the issue of community stigma toward mental health care in India. Objective: The research aimed to trace the roots of community stigma toward mental health care facilities. Method: This study primarily used the archival method of data collection in constructing its narrative. Primary sources including colonial records, some vernacular newspapers, and a few Indian sources were analysed. The Maharashtra State Archives and the National Archives of India, New Delhi, served as the main repository of primary sources. Additionally, India Office Records at the British Library, London, provided further evidence for this research. Digitized copies of Annual Asylum Reports made available by the National Library of Scotland added to the evidence. The study also involved fieldwork at the Thana, Yerawada, and Ratnagiri mental hospitals in 2014. Results: Community stigma to the use of mental health care facilities is a historical problem. The establishment of lunatic asylums in India (as they were referred to in the 19th century, the nomenclature changed in 1921 to the term mental hospitals) caused disruption to local communities and families and left a legacy of trauma and fear. Conclusions: Acknowledging the trauma will disrupt patterns of coercion and cultures of abuse within mental health institutions and it will enable new narratives in mental health care.

Sovereign Pacific island states attract little attention from the great powers. They achieved independence peacefully, mostly from the United Kingdom, and have generally maintained functional democratic societies. Nonetheless, some Pacific states have struggled with the political, institutional and economic legacy of colonization. Tensions between indigenous norms and practices and the expectations of a transposed Western model of society have led to crises. This paper focuses on two Pacific Island states, Fiji and the Solomon Islands. The collapse of the state in the Solomons at the turn of this century, and repeated military coups in Fiji, are due in part to the failure of British-derived institutions to be fully accepted. In both these countries, indigenous people have proposed reforms of these inherited models. Nonetheless, as we shall see, the recent rewriting of these two countries’ constitutions has maintained the fundamentals of the Westminster system, and a government by Westernized indigenous élites.

Efforts to understand the background to perceptions and manifestation of corporate social responsibility (CSR) in the developing world need to focus on establishing their link with the challenges of socio-economic governance and societal expectations and cultural traditions. This signifies a departure from a western centric understanding of CSR but also an over-focus on CSR as philanthropy. This study considers the Malawian tourism industry and finds that its colonial legacy, post-colonialism development thinking and the national education system explain the prevalence of a ‘CSR as philanthropy’ agenda. When these factors interact with challenges of socio-economic governance and societal expectations, however, the universality thesis that has often been associated with the theory and implementation CSR can be challenged. These findings therefore suggest a shift from the western centric CSR thinking to a CSR perspective that is strongly grounded in local values and norms and which meets the expectations of the global society. This indicates a way forward if CSR is to be adequately institutionalized in the developing world.

Cet article propose une interprétation des difficultés économiques du monde arabe en faisant appel à une explication institutionnaliste. L’héritage colonial est proposé comme canal de transmission institutionnel des blocages au développement dans le monde arabe. Dans un premier temps, nous montrons comment l’intégration de l’hypothèse d’héritage colonial dans un cadre néo-institutionnaliste à la Acemoglu et Robinson (2012) est insuffisante. Aussi les contributions des anciens institutionnalistes, notamment John Roger Commons (1934) et Thorstein Veblen (1914), sont privilégiées afin de mettre en évidence, en particulier, le rôle des mentalités et des habitudes dans la reproduction d’institutions héritées de la période coloniale. Dans un deuxième temps, ce cadre institutionnaliste est appliqué à deux pays arabes, l’Algérie et le Liban. This article proposes to look at the Arab world’s economic difficulties through an institutionalist viewpoint. The colonial legacy is regarded as the institutional element that allowed the transmission of obstacles to development in the Arab world. Firstly, we argue that integrating the hypothesis of a colonial legacy into a neo-institutionalist framework as Acemoglu and Robinson do (2012) is inadequate. We thus favour the contributions of old institutionalists like John Roger Commons (1934) and Thorsein Veblen (1914) to highlight the role played by mentalities, attitudes and habits in the reproduction of institutions inherited from the colonial period. Secondly, we apply this institutionalist framework to two Arab countries, Algeria and Lebanon.

At a time when economic growth is thought to be driven primarily by knowledge, the purpose of this research is to analyse to what extent two Small Island Developing States – Mauritius and Trinidad – are adequately equipped for this new economic context. As former British colonies, they both joined the Commonwealth upon gaining independence in the nineteen-sixties and they have since largely succeeded in overcoming their initially unfavourable conditions. Today, their good political, economic and social development is widely acknowledged. The main focus of this research is to evaluate how far colonial legacy, which is still visible in the contemporary institutions of both these states, can favour the transition they wish to undertake towards knowledge-intensive activities as drivers of economic growth. For this purpose, the research analyses the development trajectory followed by their institutions and their economy spanning the whole period of their colonial and post-independence history; additionally, this research considers the steps which are undertaken nowadays to build the framework required to foster a knowledge economy by studying more specifically the role of higher education as an essential tool for human capital formation. While upholding that some of the assets which could help them achieve their objectives can be linked to their colonial past, the research contends that the transformation of these two countries into knowledge-based economies could be hindered by the legacy of colonisation on some of their current features and which, decades after gaining independence, impedes the widespread diffusion of knowledge amongst their population., Dans un contexte qualifié d’ « économie du savoir », où la croissance de l’économie mondiale repose de plus en plus sur les activités intensives en connaissance, la thèse s’interroge sur la capacité de deux petits États insulaires en développement – Maurice et Trinidad – à s’adapter pour s'intégrer à cette dynamique. Ces anciennes colonies britanniques, membres du Commonwealth depuis leur accession à l'indépendance dans les années soixante, font état d’indicateurs de développement en constante progression et sont souvent considérées comme des modèles de réussite économique. La thèse étudie la mise en place des institutions dans ces pays et cherche à évaluer dans quelle mesure l’héritage de la période coloniale, à travers la trace qu'ils en conservent dans la période contemporaine, peut faciliter la transition de leurs économies vers les secteurs intensifs en savoir. Pour ce faire, elle retrace leur trajectoire de développement institutionnel et économique des origines jusqu’à nos jours et elle s’intéresse notamment aux mesures prises aujourd’hui pour doter le pays du cadre nécessaire à l’économie de la connaissance, en particulier à travers le rôle de l’enseignement supérieur en tant qu’outil fondamental pour former le capital humain. Tout en reconnaissant que certains des atouts dont disposent les deux pays pour s’engager dans ce processus avec succès peuvent être mis en relation avec leur passé colonial, la thèse approfondit l’hypothèse que leur transformation en économies de la connaissance risque aussi d'être entravée par des caractéristiques héritées de cette période et qui, des décennies après l'accession à l'indépendance, freinent une large diffusion de la connaissance au sein de leur population.

For repatriates from Imperial colonies of Japan, continuity of human capital such as education, work experiences, and social class, is mainly examined those who return to main islands of Japan and only a few examined those who return from Taiwan. This study examines the repatriates from Taiwan to Okinawa, where reconstruction of the post-war period had been done by the control of United States. In particular, this paper focuses on those who were middle class in colonial Taiwan as bureaucrats, teachers and business men, and considers how they acquired social status at the time of decolonization and reconstruction of Okinawa with utilizing their human capitals. Moreover, with comparing the female repatriates to main islands of Japan, the life course of their daughters is considered. The findings of this study are as follows. First, the repatriates who were bureaucrats or teachers to Okinawa mostly take different job from the one in Taiwan. This is a sharp contrast to those who return to main islands of Japan got jobs that have any continuity with former career. Secondly, their daughters are also quite different, not only they did not quite jobs and be housewives, they could have university education and important positions in the reconstruction of Okinawa such as pharmacist, medical staffs, and teachers. Finally, these differences found to be based on different social background in post-war reconstructions., 紀要論文

The essay examines Spain’s colonial legacy in the long-run development of Spanish America. It surveys the fiscal and constitutional outcomes of independence and assesses the relative burden imposed by colonialism. Constitutional asymmetries between revenue collecting and spending agents constrained de facto governments’ power to tax. Inherent disparities embedded in the colonial fiscal system worsened with vaguely defined representation for subjects and territories and vexed their aggregation into a modern representative polity. Governments with limited fiscal capacity failed to deliver public goods and to distribute the costs and benefits of independence equitably. Growing indirect taxes, debt and money creation allowed them to transfer the fiscal burden to other constituents or future generations. Taxpayers became aware of the asymmetry between private contributions and public goods and hence favoured a low but regressive taxation. Comparisons with trajectories in the metropolis and the United States are offered to qualify this legacy. El articulo examina el «legado» del colonialismo español en el desarrollo de Hispanoamérica en el largo plazo. Discute el resultado fiscal y constitucional de la Independencia y estima la carga de la extracción relativa impuesta por el fisco colonial. Asimetrías constitucionales en los agentes que recaudaban impuestos y ejecutaban el gasto limitó de facto la capacidad fiscal de los gobiernos. Disparidades inherentes al propio sistema fiscal colonial agravaron esta poca capacidad con una representación política de súbditos/ciudadanos y territorios ambigua que problematizó su agregación posteriormente en un sistema político independiente cabalmente representativo. Gobiernos con capacidad fiscal limitada fracasaron en la provisión de bienes públicos y en la distribución equitativa de los costos y los beneficios de la independencia. Impuestos indirectos crecientes, deuda y creación de dinero permitieron a los gobiernos transferir el peso fiscal a otros sujetos políticos que los propios o a futuras generaciones. Los contribuyentes entendieron estas asimetrías entre contribuciones privadas y bienes públicos de modo de que favorecieron una baja pero regresiva fiscalidad. La comparación con la trayectoria fiscal de la ex – metrópolis y los Estados Unidos permiten ofrecer una calificación de este legado colonial.

Although growth has improved substantially in most African countries in recent years, poverty across the continent has fallen very little in the aggregate. There have been strong poverty reduction performances in some countries, but others exhibit higher poverty rates now than in 1990 despite economic growth. This paper seeks to understand the reasons for this variance; why there are apparently 'two Africas', one with an ability to reduce poverty and one without. The main argument is that some of the reasons for this difference are rooted in colonial times. Countries with strong smallholder cash crop sectors emerged into independence with broad-based labourintensive economies supporting a more equitable income distribution conducive to inclusive growth and poverty reduction compared to initially more inequitable mineral resource and large farm based economies. This did not necessarily determine the post-colonial path: many peasant export economies achieved no poverty reduction (often because of little growth), and some mine/plantation economies did achieve poverty reduction. The key reasons for this evolution lie in the motivation and ability of African elites to form pro-poor coalitions, which in some cases were then able to implement policies supporting a pro-poor pattern of growth.

We introduce two societal polarization measures that, unlike standard approaches based on time invariant and arbitrary divisions of a society into ethnolinguistic or religious groups, take into account how a society's history can alter inter-group relations. One of our measures allows for different inter-group divisions due to different experiences in the colonial era, while the other allows these divisions to change as a result of violence throughout the conflict episode. By examining the protracted war in Sri Lanka and applying these indices to a data set describing victims of terrorist attacks by district and year, we find that, for each of our polarization indices, there is a positive effect on the number of victims from terrorist attacks. The historical underpinnings of our indices allow us to demonstrate in a quantitative and concrete way the relevance of the historical path for understanding patterns of civil conflict.

Ethnicity has received increased attention in studies of Africa's economic and institutional development. We present evidence on the long-term effects of Britain's "divide-and-rule" colonial strategy that deliberately fostered ethnic rivalries to weaken and control locals. Using micro data from Sub-Saharan Africa, we found that citizens of Anglophone (as compared to Francophone) countries are more likely to: (1) attach greater importance to ethnic identity (vis-a-vis national identity); (2) have weaker norms against tax evasion; and (3) face extortion by non state actors. We address endogeneity concerns using IV regression and regression-discontinuity. These results suggest that Britain's divide-and-rule strategy may have undermined state-building.

The educational legacy of Dutch colonial rule in the Netherlands Indies has been widely regarded as disappointing. This paper probes further into the underlying causes of the poor Dutch legacy. It is argued that the spread of popular education was not only hampered by a lack of financial commitment by the colonial state, but also by notable inequalities in the allocation of funds for education and a major reluctance to support initiatives in investment in private education, which may be interpreted as a consequence of the Dutch metropolitan commitment to secular rule in an overwhelmingly Islamic society.

Polarization measures, that are used in examining the empirical relationship between ethnic divisions and violent conflict, heavily rely on mechanisms of group identification and often use somewhat arbitrary divisions of a society into ethnic groups. In this paper we construct two new measures of polarization, one that accounts for differences in linguistic policies across localities during the colonial era and one that accounts for the differences over time and across localities in the experience of violence throughout the conflict episode. By examining the protracted war in Sri Lanka and applying these indices (and their combination) to a data set describing victims of the civil conflict by district and year, we are able to better identify the effect of ethnolinguistic polarization on the civil conflict in the country. We find that, for each of our polarization indices, there is a positive effect on the conflict. The historical underpinnings of our indices allow us to demonstrate in a quantitative and concrete way the relevance of historical processes for understanding episodes of civil conflict.

The educational legacy of Dutch colonial rule in the Netherlands Indies has been widely regarded as disappointing. This paper probes further into the underlying causes of the poor Dutch legacy. It is argued that the spread of popular education was not only hampered by a lack of financial commitment by the colonial state, but also by notable inequalities in the allocation of funds for education and a major reluctance to support initiatives in investment in private education, which may be interpreted as a consequence of the Dutch metropolitan commitment to secular rule in an overwhelmingly Islamic society.

The educational legacy of Dutch colonial rule in the Netherlands Indies has been widely regarded as disappointing. This paper probes further into the underlying causes of the poor Dutch legacy. It is argued that the spread of popular education was not only hampered by a lack of financial commitment by the colonial state, but also by notable inequalities in the allocation of funds for education and a major reluctance to support initiatives in investment in private education, which may be interpreted as a consequence of the Dutch metropolitan commitment to secular rule in an overwhelmingly Islamic society.

White Egrets is Derek Walcott’s fourteenth collection of poems and is composed of 54 poems of varying lengths which address a number of themes and issues which recur constantly in Walcott’s poetry. It is a cosmopolitan collection with a broad thematic range, but a number of key Walcottian concerns crop up again and again like love, the demise of the British empire, the Caribbean landscape, Caribbean history and death. All these themes are held together or united by the overarching themes of m...

In this paper we evaluate the impact of colonialism on development in Sub-Saharan Africa. In the world context, colonialism had very heterogeneous effects, operating through many mechanisms, sometimes encouraging development sometimes retarding it. In the African case, however, this heterogeneity is muted, making an assessment of the average effect more interesting. We emphasize that to draw conclusions it is necessary not just to know what actually happened to development during the colonial period, but also to take a view on what might have happened without colonialism and also to take into account the legacy of colonialism. We argue that in the light of plausible counter-factuals, colonialism probably had a uniformly negative effect on development in Africa. To develop this claim we distinguish between three sorts of colonies: (1) those which coincided with a pre-colonial centralized state, (2) those of white settlement, (3) the rest. Each have distinct performance within the colonial period, different counter-factuals and varied legacies.

This dossier is part of the R&D Project “Handling of cultural diversity and socio-political influence of transnational migration in two former Spanish colonies: Equatorial Guinea and Morocco” (Dir. Y. Aixela; Ref. HAR2011-22752), This dossier considers how African cultural diversity was handled during different historical periods and case studies1. The aim is to analyze whether colonization triggered or exacerbated friction in social and cultural coexistence in the contexts under study, whether these tensions remain today and whether these factors are an obstacle to political solutions which are sensitive to the recognition of cultural diversity.

White Egrets is Derek Walcott’s fourteenth collection of poems and is composed of 54 poems of varying lengths which address a number of themes and issues which recur constantly in Walcott’s poetry. It is a cosmopolitan collection with a broad thematic range, but a number of key Walcottian concerns crop up again and again like love, the demise of the British empire, the Caribbean landscape, Caribbean history and death. All these themes are held together or united by the overarching themes of m...

A recent series of studies have been dealing with the dynamics behind the building of developmental states in Africa. This working paper is a contribution for that debate by looking at the experience of the Korean developmental state and the lessons that Africa can learn from this Asian country’s experience seen as an outstanding model of economic development. Despite poor resource endowment and a large population, a colonial legacy, the devastation following a civil war, persistent political instability, and the lingering military confrontation with her northern neighbour, Korea’s role in the international economic system has rapidly increased in importance since the 1960s. For nearly five decades, Korea has achieved a remarkable economic performance that transformed the country from a typical case of a developing nation trapped in a “vicious circle of underdevelopment”, into one of the largest economies in the late 1990s. Beneath the economic success lied a system of “socialisation of private risk”, a particular mode of organising the market, as the “visible hand” of a strong, bureaucratic and developmental state were able to accelerate the pace of economic growth by identifying strategic industrial sectors, making discretionary allocation of resources to those sectors, and minimising the collective action dilemmas pervasive in most developing countries. But the Korean state, as any other state, is a political realm that encompasses distinct, contending and at times colliding actors. In fact, the Korean developmental state provides us clues about the role that leadership play and what stands at the “heart of a politics of economic growth”. Policy choices and implementation rest on the strategies designed by the rulers to boost their political legitimacy, to strengthen their power, and to guarantee regime survival. Strategies are not only a product of institutional opportunities and constraints, but also of history, context, coalition politics and ideological templates involving the actors at the time of action. This paper will discuss the role played by President Park Chung-Hee (1961-1979) in building a bureaucratic-developmental state and what African countries can learn from these leadership experiences in terms of its own development path.