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Het onderwijs is aan vele veranderingen onderhevig. Het is van belang dat leerkrachten hierop inspelen, daarvoor moeten zij zich blijven professionaliseren. Door de coronapandemie worden professionaliseringsactiviteiten online gehouden. De werkdruk in het onderwijs is hoog en de intrinsieke motivatie voor online professionalisering van leerkrachten lijkt niet vanzelfsprekend.Volgens Deci en Ryan (2000) kan intrinsieke motivatie verhoogd worden door in te spelen op de drie (psychologische) basisbehoeften. Het doel van dit onderzoek is om te kijken wat de mediërende rol van de drie basisbehoeften is in de relatie tussen werkdruk en intrinsieke motivatie voor online professionalisering. De onderzoeksvraag is ‘In welke mate beïnvloedt werkdruk de intrinsieke motivatie voor online professionalisering van leerkrachten basisonderwijs en hebben de drie basisbehoeften hierbij een mediërende rol?’. Om deze onderzoeksvraag te beantwoorden is er een kwantitatief, cross-sectioneel onderzoek opgezet. Er werden vragenlijsten uitgezet onder leerkrachten basisonderwijs in Nederland.Met behulp van verschillende regressieanalyses is het onderzoek uitgevoerd. Aan dit onderzoek hebben 176 participanten deelgenomen, hiervan was 10,8% mannelijk en 89,2% vrouwelijk. Uit de resultaten bleek dat er nauwelijks een relatie was tussen werkdruk en intrinsieke motivatie voor online professionalisering. Tussen werkdruk en autonomie en werkdruk en competentie was ook nauwelijks een relatie zichtbaar. Tussen autonomie en intrinsieke motivatie voor online professionalisering en competentie en intrinsieke motivatie voor online professionalisering was een duidelijke relatie zichtbaar. Uiteindelijk bleek dat 53,5% van de variantie in intrinsieke motivatie voor online professionalisering verklaard kan worden met werkdruk en autonomie. Echter, dit is niet significant. Aanbevolen wordt om in te steken op de autonomie en de mate van werkdruk van docenten.Vervolgonderzoek zou zich kunnen richten op het toevoegen van variabelen als ‘leeftijd’, ‘opleidingsniveau’ en ‘woonplaats’. Het is onduidelijk of deze variabelen een invloed zouden kunnen hebben op de resultaten.

Tourism is a global scale industry with increasing impacts on the environment, regional and local development. In many African countries tourism provides increasingly new opportunities, jobs and economic benefits to local communities, and currently many countries in the continent see tourism promotion as a good and relatively inexpensive strategy that can be used to attract foreign direct investment through showing natural areas and local indigenous cultures. As a result of growing tourism activities many places and rural areas in the region are increasingly tied to the industry and related cultural, social, economic and political networks. At the same time tourism in the region is deeply influenced by its changing physical and social environments and larger processes such as global climate change. Tourism has become an important policy tool for community and regional development in Africa, including Southern Africa. Tourism has also a significant potential to influence and change the use of natural and cultural resources in the continent and region. This has highlighted the role of sustainability, management and governance in tourism development and turned tourism not only into an economic but also social and political activity that influences the wider environment in various ways. At policy level, tourism is increasingly viewed as an essential sector of regional and national reconstruction and development in the Southern Africa Development Community (SADC), for example. In this sense the rationale for tourism development has evolved towards the idea of tourism as a tool for regional and sustainable developlment and recently to a relatively new kind of ideas of tourism as an instrument of social and economic empowerment and poverty reduction. In this respect there are many regional and local development programmes that are highlighting the role of tourism in regional and sustainable development and empowerment.

Tourism is a global scale industry with increasing impacts on the environment, regional and local development. In many African countries tourism provides increasingly new opportunities, jobs and economic benefits to local communities, and currently many countries in the continent see tourism promotion as a good and relatively inexpensive strategy that can be used to attract foreign direct investment through showing natural areas and local indigenous cultures. As a result of growing tourism activities many places and rural areas in the region are increasingly tied to the industry and related cultural, social, economic and political networks. At the same time tourism in the region is deeply influenced by its changing physical and social environments and larger processes such as global climate change. Tourism has become an important policy tool for community and regional development in Africa, including Southern Africa. Tourism has also a significant potential to influence and change the use of natural and cultural resources in the continent and region. This has highlighted the role of sustainability, management and governance in tourism development and turned tourism not only into an economic but also social and political activity that influences the wider environment in various ways. At policy level, tourism is increasingly viewed as an essential sector of regional and national reconstruction and development in the Southern Africa Development Community (SADC), for example. In this sense the rationale for tourism development has evolved towards the idea of tourism as a tool for regional and sustainable developlment and recently to a relatively new kind of ideas of tourism as an instrument of social and economic empowerment and poverty reduction. In this respect there are many regional and local development programmes that are highlighting the role of tourism in regional and sustainable development and empowerment.

Tourism is a global scale industry with increasing impacts on the environment, regional and local development. In many African countries tourism provides increasingly new opportunities, jobs and economic benefits to local communities, and currently many countries in the continent see tourism promotion as a good and relatively inexpensive strategy that can be used to attract foreign direct investment through showing natural areas and local indigenous cultures. As a result of growing tourism activities many places and rural areas in the region are increasingly tied to the industry and related cultural, social, economic and political networks. At the same time tourism in the region is deeply influenced by its changing physical and social environments and larger processes such as global climate change. Tourism has become an important policy tool for community and regional development in Africa, including Southern Africa. Tourism has also a significant potential to influence and change the use of natural and cultural resources in the continent and region. This has highlighted the role of sustainability, management and governance in tourism development and turned tourism not only into an economic but also social and political activity that influences the wider environment in various ways. At policy level, tourism is increasingly viewed as an essential sector of regional and national reconstruction and development in the Southern Africa Development Community (SADC), for example. In this sense the rationale for tourism development has evolved towards the idea of tourism as a tool for regional and sustainable developlment and recently to a relatively new kind of ideas of tourism as an instrument of social and economic empowerment and poverty reduction. In this respect there are many regional and local development programmes that are highlighting the role of tourism in regional and sustainable development and empowerment.

Nederlands melkvee staat een aanzienlijk deel van het jaar op stal. De huisvesting is dan ook van groot belang voor het dierwelzijn. Door middel van beoordeling van welzijn kunnen eventuele knelpunten worden opgespoord.

Nederlands melkvee staat een aanzienlijk deel van het jaar op stal. De huisvesting is dan ook van groot belang voor het dierwelzijn. Door middel van beoordeling van welzijn kunnen eventuele knelpunten worden opgespoord.

Aan de hand van een aantal 'leefbaarheidsindicatoren' per Nederlandse gemeente heeft het LEI de verschillen tussen stad en platteland onderzocht

Aan de hand van een aantal 'leefbaarheidsindicatoren' per Nederlandse gemeente heeft het LEI de verschillen tussen stad en platteland onderzocht

A computer-based decision support system for welfare assessment in pregnant sows was constructed. This system uses a description of a husbandry system as input and produces a welfare score on a scale from 0 to 10 as output. Pregnant sows were chosen as a case in search for a formalised, i.e. structured, transparent, yet flexible procedure to 'objectively' assess the overall welfare status of farm animals in relation to the housing and management system based on available (and undisputed) scientific knowledge. The procedure to construct the welfare model and to calculate welfare scores is described. Decision making is based on the needs and distress of the animal thus from the perspective of the animal.The sow welfare (SOWEL) model was validated using expert opinion in that there is a substantial agreement between pig welfare scientists and the model about the ranking of housing systems and, to a lesser degree, about the weighting of attributes of housing systems. The most important welfare-relevant attributes concern aspects of social contact, space, and substrate. The housing systems were roughly divided into low-, mid-, and high-welfare systems. Low-welfare systems were conventional housing in individual stalls and tethers, while high-welfare systems in our data set all provided substrate and outdoor access.For practical applications further development of the decision support system is recommended, as well as ongoing validation, upgrading and extending of the model, e.g. to other species. The results show that integrated welfare assessment based on available scientific knowledge is possible.Keywords : farm animal welfare assessment, pigs, applied ethology, housing systems, model, computer, knowledge base, expert system.

A computer-based decision support system for welfare assessment in pregnant sows was constructed. This system uses a description of a husbandry system as input and produces a welfare score on a scale from 0 to 10 as output. Pregnant sows were chosen as a case in search for a formalised, i.e. structured, transparent, yet flexible procedure to 'objectively' assess the overall welfare status of farm animals in relation to the housing and management system based on available (and undisputed) scientific knowledge. The procedure to construct the welfare model and to calculate welfare scores is described. Decision making is based on the needs and distress of the animal thus from the perspective of the animal.The sow welfare (SOWEL) model was validated using expert opinion in that there is a substantial agreement between pig welfare scientists and the model about the ranking of housing systems and, to a lesser degree, about the weighting of attributes of housing systems. The most important welfare-relevant attributes concern aspects of social contact, space, and substrate. The housing systems were roughly divided into low-, mid-, and high-welfare systems. Low-welfare systems were conventional housing in individual stalls and tethers, while high-welfare systems in our data set all provided substrate and outdoor access.For practical applications further development of the decision support system is recommended, as well as ongoing validation, upgrading and extending of the model, e.g. to other species. The results show that integrated welfare assessment based on available scientific knowledge is possible.Keywords : farm animal welfare assessment, pigs, applied ethology, housing systems, model, computer, knowledge base, expert system.

Aan de hand van een aantal 'leefbaarheidsindicatoren' per Nederlandse gemeente heeft het LEI de verschillen tussen stad en platteland onderzocht

In a first part of this study van den Ham reacts to the increased free-market thinking and makes in chapter 1 a plea for continued efforts in active, public socio-spatial development policies in order to contribute to sustainable poverty alleviation in remote areas. This policy should aim at lifting restrictions, both material and socio-cultural, of people to realise their human capabilities to qualitatively and sustainably change the conditions of life and livelihood. It is argued why, from a development practitioner's perspective, it is important to understand the dynamics in both development thinking and doing. A research construct is introduced to explore the framework within which development paradigms, policies and practices at normative ( "what for" and " for whom?" ), strategic ( "how ") and operational ( "what, where, when, by and with whom?" ) level change over time. This change is assumed to be influenced by key-development practitioner's 'inner-guiding' individual beliefs and values, acquired academic insights and practical, learning-by-doing experiences. In practice the proposed policies seem to be very much constrained or stimulated by the development practitioner's appreciated, influenceable and controllable environment which are subject to changing power relations between the state, the corporate sector and civil society.In chapter 2 Veenstra elaborates the above research framework by highlighting the various components on the three axes depicting (1) inward-looking personal perspectives, focusing on habitual life-attitudes and roles of both indigenous and expatriate development practitioners (2) outward-looking, professional knowledge bases expanding in substantive, procedural as well as politico-institutional sense and (3) problem and action orientations as tried-out in time at various levels.In chapter 3 van den Ham reviews at a glance the origins of international development co-operation and the elements that in practice impact upon the outcome of foreign-supported, expatriate-staffed development projects; they relate to identification, organisational setting, the role of expatriate practitioners, co-operation with local counterparts, the time dimension, the role models in transfer of knowledge and "voice, loyal and exit" strategies of the practitioners.In the second part of the book seven case studies from Africa and Asia, all within the framework of international development assistance, are presented and related to the framework that has been introduced in the previous three chapters. In chapter 4 Veenstra explores his sequential experiences and struggles with emic and etic aspects in the evolving design of development programmes and practices in five projects in Sierra Leone, Tanzania, Yemen, Indonesia and Cameroon with special reference to area development planning and natural resource management. Both in sub-sections 4.6 and 6.3 Veenstra sums up his conclusions from outer and inner learning rounds in socio-spatial planning practices. In reaching after 'sustainable' livelihoods, -particularly in agrarian societies under patrimonial resource control in Sierra Leone, West Africa, of the 1960s-, strategic and operational incommensurabilities, with hindsight, cropped up as related to large-scale 'hard' infrastructure and agro-technical innovations. After actuality had completed its developmental course, shortcomings were, later on, laid open inside and between knowledge bases used, of corresponding policy instruments (not) employed, of statutory powers (not) granted and skilled personnel, budgets plus equipment (not) available. Above all, incongruity made itself manifest among stakeholders' normative outlooks holding sway at various territorial levels for prioritising their own resource claims. So it happened that in spite of 'common-good and great cause' intentions, 'kleptocratic' life styles both of rural and urban élites in a 'soft-state' setting were to be, distrustfully, endured.In the case of socialist single-party Tanzania of the 1970s 'integrated' rural development pointed toward self-reliance, poverty alleviation and fair distribution of social and physical infrastructure. These laudable aims were thwarted, however, by a over-burdened state-apparatus and the rural populace, of necessity, exiting both into 'black-market' sales of its produce and clientship-like distribution channels for local provision of its basic services,- without revenues for the state coffers. So, both the Tanzanian bureaucracy and its open-handed foreign-aid advisors made themselves not responsive and trust-worthy, - in terms of the 'good local governance' fashion of the 1990s. Under these adversary working conditions expatriate area planners were willy-nilly forced to self containment, - for instance, in our 'remote' case of the neglected Shinyanga Region. Here, a prudent step-by-step integration both in planning and eventual implementation was intended 'from overseas' through initially restricting sectoral, time/space, problem and resource development perspectives to prioritised, low-level and small-scale, concentrated area project packages. So, 'for the time being', long-haul normative policy making, including its medium-term strategic issues, were put aside; socio-spatial arithmetics were to prevail through index-number, factor-, and flow-analysis methods; thus entrapped, both expatriate and indigenous planning officers felt their 'rationalising' efforts being frustrated by short-sighted detachment in public choice situations - like ostriches bury sometimes their heads in the sand.In entering the 1980s, this neutral technocratic habitus was, -depending on politico-institutional contexts-, re-shaped towards those of mediatory brokers and advocates on behalf of beneficiary target groups. In the Rada'-case of North Yemen, 1981/82, phased social differentiation and changing leadership-styles in the long run were accounted for, but immediately shifting gears from operational towards strategic models of resource management emerged as leading theme. Here, in promoting still sustainable livelihoods, foreign development practitioners were to manoeuvre between the 'devil and the deep blue sea' of conflicting policy sets:on the one hand, in response to self-interests of national government headquarters and of private enterprise including 'progressive farmers', in favour of politico-institutional stability and free-market economic growth guided 'from above'; andon the other hand, in response to local community interests of deprived peasants and herdsmen in favour of equalisation, citizen participation and resource mobilisation 'from below', in combination with local value patterns and natural resources to be left in a well balanced order.After a decade of Rada'-development efforts, i.e. 1975-85, it was concluded that in spite (or because) of selectively applied, concentrated area project packages local village life remained principally unchanged; that at a higher level of district government implementation capacity improved through ad hoc foreign assistance; but that at the higher sub-national level of the province strategic planning and governance did not find their co-ordinating niche, neither divergent statesman-like leadership. Therefore, the two case-studies of Aceh in Indonesia, 1977-1986, and of the Tikar water catchment basin around 1990 in Cameroon, West Africa, refrained initially from formulating a e state, corporate sector and civil society was rather modest.In sub-sections 6.1 and 6.2 van den Ham concludes that the views of the key-players in the development projects can very much be traced to their previous experiences. The extent to which their views can be 'translated' into new approaches towards local area development is only to a small extent influenced by the 'power' of either the normative/inward-looking or the academic/outward-looking perspective of the concerned development practitioners. Effectuating the aspired 'real' participatory development, -implying redistribution of resources and (decision-making) power-, within the context of 'foreign' projects would for example run up against the resistance of vested interests; such an approach, whatever its desirability, can therefore not be pursued. Political room for manoeuvre turns out to be the determining factor in the normative domain. However, there is usually (limited) room at the strategic and operational levels. There it appears that the design and implementation of the advocated strategies and practices is guided by the (normative) disposition of the key players towards the essence of development and their perception of the (strategic) role of the various actors in the development process. These are fed by a commensurate cognitive outlook on reality as well as their practical experiences. Again, substantive 'objective' knowledge bases appear to play only a rather limited role in the actual formulation of programmes and practices. Hence, the foreign-funded socio-spatial development projects 'ploughed through' with limited, isolated and above all 'accidental' (because very much depending on the individual practitioner involved and very specific local conditions capacitating or constraining the potential actors) experiments.With a view towards the future van den Ham outlines in sub-section 6.4 a changing context for local development practitioners. As in sub-section 6.5 van den Ham explains, this changing context poses new challenges to, and requires new roles to be played by (teams of) future development practitioners. It is suggested that specific capabilities are required to more structurally and successfully address the socio-spatial inequalities from the local level upwards. Development practitioners should not only be technically trained in a number of skills that have traditionally been linked to the function of regional development officer. They rather should start with acquiring a thorough understanding of the dynamic way normative, strategic and operational dispositions are achieved in practice and can be influenced in an effective and legitimate way. Empathy towards other stakeholder's dispositions and potential contributions as actors in their own right, as well as self-critically reflecting on their own positioning, should development practitioners make more conscious of the link between personal or inner change, and social or outer change. This (un-)conscious reflection on implementation will contribute again to reshaping the perspectives on intended societal advancement and results in new approaches to deal with the outstanding issues.However, development practitioners should be aware that neither their own understanding of reality and their way to deal with it, nor the other stakeholder's positioning and his/her use of the results are fixed or value-neutral. These are all very much influenced by personal and professional life history, inner normative guidelines of individual beliefs as well as values, economic interests, gender, class - all very much time-, space- and context-bound possibilities and constraints. Therefore, it is for development practitioners highly important that they are capable of opening up space for public dialogue on the directions of development. They should be able to analyse the diverse options of the participants and identify the potential conflict of interest that will occur among the various stakeholders, before certain positions getting accepted as "appreciated' and translating them in (normatively) disputable strategies, projects and programmes.In addition to the 'traditional' technical skills in economics, regional science, physical geography, public administration, data management etc., communicative and analytical skills as well as abilities in the field of conflict prevention and resolution are needed to (help) translating the normative dispositions in strategic and operational terms. Next to engaging actor groups in shaping development processes, local development practitioners should also be able to facilitate reconciliation of the claims of people living in poverty with those of other contesting actor groups and to integrate them in the framework of (central) state policies. Thus, the development practitioner should facilitate that lower-level needs, aspirations and potentials meet response at the higher influenceable/strategic and appreciated/normative levels with the ultimate aim of creating an effectively enabling environment that continuously facilitates and supports people to build sustainably upon their own strengths.

In a first part of this study van den Ham reacts to the increased free-market thinking and makes in chapter 1 a plea for continued efforts in active, public socio-spatial development policies in order to contribute to sustainable poverty alleviation in remote areas. This policy should aim at lifting restrictions, both material and socio-cultural, of people to realise their human capabilities to qualitatively and sustainably change the conditions of life and livelihood. It is argued why, from a development practitioner's perspective, it is important to understand the dynamics in both development thinking and doing. A research construct is introduced to explore the framework within which development paradigms, policies and practices at normative ( "what for" and " for whom?" ), strategic ( "how ") and operational ( "what, where, when, by and with whom?" ) level change over time. This change is assumed to be influenced by key-development practitioner's 'inner-guiding' individual beliefs and values, acquired academic insights and practical, learning-by-doing experiences. In practice the proposed policies seem to be very much constrained or stimulated by the development practitioner's appreciated, influenceable and controllable environment which are subject to changing power relations between the state, the corporate sector and civil society.In chapter 2 Veenstra elaborates the above research framework by highlighting the various components on the three axes depicting (1) inward-looking personal perspectives, focusing on habitual life-attitudes and roles of both indigenous and expatriate development practitioners (2) outward-looking, professional knowledge bases expanding in substantive, procedural as well as politico-institutional sense and (3) problem and action orientations as tried-out in time at various levels.In chapter 3 van den Ham reviews at a glance the origins of international development co-operation and the elements that in practice impact upon the outcome of foreign-supported, expatriate-staffed development projects; they relate to identification, organisational setting, the role of expatriate practitioners, co-operation with local counterparts, the time dimension, the role models in transfer of knowledge and "voice, loyal and exit" strategies of the practitioners.In the second part of the book seven case studies from Africa and Asia, all within the framework of international development assistance, are presented and related to the framework that has been introduced in the previous three chapters. In chapter 4 Veenstra explores his sequential experiences and struggles with emic and etic aspects in the evolving design of development programmes and practices in five projects in Sierra Leone, Tanzania, Yemen, Indonesia and Cameroon with special reference to area development planning and natural resource management. Both in sub-sections 4.6 and 6.3 Veenstra sums up his conclusions from outer and inner learning rounds in socio-spatial planning practices. In reaching after 'sustainable' livelihoods, -particularly in agrarian societies under patrimonial resource control in Sierra Leone, West Africa, of the 1960s-, strategic and operational incommensurabilities, with hindsight, cropped up as related to large-scale 'hard' infrastructure and agro-technical innovations. After actuality had completed its developmental course, shortcomings were, later on, laid open inside and between knowledge bases used, of corresponding policy instruments (not) employed, of statutory powers (not) granted and skilled personnel, budgets plus equipment (not) available. Above all, incongruity made itself manifest among stakeholders' normative outlooks holding sway at various territorial levels for prioritising their own resource claims. So it happened that in spite of 'common-good and great cause' intentions, 'kleptocratic' life styles both of rural and urban élites in a 'soft-state' setting were to be, distrustfully, endured.In the case of socialist single-party Tanzania of the 1970s 'integrated' rural development pointed toward self-reliance, poverty alleviation and fair distribution of social and physical infrastructure. These laudable aims were thwarted, however, by a over-burdened state-apparatus and the rural populace, of necessity, exiting both into 'black-market' sales of its produce and clientship-like distribution channels for local provision of its basic services,- without revenues for the state coffers. So, both the Tanzanian bureaucracy and its open-handed foreign-aid advisors made themselves not responsive and trust-worthy, - in terms of the 'good local governance' fashion of the 1990s. Under these adversary working conditions expatriate area planners were willy-nilly forced to self containment, - for instance, in our 'remote' case of the neglected Shinyanga Region. Here, a prudent step-by-step integration both in planning and eventual implementation was intended 'from overseas' through initially restricting sectoral, time/space, problem and resource development perspectives to prioritised, low-level and small-scale, concentrated area project packages. So, 'for the time being', long-haul normative policy making, including its medium-term strategic issues, were put aside; socio-spatial arithmetics were to prevail through index-number, factor-, and flow-analysis methods; thus entrapped, both expatriate and indigenous planning officers felt their 'rationalising' efforts being frustrated by short-sighted detachment in public choice situations - like ostriches bury sometimes their heads in the sand.In entering the 1980s, this neutral technocratic habitus was, -depending on politico-institutional contexts-, re-shaped towards those of mediatory brokers and advocates on behalf of beneficiary target groups. In the Rada'-case of North Yemen, 1981/82, phased social differentiation and changing leadership-styles in the long run were accounted for, but immediately shifting gears from operational towards strategic models of resource management emerged as leading theme. Here, in promoting still sustainable livelihoods, foreign development practitioners were to manoeuvre between the 'devil and the deep blue sea' of conflicting policy sets:on the one hand, in response to self-interests of national government headquarters and of private enterprise including 'progressive farmers', in favour of politico-institutional stability and free-market economic growth guided 'from above'; andon the other hand, in response to local community interests of deprived peasants and herdsmen in favour of equalisation, citizen participation and resource mobilisation 'from below', in combination with local value patterns and natural resources to be left in a well balanced order.After a decade of Rada'-development efforts, i.e. 1975-85, it was concluded that in spite (or because) of selectively applied, concentrated area project packages local village life remained principally unchanged; that at a higher level of district government implementation capacity improved through ad hoc foreign assistance; but that at the higher sub-national level of the province strategic planning and governance did not find their co-ordinating niche, neither divergent statesman-like leadership. Therefore, the two case-studies of Aceh in Indonesia, 1977-1986, and of the Tikar water catchment basin around 1990 in Cameroon, West Africa, refrained initially from formulating a e state, corporate sector and civil society was rather modest.In sub-sections 6.1 and 6.2 van den Ham concludes that the views of the key-players in the development projects can very much be traced to their previous experiences. The extent to which their views can be 'translated' into new approaches towards local area development is only to a small extent influenced by the 'power' of either the normative/inward-looking or the academic/outward-looking perspective of the concerned development practitioners. Effectuating the aspired 'real' participatory development, -implying redistribution of resources and (decision-making) power-, within the context of 'foreign' projects would for example run up against the resistance of vested interests; such an approach, whatever its desirability, can therefore not be pursued. Political room for manoeuvre turns out to be the determining factor in the normative domain. However, there is usually (limited) room at the strategic and operational levels. There it appears that the design and implementation of the advocated strategies and practices is guided by the (normative) disposition of the key players towards the essence of development and their perception of the (strategic) role of the various actors in the development process. These are fed by a commensurate cognitive outlook on reality as well as their practical experiences. Again, substantive 'objective' knowledge bases appear to play only a rather limited role in the actual formulation of programmes and practices. Hence, the foreign-funded socio-spatial development projects 'ploughed through' with limited, isolated and above all 'accidental' (because very much depending on the individual practitioner involved and very specific local conditions capacitating or constraining the potential actors) experiments.With a view towards the future van den Ham outlines in sub-section 6.4 a changing context for local development practitioners. As in sub-section 6.5 van den Ham explains, this changing context poses new challenges to, and requires new roles to be played by (teams of) future development practitioners. It is suggested that specific capabilities are required to more structurally and successfully address the socio-spatial inequalities from the local level upwards. Development practitioners should not only be technically trained in a number of skills that have traditionally been linked to the function of regional development officer. They rather should start with acquiring a thorough understanding of the dynamic way normative, strategic and operational dispositions are achieved in practice and can be influenced in an effective and legitimate way. Empathy towards other stakeholder's dispositions and potential contributions as actors in their own right, as well as self-critically reflecting on their own positioning, should development practitioners make more conscious of the link between personal or inner change, and social or outer change. This (un-)conscious reflection on implementation will contribute again to reshaping the perspectives on intended societal advancement and results in new approaches to deal with the outstanding issues.However, development practitioners should be aware that neither their own understanding of reality and their way to deal with it, nor the other stakeholder's positioning and his/her use of the results are fixed or value-neutral. These are all very much influenced by personal and professional life history, inner normative guidelines of individual beliefs as well as values, economic interests, gender, class - all very much time-, space- and context-bound possibilities and constraints. Therefore, it is for development practitioners highly important that they are capable of opening up space for public dialogue on the directions of development. They should be able to analyse the diverse options of the participants and identify the potential conflict of interest that will occur among the various stakeholders, before certain positions getting accepted as "appreciated' and translating them in (normatively) disputable strategies, projects and programmes.In addition to the 'traditional' technical skills in economics, regional science, physical geography, public administration, data management etc., communicative and analytical skills as well as abilities in the field of conflict prevention and resolution are needed to (help) translating the normative dispositions in strategic and operational terms. Next to engaging actor groups in shaping development processes, local development practitioners should also be able to facilitate reconciliation of the claims of people living in poverty with those of other contesting actor groups and to integrate them in the framework of (central) state policies. Thus, the development practitioner should facilitate that lower-level needs, aspirations and potentials meet response at the higher influenceable/strategic and appreciated/normative levels with the ultimate aim of creating an effectively enabling environment that continuously facilitates and supports people to build sustainably upon their own strengths.

This thesis is about the articulation of needs and human development.Need articulation is a concept with double meaning. On the one hand it refers to a specific need-pattern of a person as the result of a developmental psychological process. On the other hand it refers to the way in which a person succeeds - sometimes with the help of professional intervention - in modelling his needs in a new way. The concept of need articulation is a theoretical construction, referring to the intra-psychological as well as to the relationship between the intra-psychological and the social and cultural environment. The concept, in practice, can be found under a series of different denominations, such as orientation, problem clarification, intake or need research. The background for this research were, amongst others, questions, which in practice are described as: 'how to reach target groups more effectively' and 'how to suit services better to the needs of clients'.The objective of this study is to theoretically clarify the concept of need articulation and to contribute to a methodological framework, which can be used to support the process of need articulation in practice.The problem definition of this research is subdivided in two questions.how can one understand the process of need articulation in human change?how can one transform the insights on need articulation into a methodological framework for professionals, including conditions for change?The process of need articulation is researched from two specific angles:the influence of the social, historical and cultural relations; individual and collective experiences have great influence;specific value-orientations, which arrive from the above mentioned point; the 'self' and 'the other' (the world) are perceived through different perspectives. These value-orientations influence the possibilities for need articulation.Because of these viewpoints much attention is given to the specific way the dominant worldview influences this process of need articulation. One can see this influence very clearly in three areas:the economising of social life and professional practices;the role of modern sciences;the pressure on people to act as 'autonomous subjects'.The design of this research was open-ended, with much emphasis on case-studies in connection with theoretical analysis.In the introduction and chapter 1 the problem definition is described, based upon an analysis of both theory and practice.Chapter 2 will account for the research method and its exploratory character. Gradually this research developed, based on insights from literature and a series of case study results. A variety of qualitative research methods was used, such as (narrative) interviews and participatory observations. Two premises have been playing an important role in this research. The first premise is that experiences of people give insight into their reality. It is only possible to really understand people if one looks at the way they give meaning to their experiences. The second premise is that the perspectives that colour peoples views are important sources of knowledge as well. People always share their world with others. For this reason it is necessary to gain insight into the way in which interactions take place and to understand the significance these interactions have for the participating actors.Chapters 3, 4 and 5 are the heart of this thesis.In chapter 3 the problem of need articulation is further examined in the context of modern society and the dominant world view. The first part of this chapter describes an analytical framework, which is then used to clarify the problem. Need articulation is not possible without a dialogue, which in its turn requires active participation of clients. In Habermassian words: dialogue means communicative action. However, this participation is problematic and becomes quite often merely strategic action because of the way the modern world-view influences professionals as well as clients.The three assumptions of the modern world-view, which have been named above, have consequences for the possibilities of need articulation. In order to demonstrate this, the analysis has been applied to extension and extension science. Both theory and practice are used to show how planning models, target group analysis and different methods are influenced by the assumptions of the dominant world-view.In the final part of this chapter the outlines of a different approach are sketched. The starting points of the new approach, called a dialogue through deconstruction, are in line with the current critical debate in the social sector. The concept of 'normative professionalism' is the crux of this movement for innovation.The approach aims to bring forward dialogue. In essence this only can be achieved by deconstructing the assumptions which professionals and clients hold. This means: to abolish the supposed neutrality of professionals; to let go of the idea that processes of change can be completely controlled; and to anchor active participation of clients by systematically exploring the inner- and outer perspectives of all parties involved.In chapter 4 an additional theoretical analysis for this dialogue through deconstruction follows. In part 1 the attention goes to human development and how need articulation is taking place. Needs are sometimes not modelled, but kept away. Also the phenomenon that need articulation of a person is 'coloured' by the dominant value-patterns of his social environment is described. Human development is the result of the interaction between the public domain and the private domain.Part two of this chapter will focus on the possibilities and conditions of human change. The concepts of 'zone of nearest development' and 'creative process' are at the core of this focus. The zone of nearest development shows how step-by-step change in need articulation can be understood. The creative process shows how every zone can be modelled in such a way that the process leads, step-by-step, to new need articulation.In chapter 5 a framework is described to discern, understand, monitor and support processes of need articulation in practice. With the aid of a variety of research material, derived from practical studies, the method is presented. Part 1 provides the general principles and the wide range of possible applications. With this method it becomes possible to reach target groups better and to support professionals to bring their services better in line with the needs of clients. Also, the method can help to improve the participation of target groups and bridge gaps between groups: in other words, the method is also important for inter-cultural communication.Two general principles are worked out, firstly the iterative and cyclic character of the method and secondly the principle of 'working with continuities'. The iterative character means that the target group analysis is performed through several cycles of analysis ánd experimenting. The second principle lies in working with continuities: the premise that the analysis and experimenting takes for granted the existence of different value-orientations, which can go together. The consequences of these principles are explained through a changed perspective on the concepts of target groups, goals and interventions. In part 2 the design and implementation of programmes are dealt with in more depth. The theory of chapter 4 and the different case-studies form the base-material. Activities are analysed on form and content. Finally, possibilities to improve participation are described.Part 3 deals with the changed target group analysis. This analysis consists of two parts: an analysis of the needs of the target group and an analysis of the situation. This thesis shows that different methods are required for both parts. For the analysis of target group needs a narrative approach seems promising. For the situation analysis, in which the relationships between parties involved (including the professional) are explored, a network analysis based on deconstruction is suitable.Chapter 6 shows two case-studies in more detail.Finally, in chapter 7 , some conclusions are drawn. The essence is that the method of dialogue through deconstruction can help to really bring forward conditions for participation.However, this is only possible if the professional:is willing to leave standard solutions;is able to systematically reflect upon his or her own assumptions;is able to give priority to the real opportunities for action of clients;is prepared to intervene through 'positive coercion', which means that every intervention is approved by clients.

This thesis is about the articulation of needs and human development.Need articulation is a concept with double meaning. On the one hand it refers to a specific need-pattern of a person as the result of a developmental psychological process. On the other hand it refers to the way in which a person succeeds - sometimes with the help of professional intervention - in modelling his needs in a new way. The concept of need articulation is a theoretical construction, referring to the intra-psychological as well as to the relationship between the intra-psychological and the social and cultural environment. The concept, in practice, can be found under a series of different denominations, such as orientation, problem clarification, intake or need research. The background for this research were, amongst others, questions, which in practice are described as: 'how to reach target groups more effectively' and 'how to suit services better to the needs of clients'.The objective of this study is to theoretically clarify the concept of need articulation and to contribute to a methodological framework, which can be used to support the process of need articulation in practice.The problem definition of this research is subdivided in two questions.how can one understand the process of need articulation in human change?how can one transform the insights on need articulation into a methodological framework for professionals, including conditions for change?The process of need articulation is researched from two specific angles:the influence of the social, historical and cultural relations; individual and collective experiences have great influence;specific value-orientations, which arrive from the above mentioned point; the 'self' and 'the other' (the world) are perceived through different perspectives. These value-orientations influence the possibilities for need articulation.Because of these viewpoints much attention is given to the specific way the dominant worldview influences this process of need articulation. One can see this influence very clearly in three areas:the economising of social life and professional practices;the role of modern sciences;the pressure on people to act as 'autonomous subjects'.The design of this research was open-ended, with much emphasis on case-studies in connection with theoretical analysis.In the introduction and chapter 1 the problem definition is described, based upon an analysis of both theory and practice.Chapter 2 will account for the research method and its exploratory character. Gradually this research developed, based on insights from literature and a series of case study results. A variety of qualitative research methods was used, such as (narrative) interviews and participatory observations. Two premises have been playing an important role in this research. The first premise is that experiences of people give insight into their reality. It is only possible to really understand people if one looks at the way they give meaning to their experiences. The second premise is that the perspectives that colour peoples views are important sources of knowledge as well. People always share their world with others. For this reason it is necessary to gain insight into the way in which interactions take place and to understand the significance these interactions have for the participating actors.Chapters 3, 4 and 5 are the heart of this thesis.In chapter 3 the problem of need articulation is further examined in the context of modern society and the dominant world view. The first part of this chapter describes an analytical framework, which is then used to clarify the problem. Need articulation is not possible without a dialogue, which in its turn requires active participation of clients. In Habermassian words: dialogue means communicative action. However, this participation is problematic and becomes quite often merely strategic action because of the way the modern world-view influences professionals as well as clients.The three assumptions of the modern world-view, which have been named above, have consequences for the possibilities of need articulation. In order to demonstrate this, the analysis has been applied to extension and extension science. Both theory and practice are used to show how planning models, target group analysis and different methods are influenced by the assumptions of the dominant world-view.In the final part of this chapter the outlines of a different approach are sketched. The starting points of the new approach, called a dialogue through deconstruction, are in line with the current critical debate in the social sector. The concept of 'normative professionalism' is the crux of this movement for innovation.The approach aims to bring forward dialogue. In essence this only can be achieved by deconstructing the assumptions which professionals and clients hold. This means: to abolish the supposed neutrality of professionals; to let go of the idea that processes of change can be completely controlled; and to anchor active participation of clients by systematically exploring the inner- and outer perspectives of all parties involved.In chapter 4 an additional theoretical analysis for this dialogue through deconstruction follows. In part 1 the attention goes to human development and how need articulation is taking place. Needs are sometimes not modelled, but kept away. Also the phenomenon that need articulation of a person is 'coloured' by the dominant value-patterns of his social environment is described. Human development is the result of the interaction between the public domain and the private domain.Part two of this chapter will focus on the possibilities and conditions of human change. The concepts of 'zone of nearest development' and 'creative process' are at the core of this focus. The zone of nearest development shows how step-by-step change in need articulation can be understood. The creative process shows how every zone can be modelled in such a way that the process leads, step-by-step, to new need articulation.In chapter 5 a framework is described to discern, understand, monitor and support processes of need articulation in practice. With the aid of a variety of research material, derived from practical studies, the method is presented. Part 1 provides the general principles and the wide range of possible applications. With this method it becomes possible to reach target groups better and to support professionals to bring their services better in line with the needs of clients. Also, the method can help to improve the participation of target groups and bridge gaps between groups: in other words, the method is also important for inter-cultural communication.Two general principles are worked out, firstly the iterative and cyclic character of the method and secondly the principle of 'working with continuities'. The iterative character means that the target group analysis is performed through several cycles of analysis ánd experimenting. The second principle lies in working with continuities: the premise that the analysis and experimenting takes for granted the existence of different value-orientations, which can go together. The consequences of these principles are explained through a changed perspective on the concepts of target groups, goals and interventions. In part 2 the design and implementation of programmes are dealt with in more depth. The theory of chapter 4 and the different case-studies form the base-material. Activities are analysed on form and content. Finally, possibilities to improve participation are described.Part 3 deals with the changed target group analysis. This analysis consists of two parts: an analysis of the needs of the target group and an analysis of the situation. This thesis shows that different methods are required for both parts. For the analysis of target group needs a narrative approach seems promising. For the situation analysis, in which the relationships between parties involved (including the professional) are explored, a network analysis based on deconstruction is suitable.Chapter 6 shows two case-studies in more detail.Finally, in chapter 7 , some conclusions are drawn. The essence is that the method of dialogue through deconstruction can help to really bring forward conditions for participation.However, this is only possible if the professional:is willing to leave standard solutions;is able to systematically reflect upon his or her own assumptions;is able to give priority to the real opportunities for action of clients;is prepared to intervene through 'positive coercion', which means that every intervention is approved by clients.

Leaving the parental home is one of the most common events in the life course of individuals. It is a normal and natural thing to happen to virtually everyone at some time. However, despite the generality of the event, the transition is not the same for all. Furthermore, the generality of the event says nothing about changes in the patterns in home-leaving behaviour over time. During the past several decades, interesting shifts in the timing and arrangements of the transition have occurred. The question, central to this study, runs: What are the factors that influence the transition from living at home to living independently?In the literature, there are mainly two perspectives dominating theoretical thinking about the determinants affecting departure from the parental home: an economic and a cultural one. First, in many previous demographic and economic studies, the search for an explanation of the changes in leaving home focused on the impact of the situational context on the individual's behaviour, i.e. the financial situation and the situation on the housing market, which constitute the young adult's opportunity structure. A second research tradition that has addressed the event of leaving home typically emphasises the normative context and the role of social norms which are believed to regulate the timing and arrangement of important life course transitions. This study aimed to determine more precisely the relative impact of each of these two factors. Furthermore, this study tried to find out whether, beside economic, housing and normative factors, additional aspects play a role in the decision to leave home, thus providing a more complete picture of the variety of factors that should be taken into account. An explorative analysis of written material collected among 300 students provided the necessary data to discover young adults' additional considerations in the matter of leaving home. These considerations appeared to deal with more practical and social-emotional aspects, and were briefly denoted as the Hotel-Mama factor. Apart from that, the qualitative material was used to obtain quantifiable information about the kind of normative expectations that are related to leaving home.It is well known that since the 1950s remarkable social and economic changes have taken place in Dutch society, which undoubtedly have also affected the circumstances and opportunities of young adults. As one of our hypotheses emphasises the role of the opportunity structure in the decision to leave home, we start this study with a description of the relevant social and cultural changes, and a sociological assessment of the profound impact of these transformations on the social and economic position of young adults in general and on their opportunities to leave the parental home in particular (see chapter 2). This gives a solid base to our hypothesis that changes in home-leaving behaviour are related to economic and housing market opportunities. The presumed effect of the normative context is addressed in chapter 2 as well. Also, the temporal changes in leaving home that took place in the period between 1950 and 1980 and during the 1980s are reflected upon. The discussion results in the further elaboration and formulation of the research questions.To illustrate how fluctuations in the situational context may be reflected in patterns of leaving home, chapter 4 examines at the aggregate level the shifts in behavioral patterns that occurred in the Netherlands during the 1980s, and relates them to the changing circumstances of this period. Three successive national Housing Demand Surveys (WBOs), conducted at the end of 1981, 1985 and 1989, provided the necessary data. It was concluded that although fluctuations in the situational context were indeed reflected in behavioral patterns, it was also evident that not all young adults react to a specific set of opportunities in the same way. Limited opportunities do not necessarily lead to a postponement of the transition, but in many instances rather to an adjustment of behavioral choices instead.Both the discussion in chapter 2 and the results of chapter 4 made it clear that, nothwithstanding the useful insights a macro-level approach generates, it may sometimes be difficult or hazardous to draw firm conclusions regarding the effect of specific factors when analysing them on the aggregate level. It was therefore argued that a micro-level should be adopted, in which the decision to leave the parental home and its determinants are studied at the individual level.In chapter 3, the Theory of Reasoned Action and its modifications are discussed and the theoretical model underlying this study, which is a modified version of the Theory of Planned Behaviour is presented. In order to use this theoretical model, it was necessary to specify the relevant consequences and the normative expectations that are related to leaving home. The qualitative method employed to identify prevailing perceptions on this subject is discussed in chapter 5.Chapter 6 describes the process of setting up a cross-sectional survey among 1012 young adults of 18-26 years old, and the measurement and construction of relevant variables. The results of the analyses of the survey data are reported in chapters 7 and 8. By comparing the personal situation and subjective considerations of leavers, planners and dwellers, we tried to find evidence that the defined variables affect the decision to leave home as hypothesised (chapter 7). Chapter 8 aims to detect the most important determinants in this decision, either in the first stage (the stage of intention-formation), or in the second stage (in which the intention is effectuated into actual behaviour). The analyses revealed that the normative expectations of the parents play a decisive role in the first stage. Financial considerations are most important in the second stage. Particularly the subjective assessment of one's income situation appeared to be a crucial element. The type of housing young adults aimed at further affected their probability of leaving, with cheap 2 and 3 room accommodation clearly reducing a person's opportunities of finding a place to live and of leaving the parental home, and a quest for a single room or four room housing facilitating the transition. There is no convincing evidence that Hotel-Mama considerations affect the decision to leave home or to stay home.Chapter 9 concludes this study with a summary overview of the research design and an evaluation of the main findings, followed by a discussion of their implications for policy, theory and research.

Leaving the parental home is one of the most common events in the life course of individuals. It is a normal and natural thing to happen to virtually everyone at some time. However, despite the generality of the event, the transition is not the same for all. Furthermore, the generality of the event says nothing about changes in the patterns in home-leaving behaviour over time. During the past several decades, interesting shifts in the timing and arrangements of the transition have occurred. The question, central to this study, runs: What are the factors that influence the transition from living at home to living independently?In the literature, there are mainly two perspectives dominating theoretical thinking about the determinants affecting departure from the parental home: an economic and a cultural one. First, in many previous demographic and economic studies, the search for an explanation of the changes in leaving home focused on the impact of the situational context on the individual's behaviour, i.e. the financial situation and the situation on the housing market, which constitute the young adult's opportunity structure. A second research tradition that has addressed the event of leaving home typically emphasises the normative context and the role of social norms which are believed to regulate the timing and arrangement of important life course transitions. This study aimed to determine more precisely the relative impact of each of these two factors. Furthermore, this study tried to find out whether, beside economic, housing and normative factors, additional aspects play a role in the decision to leave home, thus providing a more complete picture of the variety of factors that should be taken into account. An explorative analysis of written material collected among 300 students provided the necessary data to discover young adults' additional considerations in the matter of leaving home. These considerations appeared to deal with more practical and social-emotional aspects, and were briefly denoted as the Hotel-Mama factor. Apart from that, the qualitative material was used to obtain quantifiable information about the kind of normative expectations that are related to leaving home.It is well known that since the 1950s remarkable social and economic changes have taken place in Dutch society, which undoubtedly have also affected the circumstances and opportunities of young adults. As one of our hypotheses emphasises the role of the opportunity structure in the decision to leave home, we start this study with a description of the relevant social and cultural changes, and a sociological assessment of the profound impact of these transformations on the social and economic position of young adults in general and on their opportunities to leave the parental home in particular (see chapter 2). This gives a solid base to our hypothesis that changes in home-leaving behaviour are related to economic and housing market opportunities. The presumed effect of the normative context is addressed in chapter 2 as well. Also, the temporal changes in leaving home that took place in the period between 1950 and 1980 and during the 1980s are reflected upon. The discussion results in the further elaboration and formulation of the research questions.To illustrate how fluctuations in the situational context may be reflected in patterns of leaving home, chapter 4 examines at the aggregate level the shifts in behavioral patterns that occurred in the Netherlands during the 1980s, and relates them to the changing circumstances of this period. Three successive national Housing Demand Surveys (WBOs), conducted at the end of 1981, 1985 and 1989, provided the necessary data. It was concluded that although fluctuations in the situational context were indeed reflected in behavioral patterns, it was also evident that not all young adults react to a specific set of opportunities in the same way. Limited opportunities do not necessarily lead to a postponement of the transition, but in many instances rather to an adjustment of behavioral choices instead.Both the discussion in chapter 2 and the results of chapter 4 made it clear that, nothwithstanding the useful insights a macro-level approach generates, it may sometimes be difficult or hazardous to draw firm conclusions regarding the effect of specific factors when analysing them on the aggregate level. It was therefore argued that a micro-level should be adopted, in which the decision to leave the parental home and its determinants are studied at the individual level.In chapter 3, the Theory of Reasoned Action and its modifications are discussed and the theoretical model underlying this study, which is a modified version of the Theory of Planned Behaviour is presented. In order to use this theoretical model, it was necessary to specify the relevant consequences and the normative expectations that are related to leaving home. The qualitative method employed to identify prevailing perceptions on this subject is discussed in chapter 5.Chapter 6 describes the process of setting up a cross-sectional survey among 1012 young adults of 18-26 years old, and the measurement and construction of relevant variables. The results of the analyses of the survey data are reported in chapters 7 and 8. By comparing the personal situation and subjective considerations of leavers, planners and dwellers, we tried to find evidence that the defined variables affect the decision to leave home as hypothesised (chapter 7). Chapter 8 aims to detect the most important determinants in this decision, either in the first stage (the stage of intention-formation), or in the second stage (in which the intention is effectuated into actual behaviour). The analyses revealed that the normative expectations of the parents play a decisive role in the first stage. Financial considerations are most important in the second stage. Particularly the subjective assessment of one's income situation appeared to be a crucial element. The type of housing young adults aimed at further affected their probability of leaving, with cheap 2 and 3 room accommodation clearly reducing a person's opportunities of finding a place to live and of leaving the parental home, and a quest for a single room or four room housing facilitating the transition. There is no convincing evidence that Hotel-Mama considerations affect the decision to leave home or to stay home.Chapter 9 concludes this study with a summary overview of the research design and an evaluation of the main findings, followed by a discussion of their implications for policy, theory and research.