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Although homonationalism is a fundamental category in queer studies, it has never been used to understand the history of the Argentine lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender movement and the emergence of a hegemonic queer memory based on the self-representation of Argentina as a “European-like” and “white” nation that often claims to be different from “the rest” of Latin America. This article examines the history of the Argentine construction of whiteness to understand hegemonic queer memory today and analyze why the 1976–1983 dictatorship has been hyper-memorialized, while state violence against queer people in democratic times is downplayed. We also refer to homonationalism to understand the success of the lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender rights revolution and present a discussion of the relationship between lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender politics and the construction of queer memory. As homonationalism shaped the formation of a hegemonic queer memory in the twenty-first century, alternative memories of police harassment of travestis and homosexual men after and before the dictatorship have been hidden in plain sight through reframing, displacement, temporal transpositions, and other forms of scripting.

According to an established historiography, post World War II Italian cinema owes much of its international success to the French intellectual milieu. In this process of reception, the work carried out by exiled Italian intellectuals, who were responsible for promoting neo-realism on the other side of the Alps for diplomatic purposes but without neglecting questions of an aesthetic nature, deserves attention. By relating certain aspects of the socio- historical context with the analysis of some critical texts, this article aims to reconstruct some trajectories of reception of neorealist cinema in the Italian-French press between 1945 and 1950.

During the Cold War, NATO and the Warsaw Pact faced each other as two hostile political and military blocs with vast arsenals of conventional weapons and weapons of mass destruction. Their mutual distrust has kept the world tense for more than four decades. It seems that the Cold War between them was only held by a kind of “balance of fear”. The aim of the article is to show the reader the intention to use the 5th East German Army in an offensive operation of the Warsaw Pact troops. The main research method used during the development of individual theses was the analysis of available publications related directly or indirectly to the topic presented. Due to the lack of access to the original archival sources, the article was prepared mainly on the basis of a review of the available popular science literature and memories of soldiers of the GDR army. The author’s intention is not to unequivocally assess the intention and effects of using this operational relationship and to clearly interpret the correctness (or not) of such an intention. The reason for this approach is the lack of sufficient and reliable data to draw any conclusions. The main reason for this approach is the inability to verify the information obtained in reliable sources. Podczas zimnej wojny Sojusz Północnoatlantycki i Układ Warszawski stanęły naprzeciw siebie jako dwa wrogie „bloki” polityczno-wojskowe dysponujące ogromnymi arsenałami broni konwencjonalnej i masowej zagłady. Ich wzajemna nieufność trzymała świat w napięciu przez ponad cztery dekady. Wydaje się, że zimna wojna była utrzymywana jedynie przez swoistą „równowagę strachu”. Celem artykułu jest scharakteryzowanie roli 5 Armii wschodnioniemieckiej w operacji zaczepnej wojsk Układu Warszawskiego. Główną metodą badawczą jest analiza dostępnych publikacji związanych bezpośrednio lub pośrednio z prezentowanym tematem. Z uwagi na brak dostępu do oryginalnych źródeł archiwalnych artykuł powstał głównie na podstawie przeglądu dostępnej literatury naukowej oraz wspomnień żołnierzy armii NRD. Celem opracowania nie jest jednoznaczna ocena skutków użycia 5 Armii wschodnioniemieckiej czy interpretacja słuszności (bądź nie) jej roli. Powodem takiego podejścia jest brak wystarczających i wiarygodnych danych do wyciągania jakichkolwiek wniosków, nie ma bowiem możliwości zweryfikowania uzyskanych informacji w wiarygodnych źródłach.

The two World Wars and the Cold War had a profound impact on Langston Hughes. World War I and the October Revolution wove a web that connected the Soviet Union and its socialist cause to African Americans, and then the Yokinen and Scottsboro trials directly nurtured the “New Red Negro” writings with the spirit of rising “up from bondage” as oppressed people. Hughes traveled the world, became a global citizen, and assumed a cosmopolitan mission for international and racial affairs. However, the Nazi-Soviet Pact changed his view of the world. Hughes began to focus on the problems of “colored soldiers” and compared the advantages and disadvantages of the United States of America and the Soviet Union. When the Iron Curtain came about, McCarthyism drove Hughes to stay in the United States, maintain a distance from international and political affairs, confirm his national position, and rely on writing children’s books for a living, as well as translating and editing others’ works. Resumo As duas guerras mundiais e a Guerra Fria tiveram um impacto profundo em Langston Hughes. A Primeira Guerra e a Revolução de Outubro teceram uma rede que conectava a União Soviética e a sua causa socialista aos afro-americanos, e além disso os julgamentos de Yokinen e Scottsboro alimentaram diretamente a escrita do “Novo Negro Vermelho” com o espírito de se lutar contra os grilhões da opressão. Hughes viajou pelo mundo, tornou-se um cidadão global e assumiu uma missão cosmopolita em relação a questões internacionais e raciais. Porém, o pacto Hitler-Stalin mudou a sua concepção do mundo. Hughes começou a focar nos problemas dos “soldados de cor” e a comparar as vantagens e desvantagens dos Estados Unidos e da União Soviética. Com o início da Cortina de Ferro, o McCarthyismo levou Hughes a permanecer nos EUA, manter uma distância em relação a problemas políticos e internacionais, confirmar sua posição nacional e depender da escrita de livros infantis e da edição de obras de outros autores para sobreviver. Résumé Les deux guerres mondiales et la guerre froide ont profondément influencé Langston Hughes. La Première Guerre mondiale et la révolution d’Octobre ont établi des connexions entre les visées socialistes de l’Union soviétique et les Afro-Américains. Par la suite, les procès de Yokinen et Scottsboro ont directement inspiré les écrits du « New Red Negro » qui se sont nourris de l’appel à sortir de l’esclavage en tant que peuple opprimé. Hughes a voyagé à travers le monde et est devenu un citoyen global, qui s’est chargé d’une mission cosmopolite dans les affaires internationales et raciales. Le pacte germano-soviétique a néanmoins changé sa vision du monde. Hughes a ainsi commencé à se concentrer sur les problèmes des « soldats de couleur », comparant les avantages et désavantages des États-Unis et de l’Union soviétique. Avec le début du rideau de fer, le maccarthysme a conduit Hughes à demeurer aux États-Unis, à rester à distance des affaires internationales et politiques, à confirmer sa position nationale et à gagner sa vie en rédigeant des livres pour enfants, tout comme en assurant la traduction et l’édition d’œuvres d’autres auteurs.

Acabada la Segunda Guerra Mundial en 1945, Estados Unidos y la Unión Soviética iniciaron un periodo de tensión y enfrentamientos conocido como la Guerra Fría, que duró hasta los años noventa. El cine estadounidense aprovechó para transmitir las ideologías y mensajes políticos que interesaban al poder en películas ambientadas en la Antigüedad como Sansón y Dalila, Los diez mandamientos o Salomón y la reina de Saba. En este artículo se realiza un análisis del patrimonio cinematográfico de esta época como vehículo transmisor de ideologías del momento que fueron trasladadas a las épocas más remotas de nuestro pasado. When World War II concluded in 1945 the United States and Soviet Union began a period of tension and confrontation known as the Cold War, which lasted until the 1990s. American cinema took advantage of this historical period to convey ideological messages dictated by the political elite through films set in the Antiquity, such as Samson and Delilah, The Ten Commandments and Solomon and the Queen of Sheba. This article aims to analyse the cinematographic heritage in order to understand its function as a vehicle for the transmission of contemporary ideologies to the historical periods in which those movies were set.

Towards the end of World War II, Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) gave the first signals for expansionist policy. It was demonstrated by bringing the Straits question to the agenda demanding changes in its favour at the border of Turkey, determined in 1921. When WWII ended, the power balance in Europe changed. Two great powers, USSR and The United States of America (USA), remained as the centres of power. USSR, desiring to turn this emerging power vacuum into an opportunity, accelerated expansionist policies. The countries most exposed to this threat were Greece and Turkey. These policies of USSR disturbed USA as they are contrary to the interests of itself and Europe. To prevent, President Truman delivered a speech to Congress on March 12, 1947. In this speech, called as the "Truman Doctrine", he asked the Congress for authorization to provide 400 million dollars of military aid to Greece and Turkey, which was accepted. In this study, the conditions necessitating the proclamation of the Truman Doctrine, the proclamation of the doctrine and the reflections of these developments in Turkish public opinion were examined and it is aimed to contribute to healthier understanding of the subject., II. Dünya Savaşı’nın sonlarına doğru SSCB, yayılmacı bir politika izleyeceğinin ilk sinyallerini vermiştir. Bunu, Türkiye ile 1921’de tespit edilen sınırda kendi lehine değişiklikler yapılması talebi ve Boğazlar konusunu gündeme getirerek ortaya koymuştur. II. Dünya Savaşı sona erdiğinde Avrupa’da güç dengesi değişmiştir. Güç merkezi olarak geriye iki büyük devlet, yani SSCB ile ABD kalmıştır. Bu durumu fırsata çevirmek isteyen SSCB, yayılmacı politikalarına hız vermiştir. Belirtilen tehdide en fazla maruz kalan ülkeler, Yunanistan ve Türkiye olmuştur. SSCB’nin yayılmacı politikaları, ABD’yi rahatsız etmiştir. Çünkü bu durum, ABD ile Avrupa’nın çıkarlarına aykırı düşmüştür. Buna engel olmak için Başkan Truman, 12 Mart 1947’de Kongre’ye hitaben bir konuşma yapmıştır. Tarihe, “Truman Doktrini” diye geçen konuşmada, Yunanistan ile Türkiye’ye 400 milyon dolarlık bir askerî yardım yapılması için Kongre’den yetki istemiş ve bu talep kabul edilmiştir. Bu çalışmada; Truman Doktrini’nin ilanını gerekli kılan şartlar, doktrinin ilanı ve Türk kamuoyundaki yansımaları irdelenerek konunun daha sağlıklı anlaşılmasına bir nebze katkı sağlamak amaçlanmıştır.

In this article, the authors analyze the unique features of the United States' "monumental" policy in relation to the conflicts of the Cold War and the associated memorial and commemorative spaces within the metropolitan region. Specifically, the authors focus on the two Cold War conflicts that are commemorated on the National Mall in Washington, D.C. — the Korean War (1950-1953) and the Vietnam War (19641975). The Vietnam Veterans Memorial (1982) and the Korean War Veterans Memorial (1995) are among the monumental objects that commemorate these conflicts, along with the Three Soldiers Monument (1984) and the Vietnam Women's Memorial (1993), which were later added to the Vietnam Veterans Memorial. To examine the evolution and specific characteristics of the American "monumental" policy regarding the history of the Cold War, the authors employed various sources, including artifacts of "monumental" policy such as monuments, memorial complexes, and architectural structures; official documents on monumental projects; official websites of memorials and their funds; materials on planning, construction, and preservation of memorials; memoirs and interviews of architects; articles in the media; opinion polls; reviews from visitors to monumental objects. By tracing the history of the creation of these monumental objects, the authors aim to evaluate the degree of influence of civil society on official memory politics and to understand how assessments of Cold War conflicts have evolved in the United States., Авторы рассматривают характерные черты «монументальной» политики США в отношении конфликтов «холодной войны», а также особенности мемориального и коммеморативного пространства данных конфликтов в столичном регионе. Отмечено, что на Национальной аллее в Вашингтоне увековечена память только о двух конфликтах «холодной войны» — Корейской войне (1950-1953 гг.) и Вьетнамской войне (1964-1975 гг.). Речь идет о таких монументальных объектах, как Мемориал ветеранов Вьетнамской войны 1982 г. и Мемориал ветеранов Корейской войны 1995 г., а также о монументе Три солдата 1984 г. и Мемориале вьетнамских женщин 1993 г., которыми был дополнен Мемориал ветеранов Вьетнама. На примере данных объектов исследуются эволюция и специфика американской «монументальной» политики в отношении истории «холодной войны». При построении выводов были использованы различные виды источников: артефакты «монументальной» политики (памятники, монументы, мемориальные комплексы и архитектурные сооружения); официальные документы по монументальным проектам; официальные сайты мемориальных объектов и их фондов; материалы по планированию, сооружению и сохранению мемориальных объектов; мемуары и интервью архитекторов; статьи в СМИ; опросы общественного мнения; отзывы посетителей монументальных объектов. Рассмотренная история создания данных монументальных объектов помогает оценить степень влияния гражданского общества на официальную политику памяти, а также произошедшую в США эволюцию оценок конфликтов «холодной войны».

This article traces the history of US and Soviet reconnaissance satellites during the Cold War. It fills the gap in historiography of the Space Race that has inadequately studied military space programs and focused largely on civilian spaceflight, with the Apollo Moon landings being a prime example. It argues that the military satellites employed by both the US and Soviets offered unprecedented amounts of information on the other side and eliminated the issue of lacking intelligence that characterized the early Cold War. This in turn allowed for a more peaceful coexistence between these two ideologically opposed superpowers. Spy satellites allowed for a better assessment of the other side’s military strength, created a system of early warning for nuclear attacks, and offered a non-invasive way of verifying arms control treaties. These reconnaissance satellites and their successors play this important role up to this day.

This thesis examines how in the late 1930s and 1940s leaders of China’s Nationalist Government and the Indian National Congress imagined post-war Asia and attempted to realise their ideas. Post-war Asia has been often understood in terms of nationalist movements without recognising how Asian leaders sought to shape their future on the Asian level. This thesis argues that China strategically sought an Asia where China would eventually be the dominant power; India aimed to, in some sense, create an Asia in its idealised self-image, where nations were relatively more equal in status. Both Chinese and Indian leaders supported the independence of Asian nations. Yet Chinese leaders thought that this would endanger the interests of the Chinese diaspora, while their Indian counterparts worried that new Asian nation-states could not defend themselves against the great powers. The Nationalist government insisted on diasporic Chinese being Chinese citizens and must be respected if not privileged by host governments; the Congress expected diasporic Indians to become naturalised citizens of host societies. Yet neither strategy resolved the discrimination diasporic communities faced. Decolonisation enabled majority national groups to enter into power but continued to marginalise minority groups. Both Nationalist China and Nehruvian India favoured planning and state-led industrialisation, but the Nationalists also anticipated China’s economic dominance in Asia. Moving beyond the perspective of superpower struggle, this thesis highlights China’s and India’s agency in shaping their region. Their ideas on Asia’s future were among the very first contributions from newly independent non-Western nations on how a post-war, post-colonial Asian state should be. Compared to the civilisational argument of early twentieth-century Pan-Asianism, Chinese and Indian leaders helped redefine Asia’s self-identity: from underdeveloped to prosperous and ‘modern’. Apart from the much-analysed border conflicts and geopolitical competition, the different visions for Asia helped contribute to the China-India divergence.

Modern warfare has prompted states to protect collections of cultural property by evacuating them to safe locations at times of war. Building on previously classified documents in archives, inquiries and other sources, this article investigates how planning for such evacuation was carried out in Sweden from 1939 to the 1990s. After the end of the Cold War, existing evacuation plans were finally scrapped. Due to the worsening security situation in the region, Swedish heritage institutions today need to build preparedness anew. It is shown that the evacuation of large volumes of property out of cities for practical reasons never was a realistic scenario, but probably should be restricted to a minimum of carefully selected objects, records and books. The process of selecting, transporting, finding safe locations to take the property to, and determining how to monitor it needs to be carefully planned during peaceful conditions in order to efficiently safeguard the collections in wartime. The relationship between Swedish planning and the 1954 Hague Convention, and how other states can learn from this study, is finally discussed. Published online by Cambridge University Press: 23 January 2023

Following Heonik Kwon, this article explores the social and cultural underpinnings of the Cold War (and Cambodia's stance of neutrality in relation to it) as illustrated through the life of a colorful Cambodian monk, Dharmawara Mahathera. Long resident in India, Dharmawara became a confidant of Norodom Sihanouk as the latter negotiated independence and Cambodia's new geopolitical realities. Dharmawara was one point of connection between Sihanouk and India at the time Sihanouk was drawn to a position of neutrality and to the Non-Aligned Movement associated with Jawaharlal Nehru and Zhou Enlai, and his story illuminates some of the cultural interface underlying the politics. He would assume a profile in emerging institutions of international Buddhism, such as the World Fellowship of Buddhists, which in their own way related to developing geopolitics. He subsequently attracted the attention of American diplomats in Cambodia in ways that illustrate something of how the Cold War came to be negotiated on the ground. His tensions with the Cambodian monastic hierarchy help us better understand the latter's role at a historical conjuncture. I argue that Dharmawara helps us understand Sihanouk's emerging philosophy of “Buddhist socialism.”

After the Kuomintang (KMT) lost control of mainland China in 1949, some of its troops retreated to mainland Southeast Asia, marking the start of a period of mutual interaction between the KMT troops and Southeast Asian states in the context of the Cold War. The objective of this paper is to focus on the KMT troops who retreated to Northern Thailand. The author argues that the KMT troops, as protagonists in border areas, promoted border consolidation in Northern Thailand through war and village building. The Thai government, lacking effective jurisdiction over the border, took advantage of the KMT, using it as the most effective tool for border management and as a military force to counter the Communist threat along border areas. Through years of fighting with the Communist Party of Thailand (CPT), KMT troops helped eliminate potential security risks in Northern Thailand. Consequently, border villages with defenses bolstered during the war years epitomized the Northern Thai border being brought under the aegis of state control.

Explanatory Note : This study elucidates the relationship between literature and the first-generation (ilse) Zainichi Korean women living in Japan during the colonial and post-colonial periods. The "double colonization" arising from imperialism and feudal ideology meant that many Korean women were denied the opportunity to write about themselves, seldom appearing in public or private records. As of the liberation of Korea in 1945, ilse Zainichi women remained illiterate due to the influence of the educational system under Japanese colonial rule and of traditional Korean gender norms. Previous studies have suggested that ilse women vanished away, leaving nothing in writing, after the liberation of Korea. In fact, immediately after the liberation they began acquiring literacy in Korean and Japanese and learning how to write. Being novel in its focus on the early writing practice of ilse women, this study elucidates the historical narrative of these women's attainment of literacy while also unearthing letters, personal records, contributions to newspapers, and poems written in Korean and Japanese, seeking to construct a literary history as written by ilse women. The diversity of these women is also revealed, moving beyond the existing one-dimensional image that has been ascribed to them-an image of strong and resilient mothers who survived in the face of discrimination, poverty, and feudal ideology. Furthermore, this study examines the particular post-colonial circumstances of these women, in which their ideas and identities were significantly and inevitably shaped by what languages they learned, as well as the places where they learned these languages and the people who taught them.

Resumen Este artículo describió, desde la historiografia, cómo se cubrieron noticias relacionadas con la insurgencia y publicadas en la prensa periódica colombiana durante la década de 1960, con el objetivo de debatir si esta era un peligro para la estabilidad del Estado. Para realizar la investigación se revisaron dos diarios nacionales defensores del orden social imperante: El Colombiano de Medellín y El Tiempo de Bogotá. El período de revisión fue desde el 1 de enero de 1960 hasta el 31 de diciembre de 1971. El propósito de la periodicidad fue investigar la década completa y analizar también el cubrimiento de lo ocurrido en el paro nacional colombiano de 1971. Se estudió la capacidad que tuvo la insurgencia, de acuerdo con los hechos que en prensa son acunados a ella, de incidir en el debate de la época, es decir, su "grado" de poderio para generar peligro en la vida pública. Se concluyó que, aunque hay muchas menciones a la insurgencia y su peligrosidad, los hechos cubiertos son de baja capacidad y están desconectados de una lógica tanto militar como operativa, por lo que no se considera que la insurgencia en la época tenga las condiciones de poder que en los medios se le atribuyeron, pues en términos reales no constituyó un peligro para la estabilidad del Estado. Abstract This article describes, from historiography, how news related to insurgency were covered and published in Colombian newspapers during the 1960s, with the aim of debating if this was a danger to the stability of the State. Two national newspapers, defenders of the prevailing social order, were reviewed: El Colombiano from Medellin and El Tiempo from Bogota. The review period was from January 1, 1960 to December 31, 1971; the aim was to investigate the entire decade and analyze the coverage of the 1971 general strike. The ability the insurgents had, according to the facts that the press attributed to them, to influence the debate of the period, which was the "level" of power they had to generate danger to the public was studied. It is concluded that, although there are many mentions of insurgency and its dangers, the events covered required a low level of capacity and are disconnected from both a military and operational logic, so it is not considered that the insurgents at the time had the conditions of power reported in the media, as they were not a danger to the stability of the State. Resumo Este artigo descreve, desde a historiografia, como se deu cobertura a e foram publicadas as notícias relacionadas com a insurgência na imprensa periódica colombiana durante a década de 60, com objetivo de debater se esta era um perigo para a estabilidade do Estado. Para levar a cabo a investigação foram verificados dois diários nacionais defensores da ordem social predominante: El Colombiano de Medellín e El Tiempo de Bogotá. O período da revisão foi de 1 de janeiro de 1960 até 31 de dezembro de 1971; com isso se busca investigar a década completa e analisar também a cobertura do acontecimento na greve nacional de 1971. Foi estudada a capacidade que teve a insurgência, de acordo com os acontecimentos que são evidenciados na imprensa, de incidir no debate da época, ou seja, seu "grau" de poder para gerar perigo na vida pública. Conclui-se que, ainda que muitas menções a insurgência e seu perigo, os acontecimentos cobertos são de baixa capacidade e estão desconectados de uma lógica tanto militar como operativa, por tanto não se considera que a insurgência dessa época teve as condições de poder descritos pelos meios, pois em termos reais não representava um perigo para a estabilidade estatal.

The article is dedicated to the phenomenon of the Orthodox press of the Russian abroad of the Cold War. The focus of the authors of the article is the magazines published in the capital of Argentina Buenos Aires, which after the Second World War became one of the most important centers of Russian emigration. It is proven that Orthodox periodicals are a valuable source on the history of the public consciousness of the Russian abroad., Статья посвящена феномену православной прессы русского зарубежья эпохи холодной войны. В центре внимания авторов статьи — журналы, выпускавшиеся в столице Аргентины Буэнос­Айресе, которая после Второй мировой войны становится одним из важнейших центров русской эмиграции. Доказано, что православные периодические издания являются ценным источником по истории общественного сознания русского зарубежья.

Durant les « Trente Glorieuses », les Italien·ne·s représentent la plus grande communauté étrangère au sein de la mosaïque migratoire helvétique. Cette expérience migratoire est parsemée de conflits. Ainsi, à cause de l’anticommunisme très marqué durant la guerre froide et du sentiment xénophobe toujours plus important, il est très difficile d’avoir une activité politique. Alors que, jusqu’à présent, l’historiographie a surtout souligné l’importance du réseau des associations italiennes en Suisse, qui est venu se substituer à l’activité militante traditionnelle, cet article analyse un parcours individuel. Otello Palmieri suit une trajectoire atypique : bien que résistant et membre du Parti communiste italien, malgré son exil politique à Prague en 1949-1953, dès qu’il arrive en Suisse, il abandonne sa casquette de militant tout en continuant à suivre avec la plus grande attention la vie politique de son pays d’origine. Cette étude de cas fait émerger une façon originale de résoudre la tension entre engagement et désengagement et conduit à repenser la question de la cohérence biographique. Italians are the largest immigrant community within the Swiss melting pot during the “Golden age” of 20th century. Their migrant experience was however far from being free of conflicts. Political engagement and participation were seen with suspicion, due first to a strong anticommunist posture during the Cold war and then to a growing wave of xenophobic feelings. Current literature points out the network of clubs and societies as a substitute to traditional political engagement. This article deals with Otello Palmieri’s atypical life trajectory: after taking part to the Resistance war as a member of the Italian communist party and reaching Prague as a political refugee in 1949-53, as soon as he arrived in Switzerland he dismissed all political activity, although his interest in Italian political affairs remained acute. Hence, this case study highlights an original way to articulate the dialectic engagement/disengagement and allows to shed new lights on biography linearity. Nei “trenta gloriosi” gli/le italiani/e sono la più numerosa comunità straniera del mosaico migratorio elvetico. La loro esperienza migratoria è costellata di difficoltà e assai scarsa è la loro capacità di agire politicamente, prima per il deciso anticomunismo della Guerra fredda e poi per il montare del discorso xenofobo. Mentre la ricerca storiografica ha molto messo in evidenza il ruolo sostitutivo giocato dall’associazionismo italiano in Svizzera, questo articolo propone lo studio di una parabola individuale. La biografia di Otello Palmieri segue una traiettoria atipica: benché partigiano comunista ed esiliato politico a Praga nel 1949-53, arrivato in Svizzera, Palmieri sveste i panni del militante, pur continuando a seguire con grande interesse la politica italiana. Questo studio di caso fa emergere quindi una maniera originale di articolare la tensione fra impegno e disimpegno e costringe a ripensare la questione della coerenza biografica.

Com o fim da Guerra Fria, o conceito e a Agenda na área da Segurança Internacional sofreram uma grande mudança, especialmente no que diz respeito a prioridades, desafios e estratégias. Ademais, percebeu-se o crescimento das ameaças provenientes da criminalidade transnacional e das organizações terroristas, que, invariavelmente, devem ser levadas em consideração pelos Estados na formulação de sua Agenda para a Segurança Internacional. Assim, o presente estudo tem o objetivo de verificar o papel assumido pelas instituições policiais na definição da referida Agenda, considerando as particularidades dessas novas ameaças. Serão observadas as contribuições das polícias para a eventual inclusão de temas de segurança pública na gênese da Agenda Internacional, para verificar se ela ainda é dominada por diplomatas e militares ou se as instituições policiais também estão assumindo um papel relevante nessa atividade.

This article deals with the development of economic cooperation in the socialist market between 1953 and 1968 from the perspective of the Czechoslovak economy. The period of Antonin Novotny at the helm of the Czechoslovak Communist Party has so far been a controversial one, as it has been characterized by both the efforts to reform Stalinist anachronisms and the initially low capacity to sustainably root these reforms in the fragile frozen ground of Cold War-era soil. The question is whether the gradually unfolding Khrushchev Thaw that accelerated its onset from the second half of the 1950s onwards made it possible to plant certain reforms and reap their fruits in the longer term. It is also necessary to raise the question of the nature of the key actors and obstacles in the process of reforming intra-bloc cooperation. In particular, the archives of the Czechoslovak industrial ministries located in Prague were consulted to research these issues., Članek obravnava razvoj gospodarskega sodelovanja na socialističnem trgu med letoma 1953 in 1968 z vidika češkoslovaškega gospodarstva. Obdobje, ko je bil Antonín Novotný na čelu češkoslovaške komunistične partije, je doslej veljalo za kontroverzno, saj so ga zaznamovala prizadevanja za reformo stalinističnih anahronizmov, sprva pa tudi težave pri zagotavljanju, da bi se te reforme trajno ukoreninile v neugodnih razmerah hladne vojne. Vprašanje je, ali je tako imenovana “Hruščova otoplitev”, ki se je pospešeno začela v drugi polovici petdesetih let dvajsetega stoletja, omogočila, da so se nekatere reforme vendarle začele izvajati in so dolgoročno obrodile sadove. Vprašati se je treba tudi o naravi ključnih akterjev in ovir v postopku reformiranja sodelovanja znotraj bloka. Pri raziskovanju teh vprašanj smo preučili zlasti arhive češkoslovaških ministrstev za industrijo v Pragi.

Doctor of Philosophy Traditional military descriptions of conflict tend to focus on the movement of soldiers and armies across battlefields. When the airplane emerged, it forced military theorists to contend with a new, vertical, dimension of conflict. In America, the United States Air Force assumed an important role in this vertical dimension as the country's delivery mechanism for nuclear weapons. However, at the same time that politicians, academics, and military officials debated the offensive uses for aircraft a second debate occurred describing how best to use military means to defend the North American continent. Those who advocated for a defensive system to protect North American, including the President Eisenhower, strongly advocated for a continent-wide test of the new air defense system. That test was conducted once a year between 1960 and 1962 during which all civilian air travel across the U.S. and Canada was suspended. The tests were called the "Sky Shield" exercises. This research shows how a prevailing mood of fear and vulnerability gave air defense proponents the political capital to build a continental air defense network and test it during the Sky Shield exercises. Further, it describes the enduring legacy of this domestically-focused Cold War defense program. The research finds that America's approach to Cold War continental defense was strong when it was aligned with the White House's nuclear strategy, but when successive political leaders changed nuclear strategies that decision negatively influenced continental defense programs. This research is useful because it examines a relatively under-explored area of Cold War defense programs. Traditionally these studies focus on offensive capabilities far from American shores. This study instead examines homeland defense and how it changed during the Cold War as a function of changing nuclear programs and changing threats to the United States.

Suite à l’avènement de la Révolution cubaine en 1959, les États-Unis se sont opposés au programme de transformation socio-économique entrepris par les nouvelles autorités et ont adopté une politique hostile. Loin de redouter un rapprochement entre La Havane et Moscou, Washington a au contraire délibérément poussé l’île vers l’Union soviétique, dans le but de pouvoir ainsi justifier les mesures drastiques que l’administration Eisenhower s’apprêtait à adopter contre Cuba, à savoir les sanctions économiques et l’isolement du pays. L’épisode de la vente d’armes est illustratif de cette volonté de contraindre Fidel Castro à solliciter l’aide du bloc socialiste. Following the advent of the Cuban Revolution in 1959, the United States opposed the program of socio-economic transformation undertaken by the new authorities and adopted a hostile policy. Far from fearing a rapprochement between Havana and Moscow, Washington on the contrary deliberately pushed the island towards the Soviet Union, in order to be able to justify the drastic measures that the Eisenhower administration was preparing to adopt against Cuba, namely the economic sanctions and the isolation of the country. The episode of the sale of arms is illustrative of this desire to force Fidel Castro to seek help from the socialist bloc.

Este artículo analiza una relación transpacífica durante la Guerra Fría Global, que algunos autores denominarían improbable. Sin embargo, una investigación detallada revela que no solo existió, sino que tuvo características excepcionales, por la similitud de sus gobiernos autoritarios, por la convergencia de los modelos de país que impulsaban y, cuestión desconocida, por la conexión entre sus líderes máximos. Para estudiar este caso, se han utilizado enfoques propios de la historia de las relaciones internacionales, de la historia del tiempo presente y de las relaciones internacionales. La interacción entre este tipo de teorías, métodos de análisis propios ya probados con éxito y las fuentes primarias (archivos de Chile y Estados Unidos), más bibliografía principalmente chilena y coreana, ha permitido llegar a resultados originales que permiten mostrar aspectos inéditos y desafiar parte del debate actual sobre este período de la historia internacional de ambos países. This article analyzes a transpacific relationship during the Global Cold War, which some authors would call unlikely. However, a detailed investigation reveals that it not only existed, but had exceptional characteristics, due to the similarity of its authoritarian governments, due to the convergence of the country models that they promoted and, unknown issue, due to the connection between its maximum leaders. To study this case, approaches from the history of international relations, the history of the present time and from the international relations have been used. The interaction between this type of theories, its own methods of analysis already successfully tested and the primary sources (archives of Chile and the United States), plus mainly Chilean and Korean bibliography, has allowed us to arrive at original results that allow us to show unknown aspects and challenge part of the current debate on this period in the international history of both countries. Cet article analyse une relation transpacifique pendant la guerre froide mondiale, que certains auteurs qualifieraient d’improbable. Cependant, une enquête détaillée révèle qu’elle non seulement existait, mais avait des caractéristiques exceptionnelles, en raison de la similitude de ses gouvernements autoritaires, de la convergence des modèles de pays qu’ils promouvaient et, question inconnue, du lien entre ses dirigeants maximaux. Pour étudier ce cas, des approches issues de l’histoire des relations internationales, de l’histoire actuelle et des relations internationales ont été utilisées. L’interaction entre ce type de théories, ses propres méthodes d’analyse éprouvées et les sources primaires (archives du Chili et des États-Unis), plus principalement la bibliographie chilienne et coréenne, nous a permis d’arriver à des résultats originaux qui nous permettent de montrer des aspects inconnus et de remettre en question une partie du débat actuel sur cette période dans l’histoire internationale des deux pays. 33-44 aldeamundo@gmail.com cesar.ross@usach.cl Semestral http://erevistas.saber.ula.ve/aldeamundo

The two decades comprised within the partition of Vietnam and the end of the Indochina Wars surprisingly saw major advances in prehistoric archaeology in the region. This article examines the political context and implications of archaeological investigations conducted in Thailand and the Democratic Republic of Vietnam under the guidance of, respectively, American and Soviet specialists, as an aspect of the cultural Cold War. Archaeological discoveries in both countries debunked colonial archaeology’s account of prehistoric Southeast Asia as a passive recipient of Chinese cultural influence by documenting autonomous technological development. The article argues that the new image of mainland Southeast Asia’ prehistory that formed by the early 1970s reflected the superpowers’ objective of empowering the region’s postcolonial nation-states notwithstanding their political contrasts, yet it was not equally congruent with the nationalist narratives of Thailand and North Vietnam.

La neutralité de l’Irlande est une neutralité sui generis qui ne saurait être comparée à la neutralité d’États européens comme la Suisse, l’Autriche ou la Suède. Tributaire de l’histoire et de la géographie, elle se veut essentiellement militaire et nullement idéologique. Au fil des ans, elle fut pour l’Irlande un test de sa souveraineté, une tentative de remise en cause de la partition, et un désir de faire entendre sa voix singulière dans le concert des nations. Le présent article examine la naissance du concept au lendemain de la signature du traité anglo-irlandais de 1921, son triomphe pendant la Seconde Guerre mondiale, et sa mise en perspective à des degrés divers au cours de la guerre froide, de la campagne d’adhésion au marché commun, et de la participation de l’Irlande à la construction de l’Union européenne depuis 1973. La crise ukrainienne, en faisant ressortir ses contradictions, semble appeler une clarification de la formulation théorique et pratique de la neutralité irlandaise. Ireland’s neutrality is a sui generis neutrality that cannot be compared to the neutrality of European states such as Switzerland, Austria or Sweden. Dependent on history and geography, it is primarily military and by no means ideological. Over the years, it has been for Ireland a test of its sovereignty, an attempt to challenge partition, and a desire to make its own singular voice heard in the concert of nations. This article examines the birth of the concept in the aftermath of the signing of the Anglo-Irish Treaty of 1921, its triumph during the Second World War, and its changes of perspective to varying degrees during the Cold War, the campaign to join the community, and Ireland’s participation in the construction of the European Union since 1973. The Ukrainian crisis, by highlighting its contradictions, seems to call for a clarification of the theoretical and practical formulation of the sacrosanct policy of Irish neutrality.

L’article propose une étude socio-historique du combat idéologique qui opposa les universitaires de gauche et de droite dans les années 1960 et 1970. En se concentrant notamment sur les universitaires engagés à droite et leurs réseaux, l’article vise à étudier les usages de l’islam et de l’anticommunisme qui ont marqué l’histoire des universités et l’histoire des sciences sociales jusqu’à aujourd’hui. The article offers a socio-historical study of the ideological struggle between left and right-wing academics in the 1960s and 1970s. By focusing on right-wing academics and their networks, the article aims to study the uses of Islam and anti-communism that have marked the history of universities and the history of social sciences until today.

S’intéressant aux cultures et aux imaginaires de guerre froide, l’article propose d’étudier la relation qui unit la perception des événements internationaux et l’évolution des horizons d’attente des militants socialistes. On cherche ainsi à montrer l’ambivalence de la campagne soviétique pour la paix qui, en raison même de son succès, accrédite l’idée d’une catastrophe imminente, conduisant les militants à douter de l’avenir. L’article met également en évidence les fluctuations relativement rapides des espoirs de court et de long termes sur la période, ainsi que la grande diffraction des imaginaires d’un même parti, ce qui est particulièrement visible en 1956 que certains militants perçoivent comme une catastrophe obscurcissant l’avenir quand d’autres imaginent que le PSI, enfin débarrassé de l’alliance communiste, pourra écrire une page nouvelle de l’histoire de l’Italie. The article examines the relationship between the perception of international events and the evolution of the expectations of socialist militants, focusing on Cold War cultures and imaginaries. It seeks to show the ambivalence of the Soviet peace campaign which, because of its success, gave credence to the idea of an imminent catastrophe, leading militants to doubt the future. The article also highlights the relatively rapid fluctuations of short and long term hopes over the period, as well as the great diffraction of the imaginaries within the same party, which is particularly visible in 1956, which some militants perceived as a catastrophe obscuring the future, while others imagined that the PSI, finally rid of the communist alliance, would be able to write a new page in the history of Italy.

This article aims to analyze the supply of military equipment by the United States to South American countries during the Cold War period. At first, it seeks to address the US strategic agenda for the subcontinent and, then, it seeks to advance chronologically through the most significant decades of bipolarity, which marked the advances and setbacks regarding military agreements and the transfer of US equipment to South America. To respond to the proposed objective, bibliographical research was carried out, access to data from the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI), as well as research in other specialized sources on this subject.

This article is devoted to the reception of Ernst Neizvestny’s art by the American daily and specialised press between the 1960s and 1980s. The research focuses on constructing the heroic image of Ernst Neizvestny based on several clichйs that are well-established in American culture: a fighter for freedom in art and an oppressed artist, “an artist in exile” after emigration. This article aims to fix the changes in the reception of Ernst Neizvestny’s oeuvre by American critics and journalists at different stages of the Cold War. The interdisciplinary approach contains the social, historical, and political factors that underlie artistic practice and necessitate the use of methods from different areas of the humanities including media and cultural studies.The main sources are reviews of solo exhibitions, interviews with the artist, notes, and articles in the American press. They are supplemented by video interviews with the sculptor from the archives of the National Centre for Contemporary Art (part of the Pushkin State Museum of Fine Arts) and the Garage Museum of Contemporary Art, Neizvestny’s published correspondence, as well as historical archival materials. If in the publications of the 1960s and 1970s, the authors were most interested in the relationship between Neizvestny and the Soviet authorities, at the end of the Détente, more analytical materials on art history appeared. The author concludes that the actualisation of a particular image depended on social and political factors, changes in the international cultural landscape, and the nature of the relationship between the two superpowers. The construction of the heroic image of Neizvestny in the US media became one of the tools of anti-Soviet propaganda in the cultural confrontation. An analysis of the reception of E. Neizvestny’s artworks helps reveal the ways in which ideas about Soviet art were produced and spread in American culture during the Cold War., Статья посвящена рецепции творчества Эрнста Неизвестного американской ежедневной и специализированной прессой в 1960–1980-е гг. Исследовательский фокус направлен на конструирование героического образа скульптора на основе нескольких устоявшихся в американской культуре клише: борца за творческую свободу и опального, притесняемого автора, после эмиграции — «художника в изгнании». Цель статьи — зафиксировать изменения в восприятии творчества Эрнста Неизвестного на разных этапах холодной войны. Междисциплинарный подход затрагивает социальные, исторические и политические факторы, лежащие в основе художественной практики, и обусловливает необходимость использования методов из разных областей гуманитарного знания, включая медиа и культуру.Основными источниками послужили рецензии на персональные выставки, интервью с художником, заметки и статьи в американской прессе. Их дополнили видеоинтервью со скульптором из архивов Государственного центра современного искусства (в составе ГМИИ им. Пушкина) и Музея современного искусства «Гараж», опубликованная переписка Неизвестного, а также исторические архивные материалы. Отмечается, что в публикациях 1960–1970-х гг. журналистов более всего интересовали взаимоотношения Неизвестного с советской властью, тогда как на излете «разрядки» появилось больше искусствоведческих материалов аналитического характера. Делается вывод о зависимости актуализации того или иного образа от социально-политических факторов, изменений в международном культурном ландшафте и характере взаимоотношений двух сверхдержав. Анализ рецепции творчества Эрнста Неизвестного помогает раскрыть способы производства и распространения представлений о советском искусстве в американской культуре в период холодной войны.

In March 1952, representatives of the Federal Republic of Germany, Israel and the Conference on Jewish Material Claims against Germany (JCC) met in a secret location in the Netherlands to negotiate about reparations (Wiedergutmachung / shilumim). This was the first official meeting between German, Jewish and Israeli representatives in the aftermath of the Holocaust, and it took place in Wassenaar. Based on diplomatic, intelligence and police archival sources, in combination with oral history interviews and news reports, this article examines the Netherlands’ involvement in hosting these negotiations. It illuminates the circumstances leading to the Dutch assent to hosting these talks and demonstrates the crucial importance of the Dutch intelligence and police forces in protecting the safety of the negotiators from terror attacks. In maart 1952 ontmoetten vertegenwoordigers van de Bondsrepubliek Duitsland, Israël en de Conference on Jewish Material Claims against Germany (JCC) elkaar op een geheime locatie in Nederland om te onderhandelen over herstelbetalingen (Wiedergutmachung / shilumim). Deze eerste officiële bijeenkomst van Duitse, Joodse en Israëlische vertegenwoordigers in de nasleep van de Holocaust vond plaats in Wassenaar. Op basis van zowel bronnen van diplomatieke, politionele en inlichtingendiensten, als mondelinge getuigenissen en nieuwsberichten wordt in dit artikel de Nederlandse betrokkenheid bij de organisatie van deze onderhandelingen onderzocht. Het licht de context toe waarin Nederland toestemde om het gastland voor deze bijeenkomst te worden en het toont aan dat de Nederlandse inlichtingen- en politiediensten van cruciaal belang waren voor het beveiligen van de onderhandelaars tegen terreuraanvallen.

With its opposing and mutually exclusive military and economic organisations, post-1945 Europe was the perfect embodiment of the symmetric and parallel development of the two ideological Cold War blocs. Drawing on the rich historiography of the last fifteen years that put the Europeans centre stage, this conclusive article qualifies this view of Cold War Europe and rather argues that the Continent should be seen as a complex space where parallelism, asymmetry of various kinds and convergence coexisted and where multi-layered cooperation emerged between a diverse range of actors in various domains.

This article studies the shift from a Ministry of Hygiene in Colombia to a Ministry of Public Health, from 1946 to 1953. This was not only a new name for the ministry, but a transitional process from government policies based on European public hygiene towards institutionalizing the North American model of public health. The process involved negotiations between local government representatives and the Currie Mission, which was sent to Colombia by the Inter-American Bank for Reconstruction and Development and the Inter-American Cooperative Health Service. These negotiations took place via asymmetrical relationships of interdependence, within the framework of the “invisible government” implemented by the United States in Latin America during the Cold War. Resumen Este artículo estudia el cambio de un Ministerio de Higiene en Colombia a un Ministerio de Salud Pública, de 1946 a 1953. Este no fue solo un nuevo nombre para el ministerio sino un proceso de transición de políticas gubernamentales basadas en la higiene pública europea hacia la institucionalización del modelo norteamericano de salud pública. El proceso involucró negociaciones entre representantes del gobierno local y la Misión Currie, que fue enviada a Colombia por el Banco Interamericano de Reconstrucción y Desarrollo y el Servicio Cooperativo Interamericano de Salud. Estas negociaciones se dieron a través de relaciones asimétricas de interdependencia, en el marco del “gobierno invisible” implementado por Estados Unidos en América Latina durante la Guerra Fría.

This paper focuses on the transnational neofascist network during the long 1970s. Specifically, it revolves around the period between the consolidation of the generational change (made explicit in 1968), and the beginning of the 1980s, when many of these political actors decided to migrate to South America, increasingly aware of the shortcomings of their European project. From a spatial perspective, this paper concentrates on the concept of a 'Third Force Europe', paying particular attention to Latin connections, especially France, Italy, Spain and Portugal - countries which remained at the forefront of the network. The main premise will be that the new generation of neofascist militants that was beginning to dominate the political stage during the 1960s was dissatisfied with the old ways in which neofascist groups were conducting politics, thus becoming determined to find a place to be politically active outside the traditional parties; in fact, they needed to find their own political space vis-a-vis the more nostalgic older generation. This physical space would eventually be found in Italy, Spain, Portugal and many Latin American countries which had offered a safe refuge for the older fascists who had wanted not only to escape, but also to settle down and consolidate a series of political and personal relationships which they had established over the past two decades. From a strategic perspective, the growing dissatisfaction would also create a new form of struggle: black terrorism. This terrorism became widespread in Europe in the late 1960s and 1970s and, as a result of this, many neofascists were forced to flee their countries to find refuge, once again, in Spain, Portugal and Latin America. This diaspora would further enhance transnational neofascist cooperation that would reach one of its high points between 1969 and 1981.

El presente trabajo se propone realizar un análisis de la relación bilateral de Colombia y los Estados Unidos durante los inicios de la guerra fría, para demostrar como dicha relación influyo directamente en las dinámicas (políticas, jurídicas y electorales) anticomunistas desatadas en Colombia entre 1950 y 1966, en las cuales tendría su origen el conflicto armado colombiano. En este contexto, se consolida el bipartidismo, la autonomía militar frente al control civil y anticomunismo se convierte en el centro de las políticas de seguridad, además se desarrollan los primeros grupos de autodefensas campesinas comunistas que darían origen a las FARC-EP, y se presentan los primeros quiebres dentro del Partido Comunista Colombiano, originados por la posición de este último, frente a la Revolución cubana y la lucha armada como vía de acceso al poder.

The growing availability of previously declassified material on the Cold War has allowed scholars to revisit old questions with new, more decisive, evidence. In this paper, we draw on this archival material to explore the unresolved question of what Cuba’s involvement against the Eritrean Liberation struggle consisted of in the late 1970s, and importantly why they engaged in this way, given a historical commitment to the Eritrean Liberation movement’s goals. While a seemingly minor point in a protracted thirty-year struggle for Eritrean independence, we argue that clarifying this matters for several reasons, not least that Cuban support for the Ethiopian Derg’s offensive against the Eritreans was seeminglypivotal for temporarily reversing the fighters’ major gains in the late 1970s, meaning fifteen more years of fighting until Eritrea’s de facto independence was secured. Drawing upon excerpts from the first author’s original book manuscript on this topic, we also suggest that the effects of Havana’s and other government’s denial of Cuba’s involvement in suppressing the Eritrean struggle contributed to the sense of betrayal and distrust that still haunts Eritrean politics and its leadership, as well as those Eritrean liberation fighters who experienced their staunch ally turn into an ideological and material adversary.

Yueh Feng is an important film director in Chinese film history who is also representative of the “filmmakers who went south” from Shanghai. He has been given five seemingly contradictory titles: a “progressive film director,” a maker of “erotic films,” a “turncoat” filmmaker, a Hong Kong “patriotic filmmaker,” and a “free filmmaker.” As these titles suggest, there were three important turning points in his life as a film director. Yueh Feng’s case is a classic example of a filmmaker who was forced to make decisions while being at the mercy of history and suffered because of these decisions. He also symbolizes both the continuity between pre-war/wartime Shanghai films and postwar Hong Kong films, as well as their disconnection. First, Yueh Feng went to Hong Kong and opened a new page of his career by making film noir productions. He also shot many films with anti-feudalist and anti-capitalist themes at the Great Wall Filmmaking Company and used his art to convey his political convictions through a well-balanced style of artistic expression. After the mid-1950s, while working at the Cathay Organization and Shaw Brothers, explicit ideological slogans began to vanish from his films. Instead, these films have a strong tendency to hark back to traditional culture as an artistic resource. By creating a classic Chinese image and affirming traditional ethical morals, he aimed to arouse the ethnic sentiments of oversea Chinese viewers. Although this artistic reorientation was in line with the cultural strategy of Hong Kong’s mandarin cinema films produced against the historical backdrop of the Cold War, it also reveals the ambiguous nature of the historical imagination of “southbound filmmakers,” while expressing the nostalgic sentiments of the diaspora., 陳悦（訳）

Most existing studies use ‘reterritorialization’ to describe the outward expansion of Chinese power in Southeast Asia. This paper, however, flips this familiar narrative. It examines Sino-Southeast Asian diplomacy hidden in the Chinese hinterland and embedded in the everyday. I focus on the landlocked province of Jiangxi, where the Chinese government created two enclaves for communist exiles and displaced diaspora respectively—both hailing from Southeast Asia. I argue that this domestic operation of foreign affairs helped absorb the impact of unfavourable foreign policy outcomes or drastic policy reversals. As post-Mao China re-engaged with the world, the PRC state's management of Cold War migrants enabled its reconstruction of geopolitical relations with Southeast Asia. With China's foreign policy reorientation and the progression of market reform, the state's governing strategy in the two study areas changed from one of privileged segregation to a strong push for economic self-reliance. Meanwhile, the entrepreneurial individuals from these two communities represented, repackaged and retooled an inconvenient past the state tried to erase for the elevation of their individual socioeconomic statuses and the development of their respective communities. Through their creative mediation, the history of PRC's Cold War engagement with Southeast Asia is reinscribed in new time-space contexts. Ministry of Education (MOE) This article receives financial support from Tier 1 Grant number RG74/18, Ministry of Education, Singapore.

During the Twentieth Century, foreign travel underwent a process of democratisation. Increasingly, through the development of package holidays to ever more far-flung destinations, leisure tourism for the first time allowed ordinary people to experience different cultures first hand. With the increased availability and affordability of foreign travel, actively promoted by travel agencies with strong left-wing political affiliations and supported and facilitated by international friendship societies, the number of western tourists visiting Eastern Europe multiplied through the 1960s and 1970s despite the Cold War. This paper will explore western tourism in Eastern Europe during the Cold War in a Scottish context through the material culture of travel collected during this period, focusing on the collection of Miss Eileen Crowford (1913 - 1990) held by National Museums Scotland. Miss Crowford was a life-long Edinburgh resident and an avid collector. Her collection spans the 20th century and includes a significant collection of costume jewellery, mass-produced decorative arts and travel souvenirs. Drawing upon previously unresearched material in the archive and objects acquired on her travels, both items that she bought and things that she was given or obtained as part of the travel experience, provides a case study through which to explore engagement with communist culture and politics in a Scottish context. This paper discusses how these trips were being marketed to prospective Scottish travellers, and how souvenir production and distribution, as well as conditions of access, reflect an often-mediated experience of the Soviet East.

This publication is with permission of the rights owner freely accessible due to an Alliance licence and a national licence (funded by the DFG, German Research Foundation) respectively., Dieser Beitrag ist mit Zustimmung des Rechteinhabers aufgrund einer (DFG geförderten) Allianz- bzw. Nationallizenz frei zugänglich., The article challenges the widely shared thesis in memory studies that the antifascist memory of the Second World War suppressed the Holocaust. Instead of exploring exceptions to this rule by looking for single cases of antifascist memory that represent some aspects of the Holocaust, we argue that antifascist memory presented a distinct cultural regime for remembering the past. Our claim is that antifascist memory, understood as a particular historical phenomenon on a transnational scale, opened up specific ways to commemorate the Jewish genocide. Our article relies on two pillars: first, on recent memory studies scholarship that challenged “the myth of silence” in relation to the postwar decades; second, on recent studies revisiting antifascism itself, demonstrating its transnational and ideologically diverse nature. We argue that a contested but at least until the 1970s still commonly held pan-European antifascist legacy fostered not only intra-Eastern bloc but also cross–Cold War mnemonic cooperation. We present an empirical comparative study that discusses the 1965 Hungarian exhibition at the State Museum Auschwitz-Birkenau and the Hungarian section at the permanent exhibition at the Museum of the Memorial of the Unknown Jewish Martyr in Paris that opened in the same year. Based on archival documents in Budapest, Auschwitz-Birkenau, and Paris, we prove that both exhibitions displayed a coherent, historically accurate, and comprehensive account of the genocide that articulated unambiguously the Jewish identity of those perished and persecuted. At the same time, they both operated under discursive conditions informed by antifascist legacies in Poland, Hungary, and France.

أعطى ظهور الأمم المتحدة الأمل للشعوب التي تکافح من أجل الاستقلال، ومن ثم ظهرت العديد من قضايا التحرر الوطني داخل أروقة الأمم المتحدة. وکانت قضية المغرب واحدة من تلک القضايا. وقد عرفت طريقها إلى الأمم المتحدة عام 1951م من خلال الدول العربية الست التي کانت تتمتع بعضوية المنظمة الدولية. ومنذ طرح القضية، أيد الاتحاد السوفيتي ودول الکتلة الشرقية قضية المغرب، ليس إيمانا بها، بقدر ما هو محاولة للانتصار على جبهة الکتلة الغربية وتقليص نفوذها في المناطق الإستراتيجية ومنها المغرب وشمال أفريقيا. وفي المقابل استماتت الولايات المتحدة ودول الکتلة الغربية في دعم فرنسا، حرصا على مصالحها المشترکة، وللحيلولة دون تنامي النفوذ السوفيتي. وفي خضم المناقشات في الأمم المتحدة؛ انبرى کل طرف يبدي وجهة نظره حيال القضية، ويدافع عن رؤيته لتداعياتها على الوضع الدولي، وينتقد وجهة نظر الطرف الآخر؛ ومن ثم مثلت جولة من جولات الحرب الباردة. وقد حرص الاتحاد السوفيتي في معرض تناوله لقضية المغرب وانتقاده لفرنسا، على الزج باسم الولايات المتحدة، وتوجيه اتهام لها بالتواطؤ من أجل المصالح والامتيازات الاقتصادية والعسکرية التي منحتها إياها فرنسا في المغرب. وعلى الرغم من أن دول الکتلة الغربية کانت تملک أدوات التأثير التي تمکنها من توجيه دفة الأمور داخل الأمم المتحدة؛ استطاع الاتحاد السوفيتي ودول الکتلة الشرقية التعبير عن وجهة نظرهم بالصورة التي أحرجت دول الکتلة الغربية، وجعلوا الجمعية العامة ومجلس الأمن منبرا مهما لانتقاد سياسة الکتلة الغربية ومهاجمتها. وبذلک أسهم موقف المعسکر الشرقي في حمل فرنسا على تقديم تنازلات بالشکل الذي أفضى إلى اعترافها بأن معاهدة الحماية لم تعد مناسبة، وأن المغرب جديرة بأن تکون دولة مستقلة. Abstract The emergence of the United Nations gave hope to the peoples who were struggling for independence, and then many issues of national liberation appeared on the agenda of the General Assembly and the Security Council. The issue of Morocco was one of the most important issues that appeared in the United Nations. It made its way to the international organization in 1951 through the six Arab countries that were members of the United Nations. Since the issue was raised, the Soviet Union and the Eastern Bloc countries supported the Moroccan cause, not as a belief in it, but rather as an attempt to triumph over the Western Bloc front and reduce its influence in strategic areas, including Morocco and North Africa. On the other hand, the United States and the Western bloc countries were desperate to support the French position, in order to preserve their common interests in Morocco, and to prevent the growth of Soviet influence. In the midst of the discussions that took place in the United Nations, each party—motivated by its interests—set to express its viewpoint on the issue, defend its vision of its repercussions on the international situation, criticize the other party's viewpoint, and hence such discussions represented a round of the Cold War. In addressing the issue and criticizing France along with its policy in Morocco, the Soviet Union used to accuse the United States of complicity for the interests and privileges granted by France in Morocco. Although the United States and the countries of the Western bloc had the tools of influence that enabled them to direct matters within the United Nations, the Soviet Union and the Eastern bloc countries were able to express their point of view in a way that embarrassed the Western bloc countries, and made the General Assembly and the Security Council an important platform for criticizing and attacking the policy of the Western bloc. Thus, the position of the Soviet Union and the countries of the Eastern Bloc contributed to some extent to the forcing of France to make concessions in a way that led to its confession that the Treaty of Protection was no longer appropriate, and that Morocco deserved to be an independent state.

The United States often applies its laws to conduct or persons in foreign countries. How do these countries respond to U.S. extraterritorial pressure? This study examines a central case of extraterritoriality: the protection of U.S. troops from criminal justice in troop-hosting countries. We argue that greater security dependence on the United States brings hosts to comply with U.S. pressure – when such compliance receives limited public attention. This argument is tested through a micro-level analysis of host countries’ treatment of U.S. personnel who committed criminal offenses during the Cold War (1954-1970). The results suggest that in countries dependent on U.S.-provided security, American troops were less likely to face trial. Yet if troops indeed stood trial, the host’s dependence on the United States did not bias verdicts or sentences, since those were public. The data also show that the involvement of U.S. troops in crime was far greater than previously known.

In August 1963, the United States and the Soviet Union signed the Nuclear Test Ban Treaty. But that was only half the story: To be enacted, the Test Ban had to be ratified by the U.S. Senate. President Kennedy was pessimistic. He confided in aides that getting this “controversial treaty” through the Senate was “almost in the nature of a miracle.” And yet, two months later, the Test Ban was ratified by an overwhelming majority. So, what happened? This thesis gives the answers. It provides the first analytical narrative of the campaign for ratification Kennedy and his allies waged in the summer of 1963. It not only examines White House strategy and Senate proceedings, but also grassroots activism, thereby drawing attention to domestic imperatives in the enactment of the treaty. Ultimately, this thesis argues, Kennedy’s campaign achieved more than its legislative objective. It made peaceful coexistence with the Soviet Union a popular position and engendered the Summer of Peace; a political atmosphere where many, be they hawks or doves, thought the Cold War was nearing its end. Kennedy, in turn, used the momentum of the Summer of Peace to engineer a rapprochement with the Soviet Union. The endgame: to end the Cold War. But Kennedy died in November 1963, just as he was making headway. By identifying a distinct moment in the Cold War—which lasted another three decades—when peace beckoned, this thesis emphasises the importance of contingency in history.

Este artículo busca documentar los vínculos del Programa de Planificación Familiar chileno con organizaciones como el Population Council, la Rockefeller Foundation, la International Planned Parenthood Federation y la ONU, entre 1960 y 1973. En el marco de las políticas poblacionales impuestas por la Guerra Fría, se analiza la trayectoria de la comunidad médica chilena, que, compartiendo los lineamientos ideológicos de las agencias internacionales, entendió esa relación como un instrumento eficiente para la contención de las altas tasas de aborto, más que para la disminución significativa del crecimiento poblacional. This article seeks to document the links between the Chilean Family Planning Program and organizations such as the Population Council, the Rockefeller Foundation, the International Planned Parenthood Federation and the UN between 1960 and 1973. Within the framework of the population policies imposed by the Cold War, it analyzes the trajectory of the Chilean medical community, which, by sharing in the ideological guidelines of the international agencies, understood said relationship more as an efficient instrument for limiting high abortion rates than as means to significantly reduce population growth. Este artigo procura documentar os vínculos do Programa de Planejamento Familiar chileno com organizações como a Population Council, a Rockefeller Foundation, a International Planned Parenthood Federation e a ONU, entre 1960 e 1973. No marco das políticas populacionais impostas pela Guerra Fria, analisa-se a trajetória da comunidade médica chilena que, compartilhando os lineamentos ideológicos das agências internacionais, entendeu essa relação como um instrumento eficiente para a contenção das altas taxas de aborto, mais que para a diminuição significativa do crescimento populacional.

Objetivo/contexto: el artículo describe la participación colombiana en la guerra de Corea entre 1951 y 1954, a partir de un análisis que vincula las relaciones entre el contexto de Guerra Fría en América Latina, la violencia en Colombia y la particularidad del enfrentamiento coreano. Metodología: partiendo de una nueva historiografía de la Guerra Fría orientada por la categoría de historia global, el trabajo realiza una revisión de fuentes primarias y secundarias, e identifica algunas sincronías entre las políticas internas, el contexto internacional y las prácticas de élites políticas y militares al ingresar en este conflicto internacional. Conclusiones: el artículo describe cómo élites políticas y militares de mediados del siglo XX en el país interpretaron la polarización mundial durante la posguerra y cómo en medio de una interdependencia económica, militar y diplomática, justificaron la presencia de más de 5.000 hombres en el campo de batalla en suelo coreano. Originalidad: la reconstrucción histórica de la participación desde esta perspectiva permite identificar las interdependencias globales y locales del país en la década de los cincuenta. Objective/Context: The article describes the role of Colombia inthe Korean War between 1951-1954, proposing an analysis that links the context of the Cold War in Latin America, the violence in Colombia, and the features of the Korean conflict. Methodology: Based on new historiography of the Cold War and the concept of global history, the text exposes an analysis of primary and secondary sources to identify synchronicities between Internal Policies, the international context and the practices of military and political Colombian elites to participate in the Korean conflict. Conclusion: The text describes how political and military elites in the middle of the twenty century in Colombia understood the context of global polarization in the postwar and how in the middle of an economic, military and diplomatic dependency, justified the presence of more than 5 thousand people in the field of combat in Korea. Originality: The approach from this perspective let us understand some global and local interdependencies in the country in the fifty´ decades. Objetivo/contexto: o artigo descreve a participação colombiana na Guerra da Coreia entre 1951 e 1954, a partir de uma análise que relaciona as relações entre o contexto da Guerra Fria na América Latina, a violência na Colômbia e a particularidade do confronto coreano. Metodologia: partindo de uma nova historiografia da Guerra Fria orientada pela categoria de história global, o trabalho realiza uma revisão de fontes secundárias e de imprensa, identificando algunas sincronías entre as políticas internas, o contexto internacional e as prácticas de políticos e militares do momento utilizaram ao conduzir o país a este conflito internacional. Conclusões: o artigo descreve como as elites políticas e militares de meados do século XX no país interpretaram a polarização mundial no pós-guerra e como, em meio à interdependência económica, militar e diplomática, justificaram a presença de mais de cinco mil homens no campo de batalha em solo coreano. Originalidade: esta perspectiva nos permite identificar algumas interdependencias globais e locais do país nos anos cinquenta.

Cadre de recherche : L’article porte sur les parcours d’anciens travailleurs contractuels venus du Mozambique en République démocratique allemande (RDA) dans le cadre d’accords bilatéraux entre 1979 et 1990. La fondation d’une famille était interdite à ces jeunes adultes lors de leur séjour, par définition limité et dédié uniquement au travail et à la formation. Après la chute du mur de Berlin, seule une minorité d’entre eux est restée en Allemagne. Pour certains, les constellations familiales ont joué un rôle décisif dans l’obtention d’un permis de séjour. Objectifs : L’article tend à éclairer les impacts de ces dispositifs spécifiques à la guerre froide sur les parcours individuels, et en particulier sur les stratégies destinées à « faire famille ». Méthodologie :Cette recherche qualitative en cours se base sur des récits de vie recueillis lors d’entretiens narratifs avec d’anciens travailleurs vivant en Allemagne aujourd’hui. Trois études de cas ont été choisies pour examiner, à titre d’exemples, les façons de « faire famille » dans ce dispositif spécifique du travail contractuel. Résultats : Cette comparaison montre que l’interdiction de fonder une famille n’a pas été à long terme un obstacle pour aucun des trois enquêtés. Plusieurs stratégies ont été observées, comme le fait de déplacer la fondation d’une famille au Mozambique pendant la phase de travail contractuel ou reporter la fondation d’une famille en Allemagne à la période qui a suivi la résiliation des contrats, soit à partir de 1990. Conclusions : Les structures familiales ainsi construites s’inscrivent dans de nouveaux espaces sociaux transnationaux co-construits par les enquêtés, qui s’entremêlent entre le Mozambique et l’Allemagne, ce qui favorise chez leurs enfants une appartenance multiculturelle et engendre de nouvelles formes de mobilité nord-sud. Contribution : Cette approche permet de mettre en lumière des biographies d’anciens travailleurs mozambicains, dans le cadre de leur séjour en RDA, mais aussi dans une perspective plus large couvrant l’ensemble de leur parcours, de leur enfance jusqu’à nos jours., Research Framework: The article focuses on the pathways of former contract workers who came to the German Democratic Republic (GDR) from Mozambique under bilateral agreements between 1979 and 1990. These young adults were not allowed to start a family during their stay, which was by definition dedicated solely to work and training. After the fall of the Berlin Wall, only a minority of them remained in Germany. For some, family constellations played a decisive role in obtaining a residence permit. Objectives: This article aims to highlight the impact of these Cold War specific arrangements on individual life paths, and in particular on strategies for “making a family”. Methodology: This on ongoing qualitative research is based on life stories collected during narrative interviews with former workers living in Germany today. Three case studies were chosen to examine, as examples, the ways of “making family” in this specific arrangement of contract work. Results: This comparison shows that the prohibition to start a family was not a long-term obstacle for any of the three interviewees. Several strategies were observed, such as starting their family in Mozambique during their contractual work or postponing having a family in Germany until after the termination of their contracts in 1990 and onwards. Conclusions: The family structures thus constructed are part of new transnational social spaces co-constructed by the interviewees. They are interwoven between Mozambique and Germany, which foster a multicultural belonging in their children and generate new forms of North-South mobility. Contribution: This approach allows us to highlight the biographies of former Mozambican workers, in the context of their stay in the GDR, but also in a broader perspective covering their entire life path, from their childhood to the present day., Marco e la investigación: El artículo se centra en las trayectorias de los trabajadores contratados que vinieron a la RDA desde Mozambique en virtud de acuerdos bilaterales entre 1979 y 1990. A estos jóvenes adultos no se les permitió formar una familia durante su estancia, que por definición se limitó al trabajo y la formación. Tras la caída del Muro, sólo una minoría de ellos permaneció en Alemania. Para algunos de ellos, las constelaciones familiares fueron decisivas para obtener el permiso de residencia. Objetivo: Este artículo pretende arrojar luz sobre el impacto de estos acuerdos específicos de la Guerra Fría en las trayectorias individuales y, más concretamente, en las estrategias para "formar una familia". Metodología: Esta investigación cualitativa en curso se basa en historias de vida recogidas en entrevistas narrativas con ex trabajadores que viven hoy en Alemania. Se eligieron tres estudios de caso para examinar, a modo de ejemplo, las maneras de "hacer familia" en este dispositivo específico de trabajo por contrato. Resultados: Esta comparación demuestra que la prohibición de formar una familia no fue un obstáculo para ninguno de los tres encuestados a largo tiempo. Se observaron varias estrategias, como trasladar la fundación de una familia a Mozambique durante la fase de trabajo contractual; o posponer la fundación de una familia en Alemania al periodo posterior a la finalización de los contratos, es decir, a partir de 1990. Conclusiones: Las estructuras familiares así construidas forman parte de nuevos espacios sociales transnacionales co-construidos por los encuestados, que se entremezclan entre Mozambique y Alemania, fomentando así una pertenencia multicultural en sus hijos y generando nuevas formas de movilidad Norte-Sur. Contribución: Este acercamiento permite aportar luz a las biografías de los trabajadores mozambiqueños, en el contexto de su estancia en la RDA, pero también en una perspectiva más amplia que abarca toda su trayectoria, desde la infancia hasta la actualidad.

International audience; This research paper is a continuation of research conducted in 2018 at the Center for Study and Research of the Hague Academy on international inspections from a historic perspective. It focuses on how the drafters of the Antarctic Treaty resurrected a system of inspection that had been relatively forgotten since the great peace treaties of 1919, in the service of avoiding new global conflicts. While it is the starting point for the revival of international inspection, this model has not been extended in the same way throughout the Antarctic system or beyond. For example, a form of inspection was used in 1967 to guarantee the peaceful exploration of extra-atmospheric space; but it was not adopted in the same terms and the Antarctic's inspection remains quite a unique system. The article questions the reasons for this limited transposition, at a time when inspection is experiencing a revival of interest in international sanitary law or in corporate vigilance in Europe with respect to human rights. After a contextualization, it highlights the successes of the Antarctic inspection regime before considering, from a more forward-looking angle, the difficulties and criticisms to which the regime is subject. It faces in particular the evolutions of the geopolitical context of the Antarctic, less focused on nuclear issues than on environmental and touristic problematics.

This article examines the contested nature of American efforts to expand America’s twentieth century notion of tri-faith idealism—the unity of the three monotheistic faiths of Protestantism, Catholicism, and Judaism—to include Muslims both at home and abroad. It does so through a contextual, historical study of the construction and dedication of the Islamic Center of Washington. The construction of the Islamic Center ultimately proved a lightning rod that electrified competing wings of Protestant Christian nationalism within in the United States—namely “inclusivist ecumenists” and “exclusivist populists.&rdquo

In South African literary and intellectual history, critical perspectives on Bloke Modisane have largely centred on the singular achievement of his only published book Blame Me on History. While the book remains both a masterful memorial to the passage of a life and a unique contribution to the social history of black South Africans under apartheid, the narrative’s conclusion with the year 1959, its proscription in 1963, and the author’s appearance on the banned list of writers in 1966 has hindered scholars’ appreciation of Modisane’s intellectual and cultural production beyond the 1950s. It has also fragmented popular understandings of Modisane as many readers not only presume the book to be the only work he ever produced, but also assume to know the extent of his intellectual life and legacy. This dissertation traces Modisane’s intellectual and cultural development from his pre-exilic years in South Africa to the United Kingdom, East Africa, North America, Italy, the German Democratic Republic, and the Federal Republic of Germany. It argues that Modisane was a pioneering transatlantic intellectual figure who made an unrivalled, albeit underrated, intellectual and cultural contribution to South African creative arts, British radio broadcasting and theatre, East African literature and history, the American Civil Rights Movement, and the global anti-colonial and anti-apartheid struggles. Based on previously unexplored archives from South Africa, Germany, America, France, and the United Kingdom, this dissertation draws on the histories of black transnationalism, African and diasporic intellectual traditions, the black literary archive, history and performance cultures, and Commonwealth and cultural history. It situates Modisane in his rightful place as one of South Africa’s most prominent historical and intellectual figures of the twentieth century., Gates Cambridge Trust

A integração da cultura pop no mundo académico tende em gerar debate relativamente à sua legitimidade intelectual. Ainda assim, aceita-se que a cultura pop é um meio útil não só para tornar o ensino de disciplinas, como a das Relações Internacionais (RI), mais acessíveis, como também para analisar alguns acontecimentos políticos, tanto a nível nacional ou internacional, devido às metáforas, alegorias e referências políticas incorporadas em diferentes artefactos. Nesta investigação focamo-nos nestes benefícios da cultura pop como instrumento de análise, aplicando-os na abordagem do universo Star Trek e como este representa as diferentes fases da Guerra Fria, tanto a nível externo como interno. Através da análise de narrativa de dois constituintes de Star Trek, The Original Series (TOS) (1966-1969) e The Next Generation (TNG) (1987-1994) observamos a forma como o contexto de cada uma influenciou os temas retratados e a mensagem que cada uma pretende transmitir. A evolução da representação do período temporal sob estudo e da identidade americana nestas séries contém certas semelhanças com outros artefactos do mesmo período temporal, no entanto, encontramos uma constante defesa de certos ideais apesar da forma distinta como esta é feita em cada série. Consideramos que as circunstâncias internas e externas da política americana, o retrato alegórico, a propagação dos seus valores e o impacto do contexto histórico na interpretação das representações ficcionais tornam este tópico pertinente ao campo das RI. Pop Culture's incorporation into academia frequently sparks discussion over its intellectual validity. Nevertheless, it is acknowledged that pop culture, due to the use of metaphors, allegories, and political references incorporated into various artefacts, is a useful tool for not only making the teaching of subjects, like International Relations (IR) more accessible, but also for analysing various political events, both nationally and internationally. In this study, we emphasise the advantages of using popular culture as an analytical tool by applying them to the Star Trek universe and how it represents the various stages of the Cold War, both at a international and domestic level. We examined how the circumstances of each Star Trek component—The Original Series (TOS) (1966–1969) and The Next Generation (TNG) (1987–1994)—influenced the topics depicted and the message that each one wished to convey. The progression of the portrayal of the time period under study and the American identity within these series shares certain similarities with other artefacts of the same period, however, we identify a persistent defence of certain principles despite the distinctive way in which this is done in each series. We consider that the internal and external circumstances of American politics, the allegorical portrayal, the propagation of its values and the impact of the historical context on the interpretation of fictional representations make this topic pertinent to the field of IR.

Science fiction (SF) developed as a self-identified genre in Japan in the 1950s and quickly underwent a boom in the 1960s. Throughout this period, SF literature, film, and television were tightly intertwined industries, sharing production personnel, textual tropes, and audiences. As these industries entered global circulation with the hope of finding recognition and success in the international SF community, however, they encountered the contradictions of the Cold War liberal cultural system under the US nuclear umbrella. Awareness of the discursive marginalization of Japanese SF in the Euro-American dominated global SF scene manifested in Japanese texts in the twin tropes of apocalypse and anxiety surrounding embodiment. Through a close reading of two SF films—The X from Outer Space (Uchū daikaijū Girara, 1967) and Genocide (Konchū daisensō, 1968), both directed by Nihonmatsu Kazui for Shochiku Studios—and Komatsu Sakyō’s 1964 SF disaster novel Virus: The Day of Resurrection (Fukkatsu no hi), I argue that, largely excluded from discursive belonging in the global community of SF producers and consumers, Japanese authors and directors responded with texts that wiped away the contemporary status quo in spectacular apocalypses, eschatological breaks that would allow a utopian global order, as imagined by Japanese SF, to take hold.

This chapter is concerned with the last period of Churchill’s premiership and leadership of the Conservative Party. It focusses not just on the last part of his ‘Indian summer’ when back in office but also on the tempestuous moves and motives of the Conservatives to compel his retirement in an age before party leadership elections. It also examines Churchill’s manoeuvres to frustrate these ambitions and continue in power. While many studies have examined how British politicians gain the leadership of political parties, there has been less analysis of their inevitable fall. The chapter is written primarily from the Conservative perspective since, until the 1965 Douglas-Home Rules which established leadership elections and procedures, so-called customary processes existed to enable, largely without public knowledge (and even beyond the engagement of many Conservative politicians themselves), the emergence, and removal, of leaders ‘for the good of the party’.