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The 2020 judgment in Milieudefensie and others v Royal Dutch Shell plc arose amid a second-wave of litigation and legal mobilizations against private corporations, such as oil and gas companies. Evaluating the judgment and its consequences in light of this broader wave of legal mobilizations, this chapter argues that these legal mobilizations effectively seek to re-imagine the contemporary energy corporation and its understandings of its profitability and accountability in a changing climate. Approaching the case from the context of other legal mobilizations undermines some of the key criticisms of the court’s judgment, namely its ineffectiveness in preventing climate-related harm and its failure to consider the common and best practices of oil and gas companies when substantiating Shell’s standard of care under Dutch tort law. Instead, Milieudefensie’s claim is positively evaluated for both presenting the Shell with the societal pressure that it purportedly depends upon for formulating more ambitious emissions reduction policies, and for forcing the court to confront the fundamental incompatibility of the contemporary energy corporations ‘business as usual’ with the protection of Dutch residents’ human rights in the climate crisis.

In seiner 2022 an der Universität Tübingen bei Prof. Dr. Claus Dierksmeier und Prof. Dr. Josef Schmid vorgelegten politikwissenschaftlichen Dissertation „Kampagnen zur Konzernverantwortung in transnationalen Lieferketten – am Beispiel der Textilindustrie. Vom Protest zur Policy“ untersucht der Tübinger Journalist und Gewerkschafter Volker Rekittke, wie die sehr unterschiedlich verteilten Machtressourcen im globalen „Fast Fashion“-System zugunsten von Menschen- und Arbeitsrechten verschoben werden können. Untersucht wurde der Gegenstand anhand von vier Fallstudien: 1. Gewerkschaftliche und entwicklungspolitische Strategien am Beispiel Bangladeschs, der Bangladesh Accord als weltweit erstes Enforceable Brand Agreement, zudem handels- und zollpolitische Maßnahmen der EU, 2. Transnationale Machtressourcen und Strategien bei IG Metall und ver.di, 3. Der KiK-Prozess von vier Pakistanis vor dem Landgericht Dortmund als Beispiel für strategische Prozessführung und transnationale Kooperation auf Augenhöhe (zudem als Initialzündung für die Lieferkettengesetz-Kampagne), 4. Die zivilgesellschaftliche Kampagne für ein Lieferkettengesetz in Deutschland, samt Analyse der Machtressourcen und Strategien der Akteur*innen. Gefördert wurde die Dissertation durch ein Stipendium der Hans-Böckler-Stiftung.

International audience; This article aims to explain the differential use of litigation by social movements pursuing social change. While previous studies have sought to compare non-governmental organizations (NGOs) that turn to litigation with those that do not, we study organizations that have all resorted at least once to legal action. Taking Belgium and the field of antidiscrimination as a case study, our research confirms the findings of previous literature that the characteristics of the legal environment do impact on the choice of organizations whether or not to go to court. But we also find that legal action is used differentially by NGOs depending on two factors in particular: their position as an insider or outsider in the political realm and their possession of legal resources. Based on a quantitative measure of legal actions initiated by NGOs and interviews with activists, we propose a typology of civil society organizations—which we label “experienced litigants,” “occasional litigants,” and “litigants by necessity”—that could be transposed to other contexts and other types of interest groups.

A growing number of jurisdictions throughout the world have recognized some type of legal rights of nature. This jurisprudential trend has thus far made few inroads in Europe. However, its apparent absence is misleading. In this article we argue that, explicit or not, nature as protected by European Union (EU) law already has certain legal rights in the Hohfeldian sense because other entities have legal obligations towards it. Moreover, we argue that recent decisions of the Court of Justice of the EU can be interpreted to support our claim that nature, as protected by EU law, already enjoys some legal rights that cannot be trumped by mere utilitarian interests, and that these rights can in turn be recognized and applied by national courts. We further suggest that public interest litigation can contribute to developing rights for nature in Europe, even absent any explicit recognition of these rights in EU law or in national legislation.

Strateško pravdanje je način uporabe sodnega postopka, pri katerem glavni cilj ni zaščititi pravic in interesov posameznika, ki nastopa kot pravdna stranka, ampak je v ospredju želja po doseganju širših družbenih sprememb. Gre torej za politično orodje, ki pa pride v poštev predvsem v primerih, ko širša javnost skupaj z zakonodajno in izvršilno vejo oblasti nima posluha za težave in potrebe določene skupnosti. Strateško pravdanje namreč ni brez tveganj in slednje velja pred začetkom pravdanja preučiti in ustrezno upoštevati. Izvor strateškega pravdanja umeščamo v petdeseta leta prejšnjega stoletja v ZDA, tj. v čas gibanja za civilne pravice. Čeprav gre za relativno mlad pravni pojav, se je z vse širšo uporabo v praksi zanj začelo zanimati precejšnje število akademikov in drugih raziskovalcev. Med številnimi sociološkimi in pravnimi deli na temo strateškega pravdanja prevladujeta predvsem dve temi, ki sta v tej diplomski nalogi tudi nekoliko podrobneje predstavljeni. Prva obravnava vprašanje, kdaj (v kakšnih okoliščinah oziroma pod katerimi pogoji) se aktivisti poslužujejo strateškega pravdanja kot orodja za doseganje sprememb v družbi. Pri drugi pa gre za obravnavo učinkovitosti strateškega pravdanja, ki je močno povezana z izhodiščno normativno kritiko, da ni prav, da sodišča posegajo v pristojnosti in delovanje drugih dveh vej oblasti. To diplomsko delo je umeščeno v kontekst boja proti diskriminaciji v Sloveniji. Po bližje obravnava strateško pravdanje, s katerim so se aktivisti zoperstavili diskriminaciji na podlagi državljanstva oziroma narodnosti, spolne usmerjenosti in etnične pripadnosti. Na podlagi analiziranih primerov magistrsko delo ponudi nekaj opažanj in predvidevanj o razvoju strateškega pravdanja v slovenskem prostoru v prihodnosti. Strategic litigation refers to the use of legal action, whereby the goals pursued reach beyond the protection of the rights of immediate parties to the legal proceedings and instead centre around the interests of entire communities. As a tool, strategic litigation proves to be particularly useful to those who are marginalized or otherwise disregarded by a particular society. While potentially a promising tool for driving change, strategic litigation comes with its own set of risks and disadvantages that should not be disregarded and should instead be properly taken into account by legal practitioners. Strategic litigation was first noticeably used as part of the fight against racism by the civil rights movement in the United States of America. Since then, the field of legal practice expanded and with it so did the overall interest of the academia. The following thesis focuses on two major themes of the existing research today. Firstly, the thesis addresses the question of why certain individuals or groups turn to the courts as part of their quest for systemic change while others do not. Secondly, it deals with the question of effectiveness of strategic litigation which is closely linked with the critique levied against strategic litigation for being anti-democratic and elitist in nature. The thesis places its analysis in the context of the anti-discrimination efforts in Slovenia. Case studies include examples of strategic litigation, whereby the activists faced discrimination based on nationality, sexual orientation and ethnicity.

Over the years, many theories have tried to explain the puzzle of cross-national variation in preliminary reference rates before the ECJ. Most of the contributions focused on the role of national judges, examining their legal education, policy preferences, workload, and attitude towards higher courts. This article adopts, instead, a legal mobilization perspective that decentralizes the role of courts and redirects the focus to the litigants and their political context. Relying on empirical research and on a comparison of three country case studies in the field of migration, the article argues that national patterns of mobilization influence the emergence of preliminary references. Moreover, it identifies three factors at the national level that help understand when legal mobilization occurs via preliminary reference: altruism, Euro-expertise, and EU legal opportunity structure. The article makes both an empirical and a theoretical contribution by bridging the scholarship on legal mobilization and EU judicial politics.

The paper analyzes consensual solutions as part of strategic litigations in light of parties’ freedom of choice for the most adequate solution to each case. Based on the analysis of all the Reports on Friendly Settlements issued by the Inter-American Commission of Human Rights, it aims to evaluate, under Hobbes’ perspective, the role of parties’ freedom in friendly settlements as a boost for social transformation in Human Rights conflicts, from the observation of Brazilian legal framework and from the consensual solutions executed under the Inter-American Commission of Human Rights. El trabajo analiza soluciones amistosas en el contexto de litigios estratégicos a través del prisma de la libertad de elección de la composición más adecuada para el caso concreto. A partir del análisis exhaustivo de todos los Informes de Solución Amistosa emitidos por la Comisión Interamericana de Derechos Humanos, el objetivo es evaluar, a la luz de Hobbes, el papel de la libertad de las partes en los mecanismos de autocomposición como potencial para transformación social en conflictos de Derechos Humanos, basada en la observación del ordenamiento jurídico brasileño y las soluciones amistosas suscritas en el marco de la Comisión Interamericana de Derechos Humanos. Il lavoro analizza soluzioni consensuali nell'ambito di contenziosi strategici attraverso il prisma della libertà di scelta della composizione più appropriata per il caso specifico. Sulla base dell'analisi esaustiva di tutti i Rapporti di Insediamento Amichevoli emessi dalla Commissione Interamericana sui Diritti Umani, l'obiettivo è di valutare, alla luce di Hobbes, il ruolo della libertà delle parti nei meccanismi di autocomponizione come potenziale trasformazione sociale nei conflitti che coinvolgono i diritti umani, basata sull'osservazione del sistema legale brasiliano e le soluzioni amichevoli firmate nel quadro della Commissione interamericana sui diritti umani. O trabalho analisa as soluções consensuais no âmbito das litigâncias estratégicas pelo prisma da liberdade de escolha da composição mais adequada ao caso concreto. Com base na análise exauriente de todos os Informes de Solução Amistosa emitidos pela Comissão Interamericana de Direitos Humanos, busca-se avaliar, à luz de Hobbes, o papel da liberdade das partes nos mecanismos autocompositivos como potencializador de transformação social em conflitos envolvendo Direitos Humanos, partindo-se da observação do ordenamento jurídico brasileiro e das soluções amistosas firmadas no âmbito da Comissão Interamericana de Direitos Humanos.

Historically, the ruling theory of British labour law, collective laissez-faire, was rooted in distrust of courts. Over the last forty years, there have been profound and enduring constitutional changes. Successive governments have pursued deregulatory agendas through legislation, and workers and organized labour have turned increasingly to courts to vindicate their fundamental rights. In light of these changes, this article re-assesses the case against courts in British labour law. It identifies a vital yet subsidiary role for courts in labour law. This should lead scholars to reappraise the marginalization of doctrinal legal scholarship, lest the legal academy become stranded between frivolity and despair.

This study is structured into two clearly defined sections. Firstly, strategic litigation will be used as a framework to account for the developments and improvements made to indigenous rights as a result of the remarkable international effort to protect indigenous peoples. Some focal points in the production of strategic litigation discourse on indigenous rights and its guarantees will be considered. These will include the discourse produced by the United Nations and its related institutions in recent years specifically to solve the dramatic situation of indigenous peoples; and the discourse by the Inter-American Court of Human Rights (under the regional aegis of the OAS). Secondly, these developments will be contrasted with a crude diagnosis of reality by identifying the main difficulties and the real limits for the consolidation and implementation of indigenous rights. This will be followed by an outline of the challenges to be faced by indigenous peoples in the coming years, which will compel them to try new ways of political, normative, and strategic thinking.

In 2007, the Grand Chamber of the European Court of Human Rights ruled that 18 Czech Roma primary school children had been unlawfully placed into special schools, designed for “mentally handicapped” children, and were subject to indirect racial discrimination. D.H. and Others v. the Czech Republic, a landmark piece of strategic litigation, hoped to catalyse tangible Czech educational reform; however, reports persist of Roma educational segregation. Firstly, this study briefly investigates why strategic litigation is an attractive, albeit obstacle-ridden, tool to effect societal reform. The study then conducts an in-depth impact analysis of D.H., focusing on Czech legal reactions and supranational developments and the post-judgment responses of the Czech Roma community. The study concludes that strategic litigation is a potent tool to effect social change but, regarding implementation and obstacles to its use and impact, remains vulnerable if not used in conjunction with extra-legal activism.Keywords: strategic litigation; extra-legal activism; educational desegregation; Roma; European Court of Human Rights; CzechiaDOI: 10.14712/23363231.2020.10© 2020 The Authors. This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives License, which permits use, distribution and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited, the use is non-commercial and no modifications or adaptations are made.

This study sought to identify if the INSS, as a repeat player, obtained advantages in the judgment of Extraordinary Appeal No. 631,240, according to Marc’s Galanter tipology of parties to the judicial system. The discussion holds relevance to the phenomenon of mass litigation, to the way repeat players engage in conflicts, as well as highlights the means by which the relationship between the principles of efficiency and access to justice is being debated. The examination was conducted using qualitative empiric analysis (case study, interview and documental analysis) and a theoretical mark (Marc Galanter). At the end, the research hypothesis was confirmed.

Background: Litigation has been utilised to advance a range of socio-economic rights in post-apartheid South Africa, including the right to basic education. Nonetheless, there has not been significant litigation or sustained broad-based mobilisation around issues impacting the early childhood development (ECD) sector in the democratic era. The coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic, however, saw some ECD stakeholders turning to the courts to advocate for their survival, as well as to mobilise and advocate for sector reforms.Aim: This article aimed to critically reflect on the role of litigation and social mobilisation in advancing the right to ECD during and beyond the COVID-19 pandemic.Setting: The article assesses two South African cases with national implications.Methods: The article critically assesses two South African cases relating to ECD during the pandemic. At the time of writing, these were the only South African judgements specifically relating to the impact of COVID-19 on the ECD sector.Results: The two cases played an important role in: (1) reopening the ECD sector during the pandemic; and (2) making efforts to ensure that the sector could remain open. However, the cases were not based on a holistic rights-based approach to ECD, which remains an area for further development.Conclusion: The article concludes that litigation may play a significant role in advancing children’s rights to ECD, particularly as a complement to broader social mobilisation strategies. The cases highlight the (1) need and potential for building a holistic rights-based foundation of ECD jurisprudence post the pandemic; and (2) strategic use of litigation interventions as part of broader mobilisation strategies.

Strategic litigation has become an important tactic used by social movements around the world. We define this concept as an advocacy tactic which aims to advance public interest considerations via litigation in socially relevant cases. Strategic litigation here does not aim for direct benefits or legal remedies to the plaintiff; instead, it aims to use the legal system to influence public policy. NGOs and other interest groups increasingly use strategic litigation in the climate policy sphere. Despite the increase in use, the impact of strategic climate litigation is debated and understudied. Its direct effects could not always be observed, and a narrowly defined goal – official legal reform – is not the only, and not always the primary objective of mobilizing law and employing strategic litigation. Instead, it is complementary to and intertwined with the aim of influencing social perspectives and behaviors. In addition, studies of the impact of strategic litigation so far focused on individual case studies. The literature has yet to provide an empirical examination of the relationship between a court’s decision and public opinion, of whether this advocacy tool itself can affect wider public attitudes, and through what mechanisms. To fill this gap, we run a vignette experiment investigating the effects of strategic litigation on people’s attitudes. We argue that strategic litigation provides a “legal cue”, akin to an “elite cue” that is often found to work in studies of elite influence on people’s policy attitudes. We perform a partially incentivized randomized survey experiment in the United Kingdom, administered through Prolific Academic. At the time of pre-registration, pilot data has been collected and analysed. Data collection for the main study will only commence after pre-registration

Human rights are presumed to be universal given the universal declaration on human rights by the United Nations in 1948. Half a century has passed, and private human rights such as group rights are discriminated against worldwide. This thesis studies the presumed tension between universal human rights and private human rights, and how the specific rights are discriminated against. External monitoring is part of duties assigned to civil society organisations, and organisations monitor this issue and uses various methods to create circumstances in which private rights are respected. This thesis studies the European context through the European Court of Justice and the European Convention on Human Rights, and how civil society organisations in Europe use strategic litigation for Roma human rights. The purpose of this thesis is to establish how the European Court of Justice balances the tension between universal human rights and private human rights when civil society invokes discrimination against human rights. A sub-purpose is to identify whether there is a long-term consequence of strategic litigation for Roma human rights in Europe. The thesis has dealt with two ideas of human rights: universalism and discrimination. The chosen method for the study has been descriptive analysis of ideas to show the existence of ideas in texts, and thus be able to ascertain a shift in expression. The material is obtained by the civil society organisation European Roma Rights Centre, which are rulings from the European Court of Justice. The result of the study is that the European Court of Justice has previously considered that human rights should be universal and held that discrimination is difficult to prove. In recent cases however, the European Court of Justice has ruled that discrimination is constitutional for the Roma. Lastly, it is stated that strategic litigation can be viewed as effective in reducing the tension between universal human rights and private human rights in Europe.

There are a range of impediments in the pursuit of redress and reparations for sexual violence, more so in conflict and post-conflict situations. Often if accountability is sought through judicial institutions, it is through criminal proceedings. However, another option available is to file, simultaneously or alternatively, a civil and/or constitutional proceeding. In February 2013 six women and two men who were sexual and gender-based violence survivors of Kenya's 2007-8 postelection violence filed a constitutional petition. On 10 December 2020 the Kenyan High Court awarded four survivors Kes 4 million (approximately US $36 513) as general damages for the violation of their constitutional rights. This article, which is anchored on Kenya's human rights obligations, uses Kenya as a case study to examine the pursuit of domestic accountability through strategic litigation and the contribution made towards redress and reparation for survivors of sexual and gender-based violence from post-election violence. First, the author argues that the transitional justice approach in Kenya provided the foundation for the strategic litigation case. Therefore, the article provides an overview of key aspects of Kenya's transitional justice approach. Second, the author argues that to understand the significance of the strategic litigation, an understanding of the sexual and gender-based violence which necessitated the strategic litigation case is necessary. The article therefore examines Kenya's legacy of historical injustice and gross human rights abuses which played a role in the sexual and gender-based violence during post-election violence. Third, the author analyses the strategic litigation case, considering the key claims by the petitioners and the decision of the Court. Finally, the article discusses the lessons learnt and contribution made by this case. The author submits that, although imperfect, this strategic litigation was a valuable recognition and acknowledgment of sexual and gender-based violence survivors of post-election violence, contributed to reparation access and had an impact on domestic accountability as an option for redress and reparation.

Amerika Birleşik Devletleri’nde 1970’li yıllardan itibaren, bireylerin kamu makamlarına başvurmasını ya da kamusal tartışmaya katılmasını engellemek amacıyla çeşitli dayanaklarla tazminat davaları açılmaya başlanmıştır. Bu davalar “Kamusal Tartışmaya Karşı Stratejik Dava” olarak adlandırılmaktadır. Bu dava türünde davacı kaybedeceğini bildiği bir dava ile ifadelerini ya da başvurusunu engellemek istediği davalıyı sindirmeyi ve caydırmayı hedefl emektedir. Günümüzde dünyanın neredeyse tamamına yayılmış olan bu dava türü, internetin de etkisiyle genellikle büyük ekonomik güce sahip şirketler ile bireyleri karşı karşıya getirmektedir. Büyük tazminat talepleri yargılama sonunda reddedilse bile ülkede ifade hürriyetinin azalmasına, bireylerin kamusal tartışmalara katılmaktan caydırılmasına neden olmaktadır. ABD’de başlarda Noerr-Pennington ve NYT v. Sullivan içtihatları ile mücadele edilen bu davalara karşı 1990’lı yıllardan itibaren eyalet hukuklarında önlemler alınmaya başlanmıştır. ABD’de federal düzeyde bir düzenleme ise halen yapılmamıştır. Eyalet kanunları genellikle davanın maddi yükünü davacının üstünde bırakacak ve yargılama sürecini kısaltarak manevi yükünü azaltacak yöntemler kabul etmişlerdir. Eyalet düzenlemelerinin ilklerinden birisi olan Kaliforniya Usul Kanunu’nun 425.16 maddesi her tür ifadeyi korumaktadır. Kamusal Tartışmaya Karşı Stratejik Davalara karşı alınacak önlemlerin de kötüye kullanılması mümkündür ve tedbirlerin adil yargılanma hakkıyla dengelenmesi gerekmektedir. Around 1970’s a novel type of lawsuit started to appear in the United States of America to suppress participation of individuals in public discourse. Dubbed as “Strategic Lawsuits Against Public Participation” or SLAPP, these lawsuits appear mostly disguised as a civil law damages claim. By using a SLAPP, plaintiff aims to subdue and chill the defendant from petitioning the authorities or voicing her opposition. This lawsuit spread globally and brought individuals face to face with multi-million dollar companies. Although doomed from the start immense damages claimed in these suits diminish freedom of expression and chills participation in public discourse. Initially Noerr-Pennington and NYT v. Sullivan case law was employed as a defense against-SLAPPs and around the 1990s states began to adopt anti-SLAPP legislation. There is still not an anti-SLAPP legislation at the federal level. State legislations generally adopts procedural safeguards by which the defendant can recover expanses and allows expedited dismissal of a SLAPP. California anti-SLAPP protection, which is one of the first, provides very wide protection. Anti-SLAPP legislation can also be abused and for this reason a fair balance between free trial rights and freedom expression must be created. No sponsor

Hundreds of human rights and environmental cases against corporations have been launched in countries around the world in the past two decades. This body of counter corporate litigation—legal actions that involve attempts to enforce legal or normative standards against business entities—forms a significant part of the legal struggles shaping the transition to a sustainable economy. However, the question remains—how does litigation against companies fit with the larger patterns of reform? In this paper, I draw on a taxonomy of sustainability litigation to describe three functions of counter corporate litigation: remedy, the search for justice through legal action; regulation, the enforcement of legal standards through the courts; and repression, the proscription of predatory business models. I argue that research into counter corporate litigation helps to illuminate the priorities for legal reform, including the integration of human rights and the environment into legal instruments governing corporate activities, transnational approaches to corporate accountability, and a willingness to challenge unsustainable business models.

Since conclusion of the Paris Agreement and the high-profile Urgenda case, potential new avenues for strategic climate litigation have received considerable attention in many countries, including Australia. Australia already has a substantial climate jurisprudence, primarily involving administrative challenges under environmental laws. This paper aims to examine the prospects for a “next generation” of cases focused on holding governments and corporations to account for the climate change implications of their actions. We draw on analysis of existing legal precedent and emerging cases to explore four key aspects: drivers for next generation lawsuits, potential legal avenues, and likely enablers and barriers. The paper uses the Australian experience as a case study but draws also on litigation trends globally. We find that the most fruitful strategy for future climate change litigation is likely to be one that advances lower risk cases building from the base of existing litigation, while simultaneously attempting novel approaches. Desde los Acuerdos de París y el caso Urgenda, varios países han prestado mayor atención a los litigios estratégicos sobre el clima. Australia ya tiene una notable jurisprudencia sobre el clima, especialmente en cuanto a los desafíos que para la administración suponen las leyes ambientales. Este artículo analiza las posibilidades de una “nueva generación” de casos basados en pedir responsabilidades gubernamentales y empresariales. Partimos de antecedentes jurídicos y de casos emergentes para explorar cuatro cuestiones claves: los motores para demandas judiciales, posibles vías legales, y capacitadores y obstáculos probables. Se usa la experiencia de Australia como estudio de caso, pero también se traen a colación tendencias judiciales globales. Hallamos que la estrategia más provechosa es propulsar casos de menor riesgo desde la base de los litigios existentes, a la vez que ensayar nuevos abordajes. Available from: https://doi.org/10.35295/osls.iisl/0000-0000-0000-1060

DOI: 10.1590/2179-8966/2019/39376 Resumo: Este ensaio e um balanco de mais de 200 entrevistas com diferentes atores publicos e da sociedade civil, no Brasil e America Latina, sobre diferentes formas de advocacia pela transformacao social, fruto de agendas globais e praticas nativas que se entrecruzam, - litigio estrategico, estrutural, em massa, advocacia pro bono e a advocacia popular, - e sua receptividade por atores do sistema de justica. Palavras-chave : litigio estrategico, advocacia popular e advocacia pro bono. Abstract: This essay is a balance of more than 200 interviews with different public and civil society actors in Brazil and Latin America on different forms of lawyering for social change, as a result of global agendas and native practices that intersect, - strategic, structural and mass litigacion, pro bono and popular lawyering, - and their receptiveness to actors in the justice system. Keywords: strategic litigation, popular lawyering and pro bono lawyering.

El trabajo analiza las condiciones legales y de procedimiento en base a las cuales, en junio de 2018, la República Argentina contrajo con el Fondo Monetario Internacional (FMI) un crédito stand-by por la suma de $50.000.000.000, ampliado posteriormente por U$S 7.100.000.000. También explica las acciones desarrolladas en términos de litigio estratégico para obtener información pública sobre el tema y sostiene, tal como se encuentra pedido judicialmente, que el crédito y su ampliación es nulo de nulidad manifiesta y absoluta. Esta nulidad deriva no solo por el hecho de que el crédito fue tomado por el Poder Ejecutivo sin intervención del Congreso, sino por haberse violado de manera manifiesta diversas leyes nacionales. En especial, requisitos esenciales establecidos por la Ley de Administración Financiera Nº 24.156 (LAF) y la Ley Nacional de Procedimiento Administrativo Nº 19.549 (LNPA)., The paper analyzes the legal and procedural conditions on the basis of which, in June 2018, the Argentine Republic contracted with the International Monetary Fund (IMF) a credit stand-by for the sum of $ 50,000,000,000, later extended by $ 7,100,000,000. It also explains the actions developed in terms of strategic litigation to obtain public information on the issue, and maintains, as is judicially requested, that the credit and its extension are manifestly and absolutely null and void. This nullity derives not only from the fact that the credit was taken by the Executive Branch without the intervention of Congress, but also because it had violated various national laws. In particular, essential requisites established by the Financial Administration Law No. 24,156 (LAF) and the National Law of Administrative Proceedings No. 19,549 (LNPA)., O trabalho analisa as condições jurídicas e procedimentais com base nas quais, em junho de 2018, a República Argentina contratou com o Fundo Monetário Internacional (FMI) um empréstimo stand-by no valor de $ 50.000.000.000, posteriormente estendido por US $ 7.100.000.000. Explica também as ações realizadas em matéria de litigio estratégico para obter informação pública sobre a matéria e sustenta, conforme requerido judicialmente, que o empréstimo e sua prorrogação são nulos, manifestos e absolutos. Essa nulidade decorre não apenas do fato de o empréstimo ter sido contraído pelo Poder Executivo sem a intervenção do Congresso, mas também por ter manifestamente violado diversas legislações nacionais. Em particular, os requisitos essenciais estabelecidos pela Lei de Administração Financeira nº 24.156 (LAF) e pela Lei Nacional de Procedimento Administrativo nº 19.549 (LNPA)., Facultad de Ciencias Jurídicas y Sociales

L’investissement de l’arène judiciaire par les associations et les mouvements sociaux fait l’objet d’un intérêt croissant de la part des sciences sociales. Contrairement aux études antérieures, qui ont cherché à déterminer pourquoi certaines associations vont en justice alors que d’autres n’y vont pas, notre approche vise à comparer entre elles des associations qui sont allées en justice afin de mettre en lumière leurs rapports différenciés au droit et au recours judiciaire. Pour ce faire, nous avons centré notre enquête sur les actions portées en justice par des associations belges en matière de discrimination liée à quatre critères : le genre, les convictions religieuses, l’origine raciale ou ethnique et le handicap.

This article conceptualises the term “strategic litigation” in order to provide for a definition of it. Strategic litigation is a tool increasingly used in Europe by individuals and organisations to attain different objectives. Next to that, there is increasing academic attention for the topic. Nevertheless, the exact definition of “strategic litigation” remains unclear. Therefore, this article uses the research method of conceptualisation as well as a database research and additional literature to provide for a definition. It looks firstly at the background concept, involving the range of meanings associated with the term “strategic litigation”, after which a systematised concept is formed. Thereby, use is made of the “necessary and sufficient conditions” (NSC) approach, to develop the conditions necessary and/or sufficient for a case to fit within the category of strategic litigation. Moreover, the external conceptual relations of the term are explored. Este artículo conceptualiza el término “litigio estratégico” para proporcionar una definición. El litigio estratégico es un instrumento cada vez más usado en Europa por parte de personas y organizaciones para conseguir diversos objetivos, y hay un interés académico creciente por el tema. Sin embargo, la definición exacta de “litigio estratégico” sigue siendo poco clara. Por tanto, el artículo emplea el método de investigación de la conceptualización junto con una investigación de bases de datos y literatura adicional, y propone una definición. En primer lugar, se fija en el concepto de fondo, que incluye el abanico de significados relacionados con el término “litigio estratégico”; a continuación, se forma un concepto sistemático. De este modo, se parte del enfoque de “condiciones necesarias y suficientes” (CNS) para desarrollar las condiciones necesarias y/o suficientes para que un caso encaje en la categoría de litigio estratégico. Por añadidura, se examinan las relaciones conceptuales externas del término. Available from: https://doi.org/10.35295/osls.iisl/0000-0000-0000-1226

La justicia climática evidencia una problemática más del binomio derecho y globalización, que pone de presente el surgimiento de conflictos climáticos como consecuencia de medidas de mitigación y adaptación. Por esta razón el cambio climático viene siendo un asunto controversial y polémico en la intervención judicial en la esfera global y en cada uno de los países, convirtiéndose en la manifestación de la justicia ambiental “prioritaria” y posmoderna. Por ello, el presente artículo tiene como objetivo central analizar el contenido y alcance de la justicia climática en el marco del litigio estratégico, los estándares de acceso a la justicia ambiental y cuatro casos judiciales representativos sobre cambio climático. Climate justice shows one more problem in the binomial Law and Globalization, which highlights the emergence of climate conflicts as a consequence of mitigation and adaptation measures. For this reason, climate change has been a controversial and controversial issue in judicial intervention in the global sphere and in each of the countries; becoming the manifestation of “priority” and postmodern environmental justice. Therefore, the present objective is to analyze the content and scope of climate justice in the context of strategic litigation, standards of access to environmental justice and four representative court cases on climate change.

Submitted by Nadir Basilio (nadirsb@uninove.br) on 2020-11-19T19:01:14Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Samira Rodrigues Pereira Alves.pdf: 1161326 bytes, checksum: abdd756d7505980f3e79be881ed38aaa (MD5) Made available in DSpace on 2020-11-19T19:01:14Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Samira Rodrigues Pereira Alves.pdf: 1161326 bytes, checksum: abdd756d7505980f3e79be881ed38aaa (MD5) Previous issue date: 2020-04-01 The debate about jurisdiction and constitutional supremacy is timeless. The phenomenon of judicialization of politics, the omission of the Legislative in the face of controversial issues and the violation of fundamental rights, call for answers that excel at the functioning of institutions and interaction between the Powers. In this sense theories emerge to try to solve this question. The theory of constitutional dialogue is one of them and seeks to achieve a dialogue between the Powers, represents an interaction and objective reciprocal collaboration between institutions in the construction of norms and constitutional interpretation. It is from this conception of constitutional dialogue that strategic litigation can be a means of stimulating dialogue, since it has as its setting a strategy of political claim and social transformation in order to drive new demands, is used in the Court to claim new sense of the laws before the judiciary, as well as enabling the dialogue between the institutions and society. Through the deductive method based on bibliographical and documentary research, this work investigates the possibility of strategic litigation succeeding as an instrument for promoting dialogue between the Powers, enabling the overcoming of the decisions of the Supreme Federal Court by the Legislature through deliberations compete: presentation of projects and drafting of laws, constitutional amendments. As a technician, strategic litigation was successful as an instrument to promote dialogue between the Powers, as it generated responses from the Legislative Power through the presentation of draft laws. This research used the deductive method with bibliographic and documentary research O debate sobre jurisdição e supremacia constitucional é atemporal. O fenômeno da judicialização da política, a omissão do Poder Legislativo diante de temas polêmicos e a violação de direitos fundamentais pedem respostas que primem pelo funcionamento das instituições e a interação entres os Poderes. Neste sentido surgem teorias para tentar solucionar esta questão. A teoria do diálogo constitucional é uma delas e busca realizar uma interlocução entre as Instituições, prima pela interação e a colaboração recíproca entre os Poderes na construção das normas e na interpretação constitucional. É a partir dessa concepção do diálogo constitucional que o litígio estratégico pode ser um meio de estimular o diálogo, uma vez que tem como cenário uma estratégia de reivindicação política e transformação social com o intuito de impulsionar novas demandas e provocar alguma mobilização do Poder Legislativo. É utilizado no Supremo Tribunal Federal para reivindicar um novo sentido às leis perante o judiciário, como também viabilizar o diálogo entre as instituições e a sociedade. Enquanto técnica verificou-se o êxito do litígio estratégico como instrumento de promoção do diálogo entre os Poderes, pois gerou respostas do Poder Legislativo através a apresentação de projetos de leis. Esta pesquisa usou o método dedutivo com pesquisa bibliográfica e documental.

La interpretación jurídica es, necesariamente, una actividad intelectual de naturaleza práctica, no teórica como un saber puro, sino estratégica, marcada por el resultado a obtenerse. La interpretación jurídica es una labor guiada por el interés particular de resolver un caso que requiere de una solución para que los derechos cuyo amparo se pretende, logren ser realizados y garantizados por el Estado y por las autoridades en beneficio de los que luchan por la justicia. La interpretación jurídica, por tanto, es una labor de orden espiritual que persigue que el ideal ético de la justicia, la virtud ética de la justicia, se realice en forma material. En otras palabras, la interpretación jurídica tiene que ser guiada por la ciencia y la técnica jurídica, pero no solamente por ellas sino por la complejidad de las ciencias del espíritu, más conocidas como las ciencias humanas. Una particular interpretación jurídica tiene relevancia particular, la que se realiza en materia de la protección y garantía de los derechos humanos. La interpretación jurídica en materia de derechos humanos está signada por la misión estratégica de garantizar la protección de los derechos humanos, por lo que impone seguir un conjunto de valores y principios uni-versales que tienen una particular fuerza normativa. Una nueva hermenéutica jurídica está al orden del día Legal interpretation is necessarily an intellec-tual activity of a practical nature, not theoretical as pure knowledge, but strategic, marked by the result to be obtained. Legal interpretation is a task guided by the particular interest of resolving a case that requires a solution so that the rights whose protection is sought, can be achieved and guaranteed by the State and by the authorities for the benefit of those who fight for justice. The juridical interpretation, therefore, is a work of spiritual order that pursues that the ethical ideal of justice, the ethical virtue of justice, is realized in material form. In other words, legal interpretation has to be guided by science and legal technique, but not only by them but also by the complexity of the sciences of the spirit, better known as the hu-man sciences. A particular legal interpretation has a specific relevance, the one that is carried out regarding the protection and guarantee of human rights. Legal interpretation in the field of human rights is marked by the strategic mis-sion of guaranteeing the protection of human rights and therefore requires following a set of universal values and principles that have a particular normative force. A new legal hermeneutics is the order of the day.

In the scientific article the main problems that hinder properly protect environmental rights in court are considered: the presence of an exhaustive list of grounds for appeal to the courts environmental organizations, that are limited according to international standards. Another problem relates to the legal ignorance of citizens on how to protect environmental rights and their irrational use, abuse of the law in some cases. Prevents the realization of environmental rights the interests of others, improper investigation of the case by the court. Another aspect that prevents qualitative access to justice is ignorance of citizens in the proper formulation of the claim, thus the courts make decisions not in favor of those whose environmental rights violated or denied the opening of the proceedings. It is advisable to enable citizens to apply for legal aid centers providing primary legal aid from the state budget (for lawyers providing explanations, advice, preparation of legal documents), as the environment and citizens' rights - a line of action in which the first all Ukraine state concerned. The issue of environmental protection of human rights, the preservation and restoration of natural resources on the principles of sustainable (environmentally sustainable) Nature should be regarded as one of the priorities and an important precondition for the European integration of Ukraine. Thus, environmental rights, and above all the constitutionally enshrined right to safe living environment and health must defend. After all, the quality and duration of life depend on Ukrainian Ecology

In February 2019, the Australian government announced that there were no longer any children in offshore immigration detention. The influence of the Australian refugee advocacy movement on this outcome is important to understand because of its relevance to the global refugee crisis in which children continue to be detained across the world. My thesis examines how the Australian refugee advocacy movement has tried to create legal and social change for children in immigration detention using strategic litigation and grassroots advocacy. Cases are analysed to critically evaluate the success of lawyers in the courtroom to challenge an intransigent government determined to pursue its harsh policies. The mass mobilisation of activists and their efforts to shift public and political opinion are also examined. Drawing on the wider socio-legal literature and notably the work of McCann, the integrated legal mobilisation framework is proposed. It consists of capabilities and practical grassroots strategies, and provides an in-depth and evidenced way of understanding the influence of the Australian refugee advocacy movement in helping to achieve the release of children from immigration detention. Data from 41 interviews from refugee advocacy groups, activists, lawyers, doctors, journalists, bureaucrats, policy advisors, and politicians are used to evaluate how the capabilities and strategies have been used by the refugee advocacy movement to help create legal and social change for children in immigration detention. The integrated legal mobilisation framework is the most important novel contribution of my thesis. With further testing, the proposed framework may develop more universal importance as social movements continue to fight similar battles across the world.

RESUMEN En los últimos años, la crisis penitenciaria, en distintos países, ha ocupado un lugar central en las discusiones políticas, jurídicas y académicas. En el centro de estos debates se encuentra la cuestión del hacinamiento y su papel como principal indicador del desempeño penitenciario. No obstante, a pesar de su protagonismo, la definición del hacinamiento, así como su utilización en los modelos de intervención judicial, no es un asunto ampliamente debatido. En este texto proponemos un análisis del hacinamiento desde dos dimensiones; por una parte, una dimensión jurídica que responde a la pregunta de cómo medir el hacinamiento y, por otra, una dimensión práctica que busca mostrar cómo se pone en marcha en los procesos de judicialización de la vida en prisión. ABSTRACT In recent years, the penitentiary crisis, in different countries, has occupied a central place in political, legal and academic discussions. At the center of these debates is the issue of overcrowding and its role as the essential indicator of prison performance. However, despite its prominence, its definition, as well as its use in models of judicial intervention, is not a widely debated issue. In this text, we propose an analysis of overcrowding from two perspectives: on the one hand, a legal dimension that answers the question of how to measure overcrowding and, on the other, a practical one that seeks to show its implementation in the processes of judicialization of life in prison. RESUMO Nos últimos anos, a crise penitenciária, em diferentes países, tem ocupado um lugar central nas discussões políticas, jurídicas e acadêmicas. No centro destes debates encontra-se a questão da superlotação e seu papel como principal indicador do desempenho penitenciário. No entanto, apesar de seu protagonismo, a definição da superlotação, assim quanto a sua utilização nos modelos de intervenção judicial, não é um assunto amplamente debatido. Neste texto, propomos uma análise da superlotação desde duas dimensões; por uma parte, uma dimensão jurídica que responde à pergunta de como medir a superlotação e, por outra, uma dimensão prática que busca mostrar como implementar os processos de judicialização da vida em prisão.

Prepričanje, da je pravo pomembno in učinkovito sredstvo za doseganje družbenih sprememb, je postalo posebej razširjeno po dogodkih v zgodnjem obdobju druge polovice 20. stoletja, ko je po svetu prišlo do nekaterih množičnih družbenih gibanj – ker ta v marsičem niso povsem ustrezala do tedaj prevladujočemu modelu družbenih gibanj, so dobila oznako »nova« družbena gibanja. Zavoljo uveljavljanja kolektivnih interesov nova družbena gibanja pogosto presegajo klasične vzorce političnega delovanja in kot eno izmed taktik nemalokrat na nek način mobilizirajo tudi pravo. Medtem ko uporaba zakonodajnega postopka kot sredstva za doseganje družbenih sprememb predpostavlja obstoj politične volje, pa koncept strateškega pravdanja temelji na ideji, da sodne institucije predstavljajo učinkovito okolje za induciranje družbenih sprememb tudi na tistih področjih, kjer je politična volja iz različnih razlogov tradicionalno šibka. Prizadevanja za spreminjanje družbenih vzorcev prek sodne veje oblasti je vedno spremljala precejšnja mera skepse – prvič, pri tem kaj hitro pride do poseganja v sfero zakonodajne veje oblasti, in drugič, obstoji le malo prepričljivih dokazov o tem, da je takšna strategija vplivanja na družbo res učinkovita. Rešitev teh polemik pa bi lahko predstavljalo spoznanje, da se pravna mobilizacija ne odraža izključno v okviru postopkov pred formalnimi pravnimi institucijami, temveč vključuje veliko več. Nova družbena gibanja pravo pogosto dojemajo tudi kot instrument za spreminjanje pravne zavesti in pravne kulture, kar se v končni fazi lahko prek različnih mehanizmov manifestira tudi v spremembi vzorcev razmišljanja in vedenja v družbi, torej v družbeni spremembi. Following the events of the early part of the second half of the 20th century, when certain mass social movements have emerged in the world, it has become a widespread belief that law is an important and effective means of bringing about social change. As mass social movements in many respects did not fully correspond to the prevailing model of social movements of the time, they were labeled “new” social movements. For the sake of pursuing its collective interests, new social movements often the classical patterns of political activity and, as one of the tactics, often mobilize the law in some ways. While the use of the legislative process as a means of bringing about social change presupposes the existence of political will, the concept of strategic litigation is based on the idea that judicial institutions are an effective environment for initiating social change also in those areas where political will is for various reasons traditionally weak. Efforts to change social patterns through the judiciary have always been accompanied by a great deal of skepticism – first, as there is a risk of progressive courts substituting their own vision of justice for that of democratically electing law-making bodies representing the majority will, and second, as there is little convincing evidence that such a strategy for influencing society is truly effective. The solution to these controversies, however, could be the realization that legal mobilization is not exclusively reflected in proceedings before formal legal institutions, but involves much more. Namely, law is often perceived by new social movements as an instrument for changing legal consciousness and legal culture, which can ultimately manifest itself, through various mechanisms, in changing patterns of thinking and behavior in society, that is, in social change.

En los últimos años la crisis penitenciaria, en distintos países, ha ocupado un lugar central en las discusiones políticas, jurídicas y académicas. En el centro de estos debates se encuentra la cuestión del hacinamiento y su papel como principal indicador del desempeño penitenciario. No obstante, a pesar de su protagonismo, la definición del hacinamiento, así como su utilización en los modelos de intervención judicial, no es un asunto ampliamente debatido. En este texto proponemos un análisis del hacinamiento desde dos dimensiones. Por una parte, una dimensión jurídica que responde a la pregunta de cómo medir el hacinamiento y, por otra, una dimensión práctica que busca mostrar cómo se pone en marcha en los procesos de judicialización de la vida en prisión. In recent years, the penitentiary crisis, in different countries, has occupied a central place in political, legal and academic discussions. At the center of these debates is the issue of overcrowding and its role as the essential indicator of prison performance. However, despite its prominence, its definition, as well as its use in models of judicial intervention, is not a widely debated issue. In this text, we propose an analysis of overcrowding from two perspectives: on the one hand, a legal dimension that answers the question of how to measure overcrowding and, on the other, a practical one that seeks to show its implementation in the processes of judicialization of life in prison.

Resumo A pesquisa tem por objeto o exame do litígio estratégico à luz do sistema judicial de vinculação de precedentes, sem se afastar de um desejável diálogo constitucional com as instituições e seguimentos sociais. Para tanto, inicia-se com uma abordagem sobre a técnica de redirecionamento de reivindicações políticas ao Judiciário. Em seguida, o estudo percorre o desenvolvimento desta prática no Brasil e a sua ligação com a vinculação de precedentes, com base em uma interpretação construtiva dworkiniana. Verificada a necessidade de ampliar a visão de romance em cadeia para abranger os demais autores do romance constitucional, finaliza-se o estudo com proposta de algumas iniciativas a serem empreendidas na construção do provimento jurisdicional, e que possam auxiliar na abertura ao diálogo. Abstract The survey’s purpose is the examination of strategic litigation in the light of judicial precedent binding, without leaving a desirable constitutional dialogue with the institutions and social sectors. Therefore, it begins with an approach of the redirection technical policies claims to the Judiciary. Then, the study covers the development of this practice in Brazil and its connection with the stare decisis, based on a Dworkin constructive interpretation. The need to expand the vision of romance chain to cover the other authors of the constitutional novel is verified, the study is finished with the proposal of some measures to be undertaken in the judicial opinion bilding, and which can assist in the dialogue opening.

DOI: 10.1590/2179-8966/2019/39502ResumoOs amici curiaesãoparte cada vez mais comum da estratégia de litigio de organizações perante o Supremo Tribunal Federal (STF) muito em razão de serem depositários de promessas de pluralização e de incremento da qualidade das decisões tribunal feitas pelo próprio tribunal. Para saber qual papel os amici curiaepodem desempenhar em um litigio estratégico no STF, este artigo analisa as capacidades institucionaisconferidas aos amici curiae pela jurisprudência, analisadas e classificadas em condições de acessibilidade, admissibilidade e influência.Palavras-chave: amicus curiae; STF; litígio estratégico; influência; admissibilidadeAbstractThe amici curiaepromise to diversify and improve the quality of decisions of the Supreme Federal Court and are increasingly part of the litigation strategy of organizations before the Supreme Court (STF). In order to know what role amici curiae can play in strategic litigation in the Supreme Court, this article analyzes the institutional capacities conferred to the amicus curiae briefs, that is, if they offer accessibility, admissibility and influence to fully meet its duties.Keywords: amicus curiae; STF; strategic litigation; influence; admissibility.

DOI: 10.1590/2179-8966/2019/39816Resumo: O objetivo deste artigo é descrever o recente litígio estratégico que culminou com a transformação jurídica ocorrida no Brasil em relação à obrigatoriedade de financiamento de campanhas políticas de mulheres. Dessa perspectiva, buscar-se-á analisar criticamente as questões em jogo no julgamento da ADI 5617 pelo Supremo Tribunal Federal em março de 2018, que determinou o mínimo de 30% de investimento dos partidos em campanhas de candidatas. O caso será abordado do ponto de vista da atuação da Clínica jurídica “Laboratório de Direitos Fundamentais” da FGV Direito Rio, na qualidade de representante da ONG CEPIA como amicus curiaenessa ação. A partir dessa experiência, pretende-se refletir sobre os desafios do uso de litígio estratégico para o avanço de direitos humanos em geral, e de direitos políticos de mulheres no Brasil em especial. Palavras-chave: Direitos fundamentais; igualdade; mulheres; política, verbas de campanha; litígio estratégico; cota; STF.Abstract: The objective of this article is to describe the recent strategic litigation case that culminated in the legal transformation that occurred in Brazil in relation to the mandatory financing of women's political campaigns. From this perspective, I will seek to critically analyze the issues at stake in the ADI 5617 judgment by the Brazilian Supreme Court in March 2018, which determined the minimum 30% of the parties' investment in candidate campaigns. The case will be approached from the point of view of the work of the FGV Direito Rio Law Clinic "Laboratory of Fundamental Rights", as representative of the NGO CEPIA as amicus curiaein this action. Based on this experience, I intend to reflect on the challenges of using strategic litigation to advancing human rights in general, and the political rights of women in Brazil in particular.Keywords: fundamental rights; equality; women; politics; campaign funding; strategic litigation; quotes; Brazilian supreme court.

DOI: 10.1590/2179-8966/2019/39816 Resumo: O objetivo deste artigo e descrever o recente litigio estrategico que culminou com a transformacao juridica ocorrida no Brasil em relacao a obrigatoriedade de financiamento de campanhas politicas de mulheres. Dessa perspectiva, buscar-se-a analisar criticamente as questoes em jogo no julgamento da ADI 5617 pelo Supremo Tribunal Federal em marco de 2018, que determinou o minimo de 30% de investimento dos partidos em campanhas de candidatas. O caso sera abordado do ponto de vista da atuacao da Clinica juridica “Laboratorio de Direitos Fundamentais” da FGV Direito Rio, na qualidade de representante da ONG CEPIA como amicus curiae nessa acao. A partir dessa experiencia, pretende-se refletir sobre os desafios do uso de litigio estrategico para o avanco de direitos humanos em geral, e de direitos politicos de mulheres no Brasil em especial. Palavras-chave: Direitos fundamentais; igualdade; mulheres; politica, verbas de campanha; litigio estrategico; cota; STF. Abstract: The objective of this article is to describe the recent strategic litigation case that culminated in the legal transformation that occurred in Brazil in relation to the mandatory financing of women's political campaigns. From this perspective, I will seek to critically analyze the issues at stake in the ADI 5617 judgment by the Brazilian Supreme Court in March 2018, which determined the minimum 30% of the parties' investment in candidate campaigns. The case will be approached from the point of view of the work of the FGV Direito Rio Law Clinic "Laboratory of Fundamental Rights", as representative of the NGO CEPIA as amicus curiae in this action. Based on this experience, I intend to reflect on the challenges of using strategic litigation to advancing human rights in general, and the political rights of women in Brazil in particular. Keywords: fundamental rights; equality; women; politics; campaign funding; strategic litigation; quotes; Brazilian supreme court.

Resumo Os amici curiae são parte cada vez mais comum da estratégia de litigio de organizações perante o Supremo Tribunal Federal (STF) muito em razão de serem depositários de promessas de pluralização e de incremento da qualidade das decisões tribunal feitas pelo próprio tribunal. Para saber qual papel os amici curiae podem desempenhar em um litigio estratégico no STF, este artigo analisa as capacidades institucionais conferidas aos amici curiae pela jurisprudência, analisadas e classificadas em condições de acessibilidade, admissibilidade e influência. Abstract The amici curiae promise to diversify and improve the quality of decisions of the Supreme Federal Court and are increasingly part of the litigation strategy of organizations before the Supreme Court (STF). In order to know what role amici curiae can play in strategic litigation in the Supreme Court, this article analyzes the institutional capacities conferred to the amicus curiae briefs, that is, if they offer accessibility, admissibility and influence to fully meet its duties.

DOI: 10.1590/2179-8966/2019/39501 Resumen Desde la expedicion de la Constitucion de 1991 se ha producido un intenso proceso de intervencion judicial en el sistema penitenciario colombiano. Este proceso ha sido impulsado por una novedosa forma de resistencia a las condiciones infrahumanas de reclusion a traves de la utilizacion del derecho por parte de personas privadas de la libertad, organizaciones no gubernamentales y clinicas juridicas. Este articulo se centra en la descripcion de los procesos que dieron lugar a las tres decisiones estructurales mas importantes de la Corte Constitucional de Colombia (Sentencia T-153/1998; Sentencia T-388/2013 y Sentencia T-762/2017), y tiene como objetivo explicar los retos que supone la creciente juridificacion de la vida en prision, asi como su impacto en la proteccion de los derechos humanos de las personas privadas de la libertad. Palabras clave: Jueces, prisiones, judicializacion, constitucion, litigio estrategico, Colombia, corte constitucional. Abstract Since the 1991 Constitution, there has been an intense process of judicial intervention in the Colombian penitentiary system. This process has been driven by a novel form of resistance to subhuman conditions of imprisonment through the use of the courts by persons deprived of liberty, non-governmental organizations and legal clinics. This article focuses on the description of the processes that gave rise to the three most important structural decisions of the Constitutional Court of Colombia (Judgment T-153/1998; Judgment T-388/2013 and Judgment T-762/2017), and Its objective is to explain the challenges posed by the growing juridification of life in prison, as well as its impact on the protection of the human rights of persons deprived of their liberty. Keywords: Judges, prisons, judicialization, constitution, strategic litigation, Colombia, constitutional court.

Resumo Ao pretender promover mudanças sociais por meio da litigância perante instituições estatais, regionais e supranacionais, a prática de litígio estratégico em direitos humanos opera nas fronteiras: direito e política; movimentos sociais e instituições; planos doméstico e internacional; conservação e transformação. O presente artigo busca explorar essas encruzilhadas abordando de maneira crítica os dilemas acerca do litígio estratégico em direitos humanos, suas características, participantes e o contexto em que se insere. Ao refletir sobre se e em que medida o litígio estratégico em direitos humanos pode contribuir para alterar as hierarquias e desigualdades sociais existentes, argumenta que o tema deve ser abordado de forma complexa, crítica e contextualizada e que seus limites devem ser observados e discutidos de forma a evitar que seu processo reforce relações de poder e que produza efeitos colaterais inesperados e conservadores. Abstract By aiming to promote social change through litigation before domestic, regional and international institutions, strategic litigation in human rights operates in the borders: law and politics, social movements and institutions, national and international, conservation and transformation. This article explores these crossroads by critically addressing dilemmas about human rights strategic litigation, its characteristics, participants and the context in which it is embedded. Reflecting on whether and to what extent strategic human rights litigation can contribute to changing existing social hierarchies and inequalities, the article argues that the issue should be addressed in a complex, critical and contextualized way. The limits of strategic human rights litigation should be observed and discussed in order to avoid strengthening power relations and producing unexpected and conservative side effects.

DOI: 10.1590/2179-8966/2019/39337 Resumo: Este artigo discuteo papel do litigio como uma ferramenta de mudanca no campo dos direitos humanos. Ele analisa como as organizacoes que atuam em litigio estrategico de direitos humanos tem apoiado novas maneiras de fortalecer o litigio no âmbito do mosaico de ferramentas de defesa de direitos para a mudanca. Ele aborda as criticas e as novas abordagens, impactos, algumas licoes apreendidas, e os desafios para a implementacao das decisoes. Palavras-chave: litigio estrategico; advocacy; direitos humanos. Abstract: This article discusses the role of litigation as a tool for change in the field of human rights. It looks at how organizations working in strategic human rights litigation have supported new ways to strengthen litigation within the mosaic of advocacy tools for change. It addresses the criticisms and new approaches, impacts, lessons learned, and the challenges for implementing decisions. Keywords: strategic litigation; advocacy; human rights.

This paper discusses the complexity of contemporary struggles for collective health in Colombia, by analysing the efforts of different actors to inscribe abortion as a matter of public health and as a human right. In 2006 the Colombian Constitutional Court (Sentence C 355 of 2006) partially decriminalised abortion in specific circumstances. Such a change in regulation was the result of the strategic coordination of international organisations, researchers and women’s social movements. These groups produced a powerful network of international regulation and epidemiological data about abortion’s mortality and burden of disease in order to move the discussion from the moral field to public health and international law. Despite the significance of the sentence in terms of civil rights, ten years after the regulation there is no clarity about its impact. Conservative sectors within the government have limited the operation of the regulation, through eliciting convoluted rules for hospitals and care providers. On the other hand, data about safe abortions are weak and precarious. Recently groups opposed of abortion have exploited such weakness to undermine the impact of the decriminalisation and to criticise the justification of legalising abortion as a matter of public health. © 2018, © 2018 Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor and Francis Group.

In the past fifteen years, strategic litigation, as a type of 'public Interest' lawsuits, has had a significant breakthrough and considerable impact in the field of protection of human rights. Its objective is to deploy law as an instrument for effecting wider social changes. By focusing on the specific case at issue, it tends to create a long-term benefit for the society beyond the individual case. Even though they are not a new kind of litigation in terms of the applicable rules of procedure, strategic litigations are specific kind of lawsuits for many reasons. Some of the questions raised by this new type of litigation are how to choose an appropriate party and a case with potential to draw wider public attention, how to estimate whether the case is worth litigating, and how to access the the effects of the final judicial decision. In this paper, the author discusses the potential that litigation as a dispute resolution method has on broader social changes in Serbia, particularly having in mind recent case law and media interest in the outcome of civil proceedings.

Resumen La interpretación jurídica necesariamente es una actividad intelectual de naturaleza práctica, por lo que no es de naturaleza teórica como un saber puro, sino estratégica, marcada por el resultado a obtenerse. La interpretación jurídica es una labor guiada por el interés particular de resolver un caso que requiere de una solución, para que los derechos, cuyo amparo se pretende, logren ser realizados y garantizados por el Estado y por las autoridades, en beneficio de los que luchan por la justicia. La interpretación jurídica, por tanto, es una labor de orden espiritual que persigue que el ideal ético de la justicia, la virtud ética de la justicia, se realice en forma material. En otras palabras, la interpretación jurídica tiene que ser guiada no solamente por la Ciencia y la Técnica Jurídica, sino por la complejidad de las ciencias del espíritu - conocidas como las ciencias humanas. Una particular interpretación jurídica tiene relevancia particular, la que se realiza en materia de la protección y garantía de los derechos humanos. La interpretación jurídica en materia de derechos humanos, está signada por la misión estratégica de garantizar la protección de los derechos humanos, por lo que impone seguir un conjunto de valores y principios universales que tienen una particular fuerza normativa. Una nueva hermenéutica jurídica está al orden del día. Abstract Legal interpretation is an intellectual activity, which is why it is not considered as theoretical or as pure knowledge, rather a strategy which is defined by the obtained results. Also, legal interpretation is a work guided by particular interest of solving a case which requires a solution, so that the protection intended through rights shall be achieved and guaranteed by the State and the authorities for the benefit of those who fight for justice. The legal interpretation therefore is a spiritual work which aims to look for the ethical idea: the ethical virtue of justice in the material form. In other words, the legal interpretation should be guided not only by scientific and legal technique, but also by science of the spirit complexity, known as human sciences. A particular legal interpretation is considered as particular relevance because it takes place in the protection and guarantee of human rights. The legal interpretation in relation with human rights, is marked by the strategic mission of ensuring its protection, so it imposes to follow a set of values and universal principles with a particular normative power. A new hermeneutic of legal interpretation is the order of the day.

In the scientific article the main problems that hinder properly protect environmental rights in court are considered: the presence of an exhaustive list of grounds for appeal to the courts environmental organizations, that are limited according to international standards. Another problem relates to the legal ignorance of citizens on how to protect environmental rights and their irrational use, abuse of the law in some cases. Prevents the realization of environmental rights the interests of others, improper investigation of the case by the court. Another aspect that prevents qualitative access to justice is ignorance of citizens in the proper formulation of the claim, thus the courts make decisions not in favor of those whose environmental rights violated or denied the opening of the proceedings. It is advisable to enable citizens to apply for legal aid centers providing primary legal aid from the state budget (for lawyers providing explanations, advice, preparation of legal documents), as the environment and citizens' rights - a line of action in which the first all Ukraine state concerned. The issue of environmental protection of human rights, the preservation and restoration of natural resources on the principles of sustainable (environmentally sustainable) Nature should be regarded as one of the priorities and an important precondition for the European integration of Ukraine. Thus, environmental rights, and above all the constitutionally enshrined right to safe living environment and health must defend. After all, the quality and duration of life depend on Ukrainian Ecology, Розглянуто основні проблеми, які перешкоджають належним чином захищати екологічні права громадян у судовому порядку. До них віднесено наявність вичерпного переліку підстав звернення природоохоронними організаціями до суду, що є обмеженням відповідно до міжнародних стандартів. Наступна проблема стосується правової необізнаності громадян щодо способів захисту екологічних прав та їх нераціональне використання, зловживання правом в деяких випадках. Перешкоджають реалізації екологічних прав, в деяких випадках і інтереси інших осіб, а також, неналежне дослідження всіх обставин справи судом., Рассмотрены основные проблемы, которые препятствуют должным образом защищать экологические права граждан в судебном порядке. К ним отнесены наличие исчерпывающего перечня оснований обращения природоохранными организациями в суд, что является ограничением в соответствии с международными стандартами. Следующая проблема касается правовой неосведомленности граждан о способах защиты экологических прав и их нерациональное использование, злоупотребление правом в некоторых случаях. Препятствуют реализации экологических прав, в некоторых случаях, и интересы других лиц, а также, ненадлежащее исследование всех обстоятельств дела судом.

O artigo analisa interações entre os movimentos sociais e as instituições jurídicas com o objetivo de observar efeitos gerados pelo uso do litígio como estratégia de ação coletiva em conflitos ambientais. A partir de dados empíricos e tendo em vista o debate teórico da Legal Mobilization Theory, apresentamos uma caracterização de tipos de efeitos: efeitos que alteram ou incrementam os próprios processos de mobilização social e efeitos sobre as instituições. Argumentamos que a adoção de estratégias judiciais produz implicações importantes sobre processos de mobilização social e de mudança institucional. As análises foram elaboradas a partir dos achados de duas pesquisas que investigaram o uso da Ação Civil Pública em conflitos ambientais. Uma levantou dados de conflitos ambientais em geral no Estado de Espírito Santo e na cidade do Rio de Janeiro e outra levantou dados da Campanha por um Brasil Livre de Transgênicos. This article analyzes the interactions between social movements and juridical institutions in order to observe effects generated by the use of litigation as a strategy for collective action in environmental conflicts. From empirical data and in view of the theoretical debate on Legal Mobilization Theory, we present a characterization of some types of effects: effects that alter or increase the processes of social mobilization itself and effects on the institutions. We argue that the adoption of juridical and judicial strategies produces important implications on processes of social mobilization and institutional change. The analysis was based on the findings of two researches that had investigated the use of public civil action in environmental conflicts. One study collected data from environmental conflicts in general in the state of Espírito Santo and in the city of Rio de Janeiro, and the other from the Campaign for a Transgenic-free Brazil. L’article analyse les interactions entre les mouvements sociaux et des institutions juridiques dans le but d’observer les effets engendrés par l’utilisation d’un litige en tant que stratégie d’action collective dans des conflits environnementaux. À partir de données empiriques et en considérant le débat théorique de la Legal Mobilization Theory, nous présentons une caractérisation des divers effets: ceux qui modifient ou augmentent les propres processus de mobilisation sociale et ceux qui atteignent les institutions. Nous affirmons que l’adoption de stratégies judiciaires produit des conséquences importantes sur les processus de mobilisation sociale et de changement institutionnel. Les analyses ont été compilées à partir des résultats de deux études qui enquêtent l’utilisation d’une action civile publique en cas de conflits environnementaux. L’une a compilé les données de conflits environnementaux en général dans l’état d’Espírito Santo et dans la ville de Rio de Janeiro et l’autre, des données de la campagne “pour un Brésil sans transgéniques”.

This paper explores the complex evolution of the role anthropologists have played as cultural experts in the regulation of the entheogenic use of the peyote cactus throughout the 20th century. As experts of the &ldquo, in 1918, the Native American Church (NAC) was incorporated in Oklahoma, with its articles explicitly referring to the sacramental use of peyote. Operating as cultural experts, anthropologists have therefore assisted jurists in their understanding of the cultural and religious significance of peyote, and have at the same time counseled Native Americans in their interaction with the legal system and in the formatting of their claims in appropriate legal terms. This complex legal controversy therefore provides ample material for a general exploration of the use, evolution, and impact of cultural expertise in the American legal system, and of the various forms this expertise can take, thereby contributing to the contemporary efforts at surveying and theorizing cultural expertise. Through an historical and descriptive approach, the analysis notably demonstrates that the role of anthropologists as cultural experts has been marked by a practical and substantive evolution throughout the 20th century, and should therefore not be restrictively understood in relation to expert witnessing before courts. Rather, this paper underlines the transformative and multifaceted nature of cultural expertise, and highlights the problematic duality of the position that the two &ldquo, of anthropologists involved in this controversy have experienced, navigating between a supposedly impartial position as experts, and an arguably biased engagement as advocates for Native American religious rights., peyote cult&rdquo, anthropologists provided testimonies and cultural expertise in the regulatory debates in American legislative and judiciary arenas in order to counterbalance the demonization and prohibition of the medicinal and sacramental use of peyote by Native Americans through state and federal legislations. In the meantime, anthropologists have encouraged Peyotists to form a pan-tribal religious institution as a way to secure legal protection of their practice, generations&rdquo

Since 2004 the city of Medellín has been presenting a series of urban changes that respond to the model of social urbanism. One of these works of urban development is the Metropolitan Green Belt, whose main purpose is to control the urban expansion of the city, proposed in the name of public interest and executed by the Administration of Aníbal Gaviria (2012-2015), under Commitments of equity and improvement of the quality of life of citizens from social inclusion. This project has generated tensions with the population of Commune 8, which he says will benefit, because of the relocations necessary to materialize it and for the minimal participation that the community has had in the territory intervention plan, The Green Belt. The methodology used is the case study, which through the systematization of experiences is presented as the possibility to reflect on issues such as: the role of legal clinics with a social approach in the training of lawyers, city models and the Social costs involved in development projects, tensions between human rights and urban development. In that sense, it is hoped to address these issues, from a human rights perspective. The most important conclusions invite us to think of systematic, integral and interdisciplinary actions from the social and human sciences that respond effectively to the needs of the people. In addition to considering the legal clinic as a valuable training possibility for strategic litigation. A partir del año 2004 la ciudad de Medellín ha venido presentando una serie de cambios urbanísticos que responden al modelo de urbanismo social. Una de estas obras de desarrollo urbano es el Cinturón Verde Metropolitano, el cual tiene como principal fin el control de la expansión urbana de la ciudad, propuesto en nombre del interés público y ejecutado desde la Administración de Aníbal Gaviria (2012-2015), bajo compromisos de equidad y mejoramiento de la calidad de vida de los ciudadanos a partir de la inclusión social. Dicho proyecto ha generado tensiones con la población de la Comuna 8, que dice beneficiará, a causa de las reubicaciones necesarias para materializarlo y por la mínima participación que la comunidad ha tenido en el plan de intervención del territorio, El Cinturón Verde. La metodología empleada es el estudio de caso, el cual a través de la sistematización de experiencias se presenta como la posibilidad de reflexionar sobre cuestiones como: el papel de las clínicas jurídicas con enfoque social en la formación de los abogados, modelos de ciudad y el costo social que implican los proyectos de desarrollo, las tensiones entre derechos humanos y desarrollo urbano. En ese sentido, se espera abordar estas cuestiones, desde un enfoque en derechos humanos. Las conclusiones más importantes invitan a pensar en acciones sistemáticas, integrales e interdisciplinarias desde las ciencias sociales y humanas que responden eficazmente a las necesidades de las personas. Además de considerar la clínica jurídica como una valiosa posibilidad de formación para el litigio estratégico.

International audience; This article argues that the analysis of legal mobilization needs to give more attention to the state and its relationship with social movements in order to examine how the state either sustains social movements’ demands or is a field of contention for those demands. Focusing on how disability bureaucrats and activists mobilize antidiscrimination law in Sweden, this article shows that two main factors shape legal mobilization within the bureaucracy and alter the state's ability to become a legal mobilization actor: (1) the institutional relationships between social movement organizations and government agencies and (2) the profiles and careers of bureaucrats and activists. It concludes by suggesting several lines for further research on law and social movements in nonpluralist countries.

This research has the aim to exam the Brazilian Writ of Injunction (MI nº 4.733) in the perspective of democratic constitucionalism. In this sense, it will be analyzed its relation with the social movements, as well as the concept of strategic litigation and its possible impacts on society. Then, the article will investigate the constitutional arguments that indicates the unfeasibility of this judicial review, likewise the possibility of this writ of injunction as a strategic litigation for up coming political deliberation in Federal Congress about the subject and its effects on Brazilian society., A pesquisa tem por objeto o exame do MI 4.733 dentro do cenário da proposta teórica do constitucionalismo democrático. Para tanto, será analisada a relação deste com os movimentos sociais; esclarecendo-se a definição, características e possíveis impactos de um litígio estratégico. Em seguida, o trabalho percorrerá o desenvolvimento dos fundamentos constitucionais de inviabilidade da integração legislativa alcunhada na citada ação, além de verificar se ainda assim há potencial para algum tipo de impacto. Finaliza-se o estudo com a inclusão do referido mandamus na categoria de litígio estratégico, bem como o apontamento dos efeitos decorrentes da sentença judicial nesse contexto.

In social movements, litigation is used to bring collective actions against transnational corporations. The effects of this strategy are discussed in the current paper. The main objective is to present a typology that advances research on this subject, as literature is scarce. A social scientific approach is adopted. Data is derived from the observations of a set of empirical studies concerning the use of legal strategies in environmental conflicts in Brazil over the last two decades. El presente artículo problematiza los efectos del uso que movimientos sociales hacen del litigio como una estrategia en acciones colectivas en contra de grandes empresas transnacionales. El objetivo central es presentar una tipología que permita avanzar en las investigaciones acerca del tema teniendo en vista que este tema es poco investigado. El abordaje es fundamentalmente teórico, en el área de las ciencias sociales, pero derivado de observaciones relativas a un conjunto de investigaciones empíricas sobre el uso de estrategias judiciales en conflictos ambientales en Brasil, en las dos últimas décadas. O presente artigo problematiza os efeitos do uso que movimentos sociais fazem do litígio enquanto uma estratégia em processos de ação coletiva contra grandes empresas transnacionais. O objetivo central é apresentar uma tipologia que permita avançar nas investigações sobre o tema tendo em vista que este é pouco pesquisado. A abordagem é fundamentalmente teórica, inscrita no campo das ciências sociais, mas derivada de observações relativas a um conjunto de pesquisas empíricas sobre o uso de estratégias judiciais em conflitos ambientais no Brasil, nas últimas duas décadas.