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Vojna diplomacija u nekom svom obliku postoji od kad je i države. Kroz različita razdoblja u povijesti, kako se funkcija vojne diplomacije mijenjala, tako se počela nazivati drugim sinonimima. Tako se od hladnoratovske vojne diplomacije usredotočene na obavještajno djelovanje razvio pojam obrambene diplomacije koja je prebacila fokus s vojne komponente k multilateralnoj suradnji i uključivanju civilne strukture. Naposljetku, javio se i pojam sigurnosne diplomacije koji ju još više udaljava od vojnog sektora. Korištenje vojno-diplomatskih metoda i tehnika SAD-a, SSSR-a i trećih strana tijekom Hladnog rata presudilo je u prevenciji izbijanja nuklearnog sukoba, što je osobito primijetno u Kubanskoj raketnoj krizi. Ever since there is a state, there is military diplomacy. Through different periods in history, as the function of military diplomacy changed, different synonyms were used for this kind of activities. Thus, from the Cold War military diplomacy focused on intelligence activities, the concept of defense diplomacy developed, which shifted the focus from the military component to multilateral cooperation and the involvement of the civilian structure. Finally, the concept of security diplomacy appeared, which distances activities even more from the military sector. The use of military-diplomatic methods and techniques by the USA, the USSR and third parties during the Cold War was crucial in preventing the outbreak of a nuclear conflict, which is particularly noticeable in the Cuban Missile Crisis.

Vojna diplomacija u nekom svom obliku postoji od kad je i države. Kroz različita razdoblja u povijesti, kako se funkcija vojne diplomacije mijenjala, tako se počela nazivati drugim sinonimima. Tako se od hladnoratovske vojne diplomacije usredotočene na obavještajno djelovanje razvio pojam obrambene diplomacije koja je prebacila fokus s vojne komponente k multilateralnoj suradnji i uključivanju civilne strukture. Naposljetku, javio se i pojam sigurnosne diplomacije koji ju još više udaljava od vojnog sektora. Korištenje vojno-diplomatskih metoda i tehnika SAD-a, SSSR-a i trećih strana tijekom Hladnog rata presudilo je u prevenciji izbijanja nuklearnog sukoba, što je osobito primijetno u Kubanskoj raketnoj krizi., Ever since there is a state, there is military diplomacy. Through different periods in history, as the function of military diplomacy changed, different synonyms were used for this kind of activities. Thus, from the Cold War military diplomacy focused on intelligence activities, the concept of defense diplomacy developed, which shifted the focus from the military component to multilateral cooperation and the involvement of the civilian structure. Finally, the concept of security diplomacy appeared, which distances activities even more from the military sector. The use of military-diplomatic methods and techniques by the USA, the USSR and third parties during the Cold War was crucial in preventing the outbreak of a nuclear conflict, which is particularly noticeable in the Cuban Missile Crisis.

This article discusses the three Europes that informed Kissinger’s narrative of world affairs and Transatlantic relations: Europe as history offering vital lessons the USA was called to study and master; Europe as a junior (and subaltern) ally of the USA; Europe as the primary Cold War theater and, in the late 1960s and early 1970s, the object of superpowers’ détente. The article highlights how these three narratives were used in the attempt to build a new domestic consensus around a foreign policy still driven by basic Cold War imperatives, the limits and contradictions of this attempt, and its ultimate failure.

This article studies relations between Italy and the United States during the Cold War and the role played by the United States in the creation and history of the Italian Republic. It examines the many peculiarities of the highly asymmetrical relationship between Washington and Rome and its impact on Italian politics. Finally, it links the evolution of the Cold War and American foreign policy to the specific Italian context, attempting to thereby offer a periodization of the Cold War in Italy.; Cet article étudie les relations entre l’Italie et les États-Unis pendant la guerre froide, et le rôle joué par les États-Unis dans la formation et l’histoire de la République italienne. Il examine les nombreuses spécificités d’une relation fortement asymétrique, celle entre Washington et Rome, et son impact sur la politique italienne. Enfin, il lie l’évolution de la guerre froide et de la politique étrangère des États-Unis au contexte italien particulier, essayant de proposer une périodisation de la guerre froide en Italie.

Razdoblje nakon Drugog svjetskog rata obilježeno je bipolarnom strukturom međunarodnih odnosa kojom su dominirale dvije supersile SAD i SSSR. To je period hladnog rata u kojem je vladala izričito velika napetost u odnosima između dviju država, a to rivalstvo se je prije svega očitovalo kroz utrku u naoružanju, koja je jamčila ravnotežu snaga. Iako u hladnoratovskom razdoblju nikada nije došlo do direktnog sukoba između sovjetskog i američkog centra moći, ono je ipak bilo vrlo opasno i nestabilno, što je vidljivo u primjerima Berlinske i Kubanske krize, koje su državnike ovih dviju država potaknule na provođenje politike detanta. U diplomskom radu „Bipolarizam kao tip međunarodnih odnosa“ se objašnjava kako je ovo povijesno razdoblje bilo vrlo nestabilno, unatoč činjenici da je zapamćeno kao period nuklearnog mira i izostanka direktne konfrontacije. Ono što je donosilo krhkosti su bile stalne krize, posrednički ratovi, kao i nastojanja supersila da nadvladaju onu drugu te na taj način uspostave superiornost., The period after the World War II was marked by the bipolar structure of international relations in which dominated two great powers, the USA and the USSR. It was the period of Cold War in which ruled specifically big tension between two states and that rivalry was manifested through arms race that guaranteed balance of power. Although in Cold War period never came to direct conflict between soviet and american center of power, it was still very dangerous and unstable time, and that was seenable in the examples of the Berlin and the Cuban Missile crisis. Those crisis encouraged presidents of both states to implement a detante policy. The aim of the thesis „Bipolarism as the type of international relations“ is to explain how this historical period, despite the fact that was remembered as the time of nuclear peace and absence of direct conflict, was very unstable. Instability was the result of constant crisis, proxy wars and competing between two states which wanted to establish superiority.

This paper explores the parallels of various incidents in the stories of King David and Hamlet, Prince of Denmark, two giants of history and myth, in an attempt to illustrate the magnitude of their charisma. It will compare their leadership, their inner struggles, their relationships as soldiers, friends, enemies, sons, and lovers, and the deeds they are forced to perform. They can be found to be alike in many ways, including having a hint of bipolarism as defined by Kets de Veris (2006, p. 14), world expert in leadership. Bloom (1998, 2003), Caruso (2007) and Frontain & Wojicik (1980) have mentioned that King David and Hamlet, seen in the light of similarity, are of great interest in that they illustrate Shakespeare’s knowledge of scripture as well as his ability and that of the scribes of the Old Testament to recognize a good story when they sees one. This text intends to synthesize how the complete and profound human nature of each of these monumental figures calls the attention of generation upon generation of avid admirers. Resumen Este artículo explora los paralelos en las historias del Rey David y de Hamlet, príncipe de Dinamarca, en un intento por ilustrar el carácter de su carisma. Compara su liderazgo, sus dilemas internos, sus relaciones y obligaciones en tanto soldados, amigos, enemigos, hijos y amantes. Los dos se asemejan en varios aspectos, entre ellos sus rasgos bipolares, tal como lo define el experto mundial en liderazgo, Kets de Veris (2006). Entretanto, autores como Bloom (1998, 2003), Caruso (2007) y Frontain & Wojicik (1980) mencionan que el rey David y Hamlet son figuras de mucho interés en tanto ilustran el conocimiento de las sagradas escrituras que poseía Shakespeare, además de su capacidad y la de los autores del antiguo testamento para reconocer una buena historia. Este texto intenta sintetizar cómo la completa y profunda naturaleza humana de estas figuras monumentales sigue llamando la atención y despertando la admiración. Résumé Cet article explore les parallèles des histoires du roi David et du Hamlet, prince du Danemark, deux géants de l'histoire et du mythe, avec l’objectif d'illustrer leur charisme. Il compare leurs leadership, leurs dillemes personelles, leurs relations et devoirs en tant que soldats, amis, ennemis, fils et amants. Ils peuvent se ressembler en plusieurs aspects, par exemple, son bipolarité, selon Kets de Veris (2006), expert mondial en matière de leadership. Autres autoures comme Bloom (1998, 2003), Caruso (2007) et Frontain & Wojicik (1980) ont mentionné que le roi David et Hamlet gardent un grand intérêt et illustrent la connaissance de Shakespeare de l'Écriture, ainsi que sa capacité et celle des scribes de l'ancien testament à reconnaître une bonne histoire. Ce texte essaye à montrer la façon dont la nature humaine complète et profonde de chacune de ces figures monumentales appelle l'attention de las générations d'admirateurs. Resumo Este documento explora os paralelos de vários incidentes nas histórias do Rei David e Hamlet, Príncipe de Dinamarca, dos gigantes da história e o mito, em uma tentativa de ilustrar a magnitude de seus carismas. Compara sua liderança, seus dilemas interiores, suas relações como soldados, amigos, inimigos, filhos e amantes, e as obrigações que devem executar. Os dois se comparam de muitas maneiras, incluindo um pouquinho de bipolaridade, como o define o experto mundial em liderança, Kets de Veris (2006). Bloom (1998, 2003), Caruso (2007) e Frontain & Wojicik (1980) mencionaram que o rei David e Hamlet, observados sob a luz de similitude, são de muito interesse e ilustram o conhecimento das sagradas escrituras que possuía Shakespeare além da sua capacidade e a dos autores do antigo testamento de reconhecer uma boa história quando o via. Este texto tenta sintetizar como a completa e profunda natureza humana destas figuras monumentais continua chamando a atenção e admiração de uma geração atrás da outra de admiradores ávidos.

The article represents an analysis of the 2012 general elections and their consequences on the Romanian political system. The variables analysed in the study are: the effective number of parties (N), the level of electoral disproportionality (G) and the nature of bicameralism. Although measured indicators appear to call for an institutional approach and a formal analysis, the article tries to capture and simultaneously takes into account the functional dimension of the political system too. Thus, the consequences of the 2012 parliamentary elections reveal not necessarily the imbalance in the party system or the improvisation of a delegitimized electoral formula, but rather the current makeshift relationships between actors.

The regional elections held on 31 May 2015 involved 7 of the 15 ordinary statute regions. These elections, which completed the electoral cycle that had begun in 2013 for the renewal of the legislative assemblies and presidents of the regions, provided further proof at the regional level of the changes taking place in the Italian political-party system. Looking beyond the competition for the presidency of the region, it was the results achieved by the parties and by the coalitions that revealed a change with the recent past, that is, the end of bipolarism and the affirmation of a third pole even within the regional political systems. This chapter will analyze the main features of the election campaign, the political offer from the point of view of both the candidates and the lists and coalitions, and the election results, with particular reference to the voter turnout and to the contests for the presidencies. It will then examine the competition between the coalitions and the lists, followed by a summation of the main changes identified in these elections.

O presente artigo busca realizar uma análise das contribuições de George Kennan à política internacional.

O presente artigo busca realizar uma análise das contribuições de George Kennan à política internacional.

This article offers an in-depth analysis of the way in which the results of the 2013 national elections have changed the Italian political system, with a particular emphasis on the crisis and possible end of bipolarism, and its consequences. Following a long, first phase of the Italian Republic in which bipolarism was neither practiced nor possible, the second phase (1994–2013) exhibited a muscular competition between two slightly changing political coalitions. It was also characterized by full, though often confused, rotation in government after each and every election. In the wake of the inconclusive February 2013 elections, the significant electoral success of the Movimento 5 Stelle (M5S, Five-Star Movement), and the formation of two governments occupying the center of the political alignment, two oppositions have made their appearance. The declining Forza Italia (FI) seems unable to launch any challenge to the incumbent government, while the M5S has so far positioned itself as an anti-system actor. Bipolarism seems no longer feasible unless a new electoral law restructures the party system and revives a decent European-style bipolar competition.

O artigo parte de uma discussão metodológica para poder determinar as características do sistema internacional pós-1989. Textos da década de 1990 definiram o novo sistema a partir de variáveis tradicionais, assentadas no esquema de polaridades herdado da Guerra Fria e em instrumentos metodológicos do realismo nas relações internacionais. O advento da "nova fase" da globalização revelou que a visão dos eixos estruturantes do sistema a partir de vetores de poder estatal - em que se sobressaem os Estados Unidos - é insuficiente e distorce a real configuração de poder. A invasão do Iraque pelos EUA, em março de 2003, consistiu em laboratório para se determinar essa "real" distribuição de poder. Paralelamente à persistência de padrões de afirmação característicos da Guerra Fria (consubstanciados, por exemplo, na linguagem de que "quem não está conosco está a favor do terrorismo"), a inexistência de um competidor ou competidores estatais à altura dos EUA fez com que a invasão correspondesse não somente a uma violação da ética e do direito, mas também a um equívoco à luz dos próprios interesses norte-americanos, que perfizeram leitura do novo cenário internacional a partir de instrumentos e conceitos defasados. Dois elementos complementares desse novo cenário são explorados no artigo: a) o caráter progressivamente redundante e ineficaz de instrumentos bélicos para a promoção de "objetivos nacionais"; e b) a formação de um novo bipolarismo, conformado pela política externa republicana e pelo bloco da "sociedade civil internacional". Esta recorre a valores e utiliza-se de recursos de poder que a credenciam à condição de foco em um novo sistema internacional, caracterizado por modalidade inédita e atípica de conflito.This essay begins with a methodological discussion about the fundamental outlines of the post-1989 international system. Influential scholars have defined the new system according to traditional variables, dependent upon the polarities scheme inherited from Cold War times and on realist methodological premises. The emergence of a "new phase" of the globalization process showed that to consider state power as a structural axis of the system - in which the United States play a prominent role - is misleading and blurs the "real" configuration of power in this new system. The invasion of Irak by U. S. forces in march 2003 consisted in a privileged laboratory to determine this "real" configuration of power. Following the persistence of a pattern of power and language tone characteristic of the Cold War times (e. g., "who is not with us is in favor of terrorism"), the absence of a competitor or state competitors that could rival American power made the invasion more than a violation of principles of Law and Ethics. It can also be considered misleading and counterproductive in the light of American interests themselves, given its misperceptions and misconceptions of the new international realities. Two further components of this scenario are probed deeper in the essay: a) the redundancy and, to a certain extent, uselessness of military weapons for the promotion of the national interest; and b) the formation of a "new bipolarism", which opposes United States republican foreign policy and the rising bloc of global civil society. This bloc has amassed impressive power resources, which make it the focus of an emergent international system, characterized by a new and atypical modality of conflict. The many empirical evidences gathered in the essay will hopefully sustain this argument.

O presente artigo busca analisar criticamente a tese segundo a qual a emergência do terrorismo no inicio do século XXI atestaria uma crise decorrente do fim da bipolaridade.

O artigo parte de uma discussão metodológica para poder determinar as características do sistema internacional pós-1989. Textos da década de 1990 definiram o novo sistema a partir de variáveis tradicionais, assentadas no esquema de polaridades herdado da Guerra Fria e em instrumentos metodológicos do realismo nas relações internacionais. O advento da "nova fase" da globalização revelou que a visão dos eixos estruturantes do sistema a partir de vetores de poder estatal - em que se sobressaem os Estados Unidos - é insuficiente e distorce a real configuração de poder. A invasão do Iraque pelos EUA, em março de 2003, consistiu em laboratório para se determinar essa "real" distribuição de poder. Paralelamente à persistência de padrões de afirmação característicos da Guerra Fria (consubstanciados, por exemplo, na linguagem de que "quem não está conosco está a favor do terrorismo"), a inexistência de um competidor ou competidores estatais à altura dos EUA fez com que a invasão correspondesse não somente a uma violação da ética e do direito, mas também a um equívoco à luz dos próprios interesses norte-americanos, que perfizeram leitura do novo cenário internacional a partir de instrumentos e conceitos defasados. Dois elementos complementares desse novo cenário são explorados no artigo: a) o caráter progressivamente redundante e ineficaz de instrumentos bélicos para a promoção de "objetivos nacionais"; e b) a formação de um novo bipolarismo, conformado pela política externa republicana e pelo bloco da "sociedade civil internacional". Esta recorre a valores e utiliza-se de recursos de poder que a credenciam à condição de foco em um novo sistema internacional, caracterizado por modalidade inédita e atípica de conflito. This essay begins with a methodological discussion about the fundamental outlines of the post-1989 international system. Influential scholars have defined the new system according to traditional variables, dependent upon the polarities scheme inherited from Cold War times and on realist methodological premises. The emergence of a "new phase" of the globalization process showed that to consider state power as a structural axis of the system - in which the United States play a prominent role - is misleading and blurs the "real" configuration of power in this new system. The invasion of Irak by U. S. forces in march 2003 consisted in a privileged laboratory to determine this "real" configuration of power. Following the persistence of a pattern of power and language tone characteristic of the Cold War times (e. g., "who is not with us is in favor of terrorism"), the absence of a competitor or state competitors that could rival American power made the invasion more than a violation of principles of Law and Ethics. It can also be considered misleading and counterproductive in the light of American interests themselves, given its misperceptions and misconceptions of the new international realities. Two further components of this scenario are probed deeper in the essay: a) the redundancy and, to a certain extent, uselessness of military weapons for the promotion of the national interest; and b) the formation of a "new bipolarism", which opposes United States republican foreign policy and the rising bloc of global civil society. This bloc has amassed impressive power resources, which make it the focus of an emergent international system, characterized by a new and atypical modality of conflict. The many empirical evidences gathered in the essay will hopefully sustain this argument.