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The aim of this article is to analyze the ways in which fate appears in Norse Medieval cultures. Special attention will be paid to V?lsunga saga and its context of production. We will see that the social dynamics of Iceland and Norway during the 13th century influence the representation of fate and its effects on the individual. The necessity of reciprocity was crucial for the maintenance of a society based on personal relationships and systems of friendship. Hence, greed is one of the principal transgressive elements condemned in the saga. In this narrative, a cursed treasure attracts the character´s greed and motivates them to transgress other fundamental norms. This doom also sets an ominous fate that casts doubt on the freedom an individual might have in a conditioned world. These determinants are also imposed by other external forces that are compared to destiny. Thus, we will demonstrate that honor and the obligations imposed within the kinship structure are represented with the same inexorability as destiny and the same destructiveness as greed. Excessive honor and greed have the capacity to drag individuals into a fateful future that will engulf both the complicit and the innocent. El objetivo de este artículo es analizar las formas en las que el destino toma presencia en el Medievo Nórdico. Nos centraremos especialmente en V?lsunga saga y su contexto de producción. Veremos que las dinámicas sociales de Islandia y Noruega durante el siglo XIII condicionan la representación del destino y los efectos que tiene sobre el individuo. La necesidad de la reciprocidad era crucial para el mantenimiento de una sociedad basada en las relaciones personales y en sistemas de amistad. Por ello, la avaricia es uno de los principales elementos transgresores condenados en esta saga. En dicha narrativa, un tesoro maldito atrae la codicia de los personajes y los motivará a transgredir otras normas fundamentales. Esta maldición fija a la vez un destino fatídico que pone en cuestión la libertad que un individuo puede tener en un mundo condicionado. Estos determinantes son impuestos también por otras fuerzas externas que encuentran su comparación con el propio destino. Así, demostraremos que el honor y las exigencias impuestas dentro de una estructura de parentesco son representadas con la misma inexorabilidad que el destino y la misma destructividad que la codicia. Tanto el honor excesivo como la codicia tendrán la capacidad de arrastrar a los individuos a un futuro aciago que engullirá tanto a los cómplices como a los inocentes.

Pour commencer, il convient de rappeler les traits fondamentaux des sagas qu’il sera important de garder à l’esprit dans ce dernier chapitre. Premièrement, les sagas des premiers Islandais appartiennent à ce que l’on peut appeler un « système littéraire » constitué de plusieurs variétés de sagas et autres formes. Leur action a lieu dans un passé intermédiaire entre légende et réalité, un passé historique qui a pour caractéristique un chronotope. Celui-ci a une existence textuelle depuis le dé...

Le 21 août 1238, il y a presque huit siècles, deux armées s’affrontèrent dans le nord de l’Islande. Plus de deux mille cinq cents hommes participèrent à cette bataille, un nombre impressionnant pour ce petit pays. Les troupes des seigneurs Kolbeinn Arnórsson et Gissur Þorvaldsson remportèrent une victoire rapide. Les chefs de l’armée adverse, Sturla Sighvatsson et son père Sighvatur Sturluson, déjà âgé, moururent au combat. Après la bataille, on procéda à des exécutions. Trois des frères du v...

L’Islande est une grande île située au milieu de l’Atlantique Nord. Les terres les plus proches se trouvent, d’une part, à huit cents kilomètres à l’est et au sud – à savoir la côte ouest de la Norvège et le nord de l’Écosse –, d’autre part, à cinq cents kilomètres à l’ouest – à savoir la côte orientale du Groenland, inabordable à cause de la banquise. Extrêmement isolée, l’Islande ne reçut pendant des siècles que quelques visites occasionnelles, et peut-être même hypothétiques, telles celles...

This thesis examines the representation and historical significance of the legendary Scandinavian past in the Icelandic manuscripts AM 589a–f 4to and, to a lesser extent, AM 586 4to, both of which were produced by the same two scribes in the late fifteenth century. I begin in §1 by outlining the scholarly context, my methodology, and the sources. In §2, I provide a literary, intertextual analysis of AM 589a–f 4to, which draws on recent work on the ‘memory of literature’. In §2.1, I look at the texts in AM 589a–e 4to, focussing on how the legendary past is positioned in relation to romance. I argue that a kind of courtly culture is constructed that can accommodate traditional legendary material. This culture is depicted as originating in Troy and reaching its peak in Constantinople, with northern Europe presented as lagging behind its southern counterparts. In §2.2 and §2.3, I provide close analysis of the manuscript’s two final texts, arguing that Sturlaugs saga starfsama represents a break from tradition in its elevation of an anti-establishment protagonist who scorns the old heroic code. I contend that a new kind of hero is created in Göngu-Hrólfs saga, one who exhibits some continuity with traditional heroic values but who also participates in the culture of the manuscript’s southern courts. §2.3 concludes with a discussion of the apologiæ of Göngu-Hrólfs saga, which, by drawing attention to the boundaries of the saga as a form, reveal the limits of a purely literary approach to cultural memory. This idea is developed in §3, in which I look at ‘literature as a medium of memory’ across both AM 589a–f 4to and AM 586 4to, the latter of which I introduce in §3.1. Then, in §3.2, I examine the manuscripts’ ‘medium theory’, focussing on their relationship to orality and literacy. I argue that they participated in both spheres: they were written texts with popular appeal but were distinct from both the written texts promoted by the church and narratives circulated orally among the general population. In §3.2, I connect these insights, along with the discussion in §2, to the manuscripts’ fifteenth-century context. I provide some broad suggestions about the possible identities of their patrons and then show how the legendary past they promoted bolstered the political order upon which those patrons’ power was based. I go on to argue that the sagas’ participation in both oral and literate spheres formed a key part of their political appeal and enabled this literature to reach a broad cross section of society. Finally, I suggest that these manuscripts, and the performances they prompted, may have acted as arenas in which orally-transmitted knowledge and church teachings could be negotiated and, consequently, may have contributed to the development of Iceland’s unique discourses on magic that arose in later centuries.

L’Islande fascine autant par la beauté et l’hostilité de ses paysages que par la richesse de sa culture, héritée des Vikings qui colonisèrent l’île au IXe siècle. Pétri de cet imaginaire nordique, l’univers des sagas islandaises demeure toutefois injustement méconnu, malgré son inscription dans l’édifice littéraire de l’Occident médiéval et son influence frappante sur la création actuelle. Qu’est-ce qu’une saga ? Dans quel contexte ce genre a-t-il émergé ? Quel rôle jouaient ces récits relatant des événements tantôt légendaires, tantôt historiques, tantôt contemporains de leur composition ? Que disent de la société insulaire et de son identité ces textes ambigus ? Autant de questions auxquelles Torfi H. Tulinius répond par une lecture à la fois historique, littéraire et esthétique qui apporte un éclairage précieux. De la Saga d’Egil à la Saga de Snorri le Godi, en passant par la Saga de Njáll le Brûlé et bien d’autres encore, l’auteur explore les thèmes de la mémoire, de la violence et de la poétique qui traversent ces œuvres exceptionnelles.

The article compares the plots of the Ossetian Nart epic (the tale of Axsar and Axsartag, sons of Warxag, in which one of the brothers gets killed by a doubled or forked arrow due to a misunderstanding) and the Icelandic epic (the story of the accidental murder of Baldr by his blind brother Höd with a dart from a mistletoe shoot, in medieval illustrations to which the murder weapon is also depicted as forked sprout). The peculiarity of the plot (a strange, forked murder weapon), which was already incomprehensible to Ossetian storytellers and Icelandic medieval writers, is a typical example of “common oddity,” which can be a decisive argument when comparing folklore motifs for a common origin. In addition to the similarity of the plots, a commonality is found in the genealogy of the heroes of these legends, through which they fit into the mythological picture of the world of the corresponding traditions and in the mythological onomasticon: the parallelism of pairs Odin — Frigg / Freya (with her father Njord, the god of waters) and Warхag / Wastyrdg’i — Dzerassa (daughter of the god of waters Donbettyr), semantic similarities in the names of the heroes (‘Warrior,’ ‘Hero’) and the exact match in the names of their ancestors (Boræ — Buri, Bor). All these observations allow us to hypothesize for the presence of borrowed Gothic plots in the North German epic tradition, which also include the story of Hermanarich, Sunilda and her brothers, known from Jordanes’ Getica. It also leads us to explain why some sagas trace the location of the Ases and Odin ancestral home to the mouth of the Don. These German-Ossetian parallels do not go back to Indo-European antiquity but testify to the close Gothic–Alanic contacts in the northern Black Sea region in the 3rd–4th centuries.

Ce travail offre une nouvelle lecture de la société de l’Islande médiévale à travers le prisme des communautés d’habitants. Les tendances récentes de l’histoire rurale dans l’Occident médiéval abordent l’espace médiéval à travers trois manifestations concrètes de l’encadrement des hommes : la seigneurie, la paroisse et la communauté. L’observation de la situation des historiens de l’Occident médiéval, qui s’intéressent aux enjeux locaux et aux grandes monographies régionales, aux communautés ...

This thesis examines the presentation of anger in the Íslendingasögur and argues that the quality of a character’s emotional expression is contingent on their sociocultural identity. It focuses on the nexus between anger and various modalities of masculinity. The first chapter outlines the social constructivist approach that the thesis adopts, as well as medieval Christianity’s perspective on anger. Section I (comprising chapters two and three) argues that descriptions of involuntary psychosomatic indicia, facial expressions, and bodily movements connote, to varying degrees, angry experience. Section II (comprising chapters four and five) investigates the nexus between anger and masculinities. Chapter four argues that saga-society’s hegemonic masculine ideal condemns rash anger and shows how angry experience is associated with the destabilisation of a saga-man’s masculine status. Chapter five demonstrates that female characters can grow angry without being met with societal opprobrium. Moreover, it argues that their manipulation of anger allows them to destabilise hegemonic masculinity to some extent, and, in some cases, assume a masculine social position themselves. It suggests that this phenomenon accords with Jack Halberstam’s concept of ‘female masculinity’. By establishing that the gendered status of a character’s emotional comportment is contingent on their sex, chapters four and five refute Carol Clover’s ‘one-sex, one-gender’ model of saga-society gender. Section III (comprising chapters six, seven, eight, and nine) considers masculine characters who exhibit angry practices particular to their socio-cultural identities and thus adhere to uniquely tailored emotive scripts. Chapters six and seven argue that elderly men and berserkir, excluded from pursuit of the hegemonic masculine ideal, use anger to facilitate their agency and physical prowess, respectively. Chapter eight argues that sovereign figures, already assuming a self-evident hegemonic position, regularly wield anger as a means of establishing authority. Chapter nine argues that gods likewise wield anger, though often unsuccessfully, to maintain authority.

Vilmundar saga viðutan is a ‘late’ saga, probably written in the fourteenth century and preserved in over fifty MSS of the fifteenth century or later. This good new edition of a ‘legendary romance’ (p. vi) can be seen as part of a recent flourishing of interest in fornaldarsǫgur and riddarasǫgur (‘sagas of ancient times’ and ‘sagas of knights’), until recently looked down on as low-grade fantasies inferior to the earlier ‘classic’ family sagas and kings’ sagas (Íslendingasǫgur and Konungasǫgur) and unworthy of consideration as documents of historical or anthropological value — hence sometimes called lygisǫgur ‘lying sagas’., Leeds Medieval Studies, 2 (2022)

Serverless computing is currently the fastest-growing cloud services segment. The most prominent serverless offering is Function-as-a-Service (FaaS), where users write functions and the cloud automates deployment, maintenance, and scalability. Although FaaS is a good fit for executing stateless functions, it does not adequately support stateful constructs like microservices and scalable, low-latency cloud applications. Recently, there have been multiple attempts to add first-class support for state in FaaS systems, such as Microsoft Orleans, Azure Durable Functions, or Beldi. These approaches execute business code inside stateless functions, handing over their state to an external database. In contrast, approaches such as Apache Flink's StateFun follow a different design: a dataflow system such as Apache Flink handles all state management, messaging, and checkpointing by executing a stateful dataflow graph providing exactly-once state processing guarantees. This design relieves programmers from having to “pollute” their business logic with distributed systems error checking, management, and mitigation. Although programmers can easily develop applications without worrying about messaging and state management, executing transactions across stateful functions remains an open problem. In this paper, we introduce a programming model and implementation for transaction orchestration of stateful serverless functions. Our programming model supports serializable distributed transactions with two-phase commit, as well as eventually consistent workflows with Sagas. We design and implement our programming model on Apache Flink StateFun to leverage Flink's exactly-once processing and state management guarantees. Our experiments show that the approach of building transactional systems on top of dataflow graphs can achieve very high throughput, but with latency overhead due to checkpointing mechanism guaranteeing the exactly-once processing. We compare our approach to Beldi that implements two-phase commit on AWS lambda functions backed by DynamoDB for state management, as well as an implementation of a system that makes use of CockroachDB as its backend.

In this article, we analyse information extracted from material elements preserved and archival documentation, which reveal the link of the community of Dominican nuns of Madre de Dios from Baena with the lineage of the Casa de Cabra. We analyse their founding statutes, how —from this convent— relatives of the Fernandez de Cordoba family made use of the different resources of sociopolitical and propagandistic intent during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. We also describe the behaviour unfolded by nuns within its walls, more akin to members of aristocracy than to those of a contemplative order. Ofrecemos en esta contribución aquellos factores que se extraen de los elementos materiales conservados y de la documentación archivística custodiada por la comunidad de religiosas dominicas de Madre de Dios de Baena que delatan su vínculo con el linaje de la Casa de Cabra. Valoramos y analizamos sus estatutos fundacionales, los distintos resortes de utilización sociopolítica y propagandística que de este convento se hizo durante los siglos XVI y XVII por los Fernández de Córdoba, así como de los comportamientos que las religiosas desarrollaban intramuros, más propios de la actividad nobiliaria en el siglo que de monjas contemplativas.

Serverless computing is currently the fastest-growing cloud services segment. The most prominent serverless offering is Function-as-a-Service (FaaS), where users write functions and the cloud automates deployment, maintenance, and scalability. Although FaaS is a good fit for executing stateless functions, it does not adequately support stateful constructs like microservices and scalable, low-latency cloud applications, mainly because it lacks proper state management support and the ability to perform function-to-function calls. Most importantly, executing transactions across stateful functions remains an open problem. In this paper, we introduce a programming model and implementation for transaction orchestration of stateful serverless functions. Our programming model supports serializable distributed transactions with two-phase commit, as well as relaxed transactional guarantees with Sagas. We design and implement our programming model on Apache Flink StateFun. We choose to build our solution on top of StateFun in order to leverage Flink's exactly-once processing and state management guarantees. We base our evaluation on the YCSB benchmark, which we extended with transactional operations and adapted for the SFaaS programming model. Our experiments show that our transactional orchestration adds 10% overhead to the original system and that Sagas can achieve up to 34% more transactions per second than two-phase commit transactions at a sub-200ms latency.

The purpose of this article is to analyze the relationship between decision making and contextual determination in Vëlsunga Saga, produced in Iceland or Norway during the 13th Century. We will show that social and kinship structures impose obligations that individuals normally accept as something inexorable. We will see that the influence of structure pressure is manifested not only in the physical qualities of the individuals, but also in their personal behavior. Our aim is to demonstrate that structural constraints are compared to the inexorability of destiny and the destructive character of greed and the doom treasure of Andvari. Finally, we will discuss how the idea of intentionality is explored in the saga and may justify certain actions that go against social expectations. It will be argued that these dynamics run parallel to the theology of intention present in the Christian thought and reflect the efforts of the saga author to insert his narrative in a wider ideological context. El propósito de este artículo es analizar la relación entre la toma de decisiones y determinaciones contextuales representadas en Vëlsunga Saga, producida en Islandia o Noruega durante el siglo XIII. Mostraremos que la estructura social y el sistema de parentesco imponen obligaciones que los individuos aceptan normalmente como algo inexorable. Veremos que la influencia de la presión estructural se manifiesta no solo en las cualidades físicas de los individuos, sino también en sus comportamientos. Nuestro objetivo es demostrar que las constricciones estructurales son comparadas con la inexorabilidad del destino y el carácter destructivo de la codicia y del tesoro maldito de Andvari. Finalmente, discutiremos cómo la idea de intencionalidad es explorada en la saga y puede justificar ciertas acciones que van en contra de las expectativas sociales. Argumentaremos que estas dinámicas están relacionadas con la teología de la intención presente en el pensamiento cristiano y refleja los esfuerzos del autor de la saga por insertas su narrativa en un contexto ideológico más amplio.

Рукопись поступила в редакцию 11.03.2021. Received on 11 March 2021. В статье сопоставляются сюжеты осетинского нартовского эпоса (сказание о сыновьях Уархага Ахсаре и Ахсартаге, в котором один из братьев гибнет от раздвоенной стрелы в результате недоразумения) и исландского эпоса (рассказ о нечаянном убийстве слепым богом Хёдом его брата Бальдра брошенным дротиком из побега омелы, в средневековых иллюстрациях к которому орудие убийства также изображается раздвоенным). Особенность сюжета (странное раздвоенное орудие убийства), непонятная уже самим осетинским сказителям и исландским средневековым писателям, является типичным примером «общей странности», которая может быть решающим аргументом при сравнении фольклорных мотивов на предмет общего происхождения. Помимо этой особенности и общего сходства сюжетов, обнаруживается общность в родословной героев этих сказаний (посредством которой они вписываются в мифоэпическую картину мира соответствующих традиций) и в ономастиконе: параллелизм пар Один — Фригг / Фрейя (и её отец Ньёрд — бог вод) и Уархаг / Уастырджи — Дзерасса (дочь бога вод Донбеттыра), сходство семантики имен героев (‘Воин’, ‘Герой’) и полное совпадение имен прародителей (Борæ — Búri, Borr). Все эти наблюдения позволяют предложить гипотезу о наличии в северногерманском эпосе сюжетов, заимствованных из готской традиции, к которым также относятся сюжет о Германарихе, Сунильде и ее братьях, известный по «Гетике» Иордана, и, возможно, привязка в некоторых сагах прародины асов и Одина к району устья Дона. Данные германско-осетинские параллели восходят не к индоевропейской древности, а к тесным готско-ланским контактам в Северном Причерноморье в III–IV вв. н. э. The article compares the plots of the Ossetian Nart epic (the tale of Axsar and Axsartag, sons of Warxag, in which one of the brothers gets killed by a doubled or forked arrow due to a misunderstanding) and the Icelandic epic (the story of the accidental murder of Baldr by his blind brother Höd with a dart from a mistletoe shoot, in medieval illustrations to which the murder weapon is also depicted as forked sprout). The peculiarity of the plot (a strange, forked murder weapon), which was already incomprehensible to Ossetian storytellers and Icelandic medieval writers, is a typical example of “common oddity,” which can be a decisive argument when comparing folklore motifs for a common origin. In addition to the similarity of the plots, a commonality is found in the genealogy of the heroes of these legends, through which they fi t into the mythological picture of the world of the corresponding traditions and in the mythological onomasticon: the parallelism of pairs Odin — Frigg / Freya (with her father Njord, the god of waters) and Warхag / Wastyrdg’i — Dzerassa (daughter of the god of waters Donbettyr), semantic similarities in the names of the heroes (‘Warrior,’ ‘Hero’) and the exact match in the names of their ancestors (Boræ — Buri, Bor). All these observations allow us to hypothesize for the presence of borrowed Gothic plots in the North German epic tradition, which also include the story of Hermanarich, Sunilda and her brothers, known from Jordanes’ Getica. It also leads us to explain why some sagas trace the location of the Ases and Odin ancestral home to the mouth of the Don. These German-Ossetian parallels do not go back to Indo-European antiquity but testify to the close Gothic–Alanic contacts in the northern Black Sea region in the 3rd–4th centuries.

In his first verse, the precocious poet Egill Skallagrímsson declares ‘eigi mun þú finna betra þrevetran óðarsmið mér’ (‘you will not find a better poetry-smith of three years than me’). Such metaphors are highly conventional in the skaldic poetry of the Viking Age and beyond. However, the link between the composition of verse and the construction of material objects was regarded as a topic of particular importance by Scandinavian poets such as Egill. In fact, connections between poets, craftsmen, their arts and their products resonate across the corpus of Old Norse literature—not only in skaldic metaphor, but also in historical, mythological and saga material. To judge by the frequency of their appearance in this literary corpus, these connections were clearly considered to be highly significant in Viking-Age and medieval Scandinavia. Nevertheless, they have received little attention in scholarship to date. This thesis investigates the nature and extent of the links between poets and craftsmen, and between poetic composition and material crafting. It investigates both what the origins of these connections were, and what they suggest about the artisans and creative processes concerned. This thesis begins by establishing precisely which poets and craftsmen form the focus of this investigation. As these figures appear in a large variety of different sources, it is also important to discuss the different categories of evidence considered in this thesis, and to confront any difficulties involved in their use. The first chapter proceeds by considering the links between poets, craftsmen, their arts and their products which are made in skaldic poetry. In the second chapter, skaldic poetry, sagas and archaeological material are analysed to build a picture of the links between historical poets and craftsmen working in late Viking-Age Scandinavia. This chapter considers the similar ways in which these figures interacted with the political elite, and the correspondences between the creation, dissemination and use of their products. The third chapter considers what skaldic and eddic poetry as well as Snorra Edda reveal about the mythological configuration of poetic composition, crafting and their practitioners. It explores the shared association of poetry and crafted goods with the distant past and with geographically remote spaces in the Old Norse cosmos, and the implications of these associations. In the fourth chapter, the shared characteristics of poetic composition, crafting and their practitioners are considered in the context of the Íslendingasögur. As many of the connections explored in the earlier chapters recur in this corpus, it constitutes appropriate evidence with which to draw the investigation to a close. In my conclusion, I reconsider the findings of each of the chapters and suggest that a deep conceptual similarity between poetic composition and skilled crafting runs throughout Old Norse literature, and that this encouraged the frequent associations between them which can be detected in this corpus. I also argue that poets and craftsmen were frequently connected on account of their shared role as threatening but highly necessary creator figures.

In this thesis, I investigate representations of adolescent and elderly sexuality from throughout the medieval Icelandic saga corpus. To access expressions regarding these liminal sexualities, I pay particular attention to depictions of supernatural phenomena. Because of their distance from everyday reality, such depictions can be used to express uninhibited commentaries about uncomfortable subjects. They can therefore provide us with expanded, nuanced, or alternative perspectives on the sexual ideologies indicated in naturalistic episodes and non-literary sources. Chapter One examines portrayals of male adolescent sexuality. I analyse supernatural ‘riding’ episodes from Eyrbyggja saga and Illuga saga Gríðarfóstra, which depict the violent sexual domination of women by young men as beneficial to masculine adult supremacy. I then analyse portrayals of trysts with troll-women in four sagas, which offer diverse commentaries on the impact of pre-marital sexual experimentation on male maturation. Chapter Two investigates depictions of female adolescent sexuality. I examine the ghostly sexual assault of a teenage girl in Heiðarvíga saga, an attack that is partly blamed on her nascent erotic volatility. I then consider a maiden-king episode from Sigrgarðs saga frækna, which conversely defends young women’s active engagement in the marital and sexual spheres. Chapter Three examines representations of elderly male sexuality. I analyse senex amans episodes in Hrólfs saga kraka and Hjálmþés saga ok Ölvis, which lament the loss of male socio-sexual power during senescence. However, the following examination of rapacious revenants indicates that, though this decline is regrettable, resisting it could be considered even more problematic. Chapter Four considers elderly female sexuality, which is almost exclusively denigrated throughout the corpus. Consistent with this trend, the Fróðárundur of Eyrbyggja saga are interpreted as symbolic criticisms of the sexuality of the menopausal Þórgunna. However, the ubiquity of this trend is then contested, with reference to the beneficial eroticism of ancient, supernatural foster-mothers.

The aim of this thesis is to consider a selection of recently excavated Viking Age farms and cult sites, Norse texts, and textual motifs related to pre-Christian cult buildings in the Viking Age, and to undertake a re-evaluation of some Norse texts as sources to pre-Christian religion on a comparative basis which combines philological source criticism with recent advances in archaeology. My hypothesis is that the archaeological advances of recent decades lend support to descriptions in the written sources which scholars from the 1960’s onwards have generally assumed to be unreliable.

The aim of this study is to reveal the manner in which memory and genealogy are employed in Íslendingabók with the purpose of legitimizing the power and promoting the prestige of chieftains (goði), bishops and kings. This source is probably one of the best known literary production of Medieval Iceland and one of the earliest vernacular prose works (also known as Saga of the Icelanders or Libellus Islandorum). It was written in Old Norse by Ari fróði Þorgilsson (1067–1148) during the early 12th century (circa 1122-1133), and is regarded by most scholars as the first history of Iceland and the foundation of Icelandic literature. The manuscripts are preserved at the Árni Magnússon Institute for Icelandic Studies in Reykjavik in two documents (AM 113 a fol and AM 113 b fol) copied in the 17th century by priest Jón Erlendsson at the indications of Bishop Brynjólfur Sveinsson (14th September 1605 – 5th August 1675) of Skálholt from an original copy from the 12th century that had been lost afterwards.

Monster wurden seit jeher als transgressive Wesen erkannt, deren hybride Körper Dinge kombinieren, die normalerweise streng getrennt sind: Gebildet aus menschlichen und tierischen Teilen, aus Natur und Kultur, operieren diese Körper am Schnittpunkt zwischen scheinbar entgegengesetzten Kräften. Doch sind es in den Isländersagas nicht die hybriden Körper, die im Vordergrund stehen, sondern gesellschaftlich transgressive und dadurch disruptive Verhaltensweisen. Dieser Artikel nimmt als seinen Ausgangspunkt Cohens Erklärung, dass Monster ein »third term that problematizes the clash of extremes« sind.1 Davon ausgehend, wird zum einen eine um Monstrosität erweiterte Theorie der Figur des Dritten entwickelt, und dieser Startpunkt zum anderen mit der spezifischen Form von Monstrosität verbunden, die man in den Íslendingasögur findet, und die auf sozialer Aktion und Interaktion basiert. Schlussendlich wird darauf eingegangen, was in den Räumen lauert, die das Monster als third term problematisiert und aufbricht: Fundamentale Ängste, die das Fortbestehen der isländischen Gesellschaft bedrohen, und die ihren Ausdruck in den Monstern der Isländersagas fanden., Monsters have always been recognised as transgressive boundary-walkers, whose hybrid bodies combine things that are normally kept separate: formed of human and animal parts, of nature and culture, they operate at the intersection of seemingly opposing forces. The Sagas of Icelanders, however, focus less on hybrid bodies, instead foregrounding socially transgressive and therefore disruptive actions. This article takes Cohen’s assertion that monsters are »a third term that problematizes the clash of extremes«2 as its starting point and develops this notion in two ways: on the one hand in relation to an expanded theory of the figure of the third that takes monstrosity into account, and on the other in connection to the specific kind of monstrosity found in the Íslendingasögur — a monstrosity based on social action and interaction. Ultimately, it discusses what haunts the spaces between extremes that the monster, as a third term, problematises and breaks open: fundamental fears that threaten the existence of Icelandic society, and which found their expression in the monsters of the Íslendingasögur.

Als Typus des ›Dritten‹, für den das Altisländische eine erstaunlich ausdifferenzierte Terminologie bereithält, erscheint die in zahlreichen Erzählungen auftretende Figur des »Halbriesen« (hálfrisi, hálftrǫll) und »Mischlings« (blendingr). Er tritt nicht nur in Ahnenreihen in Erscheinung, sondern prägt – als Helfer ebenso wie als Widersacher – die Handlung manch isländischer Saga, indem er als Randfigur, die zwischen Mensch und Riese steht, in Rollen schlüpft, für die seine besondere Natur ihn prädestiniert. Eine mittlere Position auf einer Skala der Devianz einnehmend, die vom normativ Menschlichen ausgehend bis hin zum »ganzen«‚ »voll ausgebildeten« Troll (aðaltrǫll; fullkomit trǫll) reicht, ist er sowohl Außenstehender als auch Teil beider Gemeinschaften, vermittelt oder entzweit. Being part of the ›Third‹, the »Half-giant« (hálfrisi, hálftrǫll) or »mixed-blood« (blendingr) for which Old Norse has a puzzling variety of expressions appears in many Icelandic tales. It is not only part of the ancestry of Scandinavian rulers but characterizes – as an ally or as a villain – the storyline of many a saga by taking a role he is qualified for by his status as part of a marginal group between human and giant. Falling midway between the norm of humanity and the »complete« or »fully developed« giant or troll (aðaltrǫll; fullkomit trǫll) on a scale of deviance, he is an outsider that is equally part of both communities, arbitrates or separates.

Der Artikel verfolgt eine Lesung der sog. Færeyinga saga auf der Basis des Konzepts des »Dritten«, das dabei helfen kann, narrative Ambiguität in der Sagaliteratur zu erhellen. In der Færeyinga saga sorgen Elemente des »Dritten« dafür, die in der Forschung bisher fokussierten Binarismen ihrer äußeren Struktur zu durchbrechen. Dichotomisch gegenüber gestellte Figuren weisen in sich Züge »dritter« Figuren wie des Tricksters oder des Mediators auf, figürliche und konzeptionelle Triaden spielen eine wichtige Rolle und die Darstellung der Saga bricht häufig mit narrativen Konventionen. In Folge dessen wird die Saga als Tertium im Kontext der Isländersagas und der isländischen Gesellschaft des 13. Jahrhunderts lesbar. The article subjects the so-called Færeyinga saga to a reading on the grounds of the theory of »the third«, arguing that this concept can help elucidate narrative ambiguity in Saga literature. It can be shown that in Færeyinga saga, »third« elements cross the binarisms of its outer structure, which have been in the focus of scholars up to now. Adverse figures show characteristics of »third« figures such as the trickster or the mediator, figural and conceptual triads are important, and the saga’s way of representation often challenges narrative conventions. Therefore, the saga itself can be read as a »third« in the context of the Íslendingasögur and Icelandic society in the 13th century.

The article is devoted to the issue of pedagogical value of folklore in intellectual and moral education of future teachers at the foreign language lessons. The authors of the article analyze why is folklore a valuable source in training teachers. In the article it was researched folklore genres which can be successfully used with educational purpose. It was also researched the works of well – known foreign and Russian scientists who made a big contribution to the theoretical and practical research of folklore. The authors of the article researched the works of pedagogues who used Russian folklore genres in kindergartens, elementary and secondary schools. The aim of the study is to demonstrate the pedagogical value of folklore prosaic genres in intellectual and moral education of future teachers at the foreign language lessons. Before analyzing the pedagogical value of folklore genres in intellectual and moral education of future teachers the authors held an opinion poll at the university. It was surveyed 200 students of the first and the second courses at the institute of psychology and education. There were some questions about folklore of the native language: if they knew some cradle songs or if they remembered tongue twisters which their parents had used to improve their pronunciation skills or if they remembered some fairy tales from their childhood, if they remembered counting out rhymes. 47 % of the future primary teachers couldn’t remember cradle songs. 33 % students responded that they knew some cradle songs but they couldn’t sing the whole songs. 20% of students didn’t hear cradle songs from their parents. Students who took part in questionnaire and in polling showed better results in retelling fairy tales of the native languages (Russian and Tatar). 88% of future infant school teachers could remember the content of fairy tales. They told that they heard them from parents and read them at primary schools. Just 5 % students could remember local legends and fables. 60 students (2 groups) of primary school teachers and English language teachers were taken to the experimental groups where the authors of the article evaluated the results of the experiment using folklore genres of the native and second languages in teaching foreign language. At the end of the experimental year students replied to some questionnaires. 100 % of students liked to learn foreign language by means of folklore as native so foreign one. They said that they would use them in their future work. 99% students underlined educational value of folklore in bringing up children, in intellectual and moral education of younger generation. 100 % students who learned foreign language by means of folklore genres highlighted that their acquired knowledge, competence, and skills would be very useful in their future work with children at primary schools.

This thesis reveals how scholarly preconceptions guided the reception of a specific saga, Ljósvetninga saga, and contributes to a wider understanding of how saga, Old Norse, medieval, and general literature are each constantly changing and unstable, both in their preservation, and in the ways they are presented to the general public and scholarly community. It focuses on issues of memory and genre that arise from a material philology approach, providing a literary analysis of both redactions of the saga as independent texts with their own intrinsic value., Ljósvetninga saga takes place in Northern Iceland during the tenth and eleventh centuries and focuses on the political maneuverings of the chieftain Guðmundr inn ríki Eyjólfsson and his son Eyjólfr. Most of the academic debate surrounding Ljósvetninga saga has focused on the issue of its origins. This saga, most likely written in the thirteenth century, is atypical in that it has two seperate redactions that offer highly divergent information and narratives in several segments, dividing the saga between the A-redaction, based on the late fourteenth–early fifteenth-century manuscript AM 561 4to, and the C-redaction, based on the mid-fifteenth-century manuscript AM 162 c fol. and its approximately fifty post-medieval paper copies. The divergent redactions are the source of much speculation about the text’s origins, split between an interpretation of oral composition, commonly referred to as Freeprose, and one of written composition, commonly referred to as Bookprose. These two understandings of the saga are also tied to two different editions of the saga, which have been alternately used to elevate one redaction over the other. Theodore Andersson’s attempt to shift the debate toward a compromise between Freeprose and Bookprose has only been partially successful, due, among other reasons, to his continued elevation of one redaction (the C-redaction). This thesis approaches both redactions as independent, internally-coherent texts rather than stressing their literary relationship. The thesis deals with its primary question: How did the reception of Ljósvetninga saga influence its construction? It shows that Ljósvetninga saga has been constantly rewritten over time by its oral performers, its literary authors, its scribes, its publishers, and its scholars. In the introduction, the thesis establishes its material philology approach, presents its assumptions about medieval authorship and intentionality, and argues for the use of the paper manuscript AM 485 4to as the base manuscript for its treatment of C-redaction. The scholarly debate about the saga is presented with special attention paid to matters of origins and dating, examining Ljósvetninga saga’s relationship with Brennu-Njáls saga, and what is gained from a literary connection between the two. A literary interpretation of both redactions as texts that have their own intrinsic value is provided, showing how each of these texts creates meaning using internal connections, including the C-redaction’s þættir. Ljósvetninga saga is used as a tool to discuss the role of cultural memory in composition and interpretation, with a stress on the scholar Barði Guðmundsson, AM 162 c fol.’s fifteenth-century scribe Ólafur Loftsson, and AM 561 4to’s hypothetical fourteenth-century context. The thesis offers a synchronic and a diachronic reading: the first treats memory as a template for events and people contemporaneous with the author, whereas the second acknowledges both past and present as significant for interpretation. The thesis also examines Ljósvetninga saga in its generic context, questioning and expanding the definition of the Íslendingasögur (Sagas of Early Icelanders) category, and rejecting the usefulness of the term ‘post-classical’ Íslendingasögur altogether. Using Rick Altman’s concept of generic crossroads, the thesis analyses both redactions’ manuscripts’ approach to the issue of power. This thesis reveals how scholarly preconceptions guided the reception of a specific saga, Ljósvetninga saga, and contributes to a wider understanding of how saga, Old Norse, medieval, and general literature are each constantly changing and unstable, both in their preservation, and in the ways they are presented to the general public and scholarly community., Ljósvetninga saga gerist á Norðurlandi á tíundu og elleftu öld og fjallar fyrst og fremst um pólitískar fléttur höfðingjans Guðmundar hins ríka Eyjólfssonar og sonar hans Eyjólfs. Fræðileg umræða um Ljósvetninga sögu hefur öðru fremur einblínt á uppruna hennar. Sagan, sem talin er rituð á þrettándu öld, er óvenjuleg að því leyti að hún er varðveitt í tveim gerðum sem mjög eru frábrugðnar um ýmis atriði og atburði. Þannig skiptist sagan í A-gerð, sem byggð er á handritinu AM 561 4to frá seinni hluta fjórtándu aldar eða upphafi þeirrar fimmtándu, og í C-gerð, sem byggð er á handritinu AM 162 c fol. frá miðri fimmtándu öld og um það bil fimmtíu pappírsafritum sem rituð eru eftir siðbreytingu. Hinar frábrugðnu gerðir sögunnar hafa orðið tilefni til mikilla vangaveltna um uppruna sögunnar og skiptar skoðanir þar um. Ein skoðun er sú að sagan sé upprunnin í munnlegri geymd og er kennd við skóla sagnfestukenningarinnar, en önnur skoðun er sú að sagan sé frumsamin á bókfell og er hún kennd við bókfestukenninguna. Sá ólíki skilningur sem lagður er í söguna út frá þessum tveim meginkenningum tengjast sömuleiðis tveim ólíkum fræðilegum útgáfum á sögunni, sem hvor um sig hafa verið notaðar sem rök fyrir gildi annarrar gerðarinnar fram yfir hina. Tilraun Theodore Andersson til að sætta umræðuna og fara bil beggja kenninga hefur ekki tekist nema að hluta til, meðal annars vegna þeirrar óbilandi afstöðu sem hann tekur með C-gerð sögunnar. Í þessari ritgerð verður litið svo á að báðar gerðir sögunnar séu sjálfstæðir og sjálfum sér samkvæmir textar fremur en að bókmenntaleg tengsl þeirra verði í forgrunni. Lykilspurningin sem ritgerðinni er ætlað að svara er: Hvaða áhrif höfðu viðtökur Ljósvetninga sögu áhrif á samsetningu hennar? Hér verður sýnt að Ljósvetninga saga hefur stöðugt verið endursamin hvort heldur sem er í munnlegum flutningi, af bóklegum höfundum hennar, handritaskrifurum, útgefendum og fræðimönnum. Aðferðir efnislegrar textafræði eru grundvöllur rannsóknarinnar. Í inngangi eru kynntar forsendur rannsóknarinnar er varða höfunda á miðöldum og bókmenntalegan atbeina þeirra, og rök eru færð fyrir því að pappírshandritið AM 485 4to sé grundvallarhandrit að C-gerðinni. Áhersla verður lögð á þá fræðilegu umræðu um söguna sem hefur að gera með uppruna hennar og aldur. Þar með verða tengsl Ljósvetninga sögu við Brennu-Njáls sögu skoðuð og hvað samband þessara texta getur sagt okkur. Báðar gerðir sögunnar eru greindar með aðferðum bókmenntafræði enda eru þær sjálfstæðar gerðir sem hvor hefur gildi í sjálfri sér, og það er sýnt hvernig merkingarsköpun hvors texta hangir saman við innbyrðis tengingar, þar með talið þætti C-gerðarinnar. Ljósvetninga saga er ennfremur notuð sem rammi um umræðu um hlutverk menningarminnis í samsetningu og túlkun sögunnar, með áherslu á fræðileg skrif Barða Guðmundssonar, skrifara fimmtándu aldar handritsins AM 162 c fol., og ætlað fjórtándu aldar samhengi handritsins AM 561 4to. Ritgerðin býður hvort tveggja upp á samtímalegan og sögulegan lestur á sögunni; hinn fyrri lítur á minni sem skapalón fyrir notkun atburða og persóna samtíða höfundinum, meðan hinn síðari viðurkennir að hvort tveggja fortíð og nútíð skipta máli fyrir túlkun texta. Ritgerðin kannar einnig bókmenntagrein Ljósvetninga sögu og færir fram efasemdir um og útvíkkun á skilgreiningu Íslendingasagna, og hafnar jafnframt alfarið hugtakinu ‘unglegar’ eða ‘póstklassískar’ Íslendingasögur. Með stuðningi í hugtaki Rick Altman ‘vegamót bókmenntagreina’ (e. generic crossroads) er ráðist í greiningu á nálgun handrita beggja gerða sögunnar á völd. Ritgerðin leiðir í ljós hvernig fyrirframgefnar ályktanir fræðimanna hafa haft áhrif á viðtökur Ljósvetninga sögu. Hún er framlag til aukins skilnings á því hvernig forníslenskar sögur og bókmenntir almennt eru stöðugt breytingum háðar, bæði hvað geymd þeirra snertir og hvernig þær eru kynntar almenningi og fræðasamfélaginu., 163292-051

O presente trabalho de investigação visa estudar e compreender por que foram descontinuadas em Portugal algumas trilogias/sagas de livros do género literário fantástico. Através de um levantamento de dados sobre algumas trilogias e sagas que foram descontinuadas bem como a elaboração de algumas perguntas sobre esta temática, vamos tentar responder a essa questão. Após a análise das entrevistas feitas às Editoras que publicaram as trilogias/sagas em estudo de caso, foi possível perceber o porquê de estas sagas terem sido descontinuadas e o que pode ser feito para que de futuro não se venha a repetir esta problemática. The present research aims to study and understand why some trilogies / sagas of books of the fantastic literary genre were discontinued in Portugal. Through a survey of data on some trilogies and sagas that were discontinued as well as the elaboration of some questions on this subject, we will try to answer this question. After analyzing the interviews with the publishers who published the trilogies / sagas represented in the case study, it was possible to understand why these sagas had been discontinued and what could be done so that in the future this problem would not be repeated.

International audience

El artículo analiza dos textos medievales islandeses (la Saga de Thórir y el Catálogo de la genealogía de los Sturlungar) a fin de intentar relacionar la producción literaria y los modos de dominación en la sociedad rural islandesa de fines del siglo XIII. Propone asociar la producción de ambos textos a la del hacendado Egill Solmundarson de Reykholt. Fil: Barreiro, Santiago Francisco. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Oficina de Coordinación Administrativa Saavedra 15. Instituto Multidisciplinario de Historia y Ciencias Humanas; Argentina

В статье анализируется одно географическое описание, содержащееся в так называемой «лживой» саге первой половины XIV в., «Саге о Йоне, сыне Свипдага, и Эйрeке Любопытном». Восточноевропейская географическая номенклатура, типичная для королевских, родовых и саг о древних временах, отражающая знакомство скандинавов с Восточной Европой, используется автором саги не в традиционном ключе; к тому же она соединяется с топонимией легендарно-фантастического круга. Центральным местом действия выступает некое огромное государственное образование «Хольмгардарики» (топоним традиционно служит обозначением Древнерусского государства), в состав которого входят — по представлениям автора саги — Новгородская, Галицкая и Киевская земли, Руссаланд (Русская земля), земли карел и квенов, а также земли великанов, одноногих и очень маленьких людей. Созданная автором саги текстуальная карта не заслуживала бы внимания, если бы не отразившиеся здесь фоновые знания. Дело в том, что автор саги среди восточноевропейских земель называет Галицию, но топоним «Галиция» используется в сагах лишь применительно к Галисии на северо-западе Испании. Поскольку он помещает Галицию рядом с Кэнугардами, т. е. Киевской землей, можно думать, что он имеет в виду Галицко-Волынское княжество, входившее вместе с Киевским княжеством в состав территорий, подвластных Золотой Орде. Наконец, он явно артикулирует свое знакомство с тем фактом, что Русь находилась под властью Золотой Орды: «Всё это с давних времен зовется Хольмгардарики, а некоторые зовут его Тартарарики»., The article examines one geographical description contained in the so-called lygisaga (“lying saga”) of the first half of the 14th century, “Þjalar-Jóns saga”. East European geographic nomenclature, typical of the kings’ sagas, Icelandic sagas, and sagas of ancient times, reflecting the acquaintance of Scandinavians with Eastern Europe, is used by the author of the saga not in the traditional way; besides, it connects with legendary toponymy. The central place of action is a kind of a huge state formation called Hólmgarðaríki (the toponym traditionally serves as a designation of the Old Russian state), which includes — according to the ideas of the saga author — Novgorod, Galician and Kiev lands, Russian land, lands of Karelians and Kvens, as well as lands of giants, one-legged and very small people. The textual map created by the author of the saga would not deserve attention if it were not for the background knowledge reflected here. The fact is that the author of the saga names among the lands of Eastern Europe Galicia, but the toponym Galizia is used in the sagas only in relation to Galicia in north-western Spain. Since he places Galizia next to Kænugarðar (Kiev land), one may think that he has in mind the Galicia-Volyn’ principality, which together with the Kiev principality belonged to the territories under the authority of the Golden Horde. Finally, he clearly articulates his acquaintance with the fact that Rus’ was ruled by the Golden Horde: “That country has been called Hólmgarðaríki for a very long time, but some call it Tartararíki.”

Preden je na sever Evrope prišlo krščanstvo, so tamkajšnji ljudje verjeli v poganske bogove in izvajali poganske obrede. Mitski svet, ki so ga ustvarili, je bil poln mitoloških bitij, s katerimi so verjeli, da si delijo svet. Da so zagotovili blaginjo skupnosti, so ljudje skušali zadovoljiti bogove in druga bitja z raznimi obredi in žrtvovanji. O teh govorijo najdbe kosti na več arheoloških najdiščih, prav tako kot pripovedi tujcev, ki so bili priča njihovim obredom ali so o njih slišali zgodbe od drugih ljudi. Poleg bogov in bitij, ki so živela v mitologiji Vikingov, so verjeli še v množico drugih bitij, s katerimi so živeli na zemlji in katerih sledi so videli v naravi, ki jih je obdajala. O teh so pisali v sagah. Te so opisovale življenja običajnih ljudi oziroma junakov, ki so se srečevali z raznimi entitetami, ki izstopajo zaradi svoje nadnaravne narave. Sčasoma so prebivalci skrajnega severa Evrope sprejeli krščanstvo, vendar pa nova vera ni uspela povsem izbrisati spomina na poganstvo, saj nekatere elemente mitskega sveta Vikingov lahko zasledimo tudi v življenju modernega človeka. Before Christianity came to the north of Europe, people there believed in pagan gods and performed pagan rituals. The mythical world that they created was full of mythological creatures with which they believed they shared the world. To ensure the welfare of the community, people tried to satisfy the gods and other creatures with various rituals and sacrifices. These are confirmed by the findings of bones in several archaeological sites, as well as by the narratives of foreigners who witnessed their rituals or heard the stories from other people. In addition to the gods and creatures who lived in the mythology of the Vikings, they also believed in many other creatures with which they lived on earth, and whose traces they saw in the nature that surrounded them. They wrote about these in the sagas that described the lives of ordinary people or heroes who met with various entities which stand out due to their supernatural nature. Eventually, the inhabitants of the extreme north of Europe accepted Christianity, but the new faith failed to completely erase the memory of paganism, as some elements of the mythical world of the Vikings can also be traced in the life of the modern man.

Esta breve obra presenta tres traducciones de textos medievales islandeses del siglo XIII: La Saga de Þórir, la Saga de Olkofri y el Cuento de Brandr, acompañados de una introducción que los enmarca en el contexto histórico y social de la sociedad islandesa. Fil: Barreiro, Santiago Francisco. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Oficina de Coordinación Administrativa Saavedra 15. Instituto Multidisciplinario de Historia y Ciencias Humanas; Argentina

Es presenten en aquest treball les nissagues familiars de metges i cirurgians que van néixer a la Val d’Aran fins a l’any 1900., Se presentan en este trabajo las sagas familiares de médicos y cirujanos que nacieron en la Val d’Aran hasta el año 1900.

O presente trabalho tem o intento de analisar como se deu o processo de cristianização dos povos denominados Vikings durante o período em que estiveram assentados na América, majoritariamente em território groenlandês. Buscamos nesse artigo analisar o debate historiográfico em torno de tal descoberta, assim como sua legitimidade e o debate no cerne acadêmico. Usaremos da metodologia dos novos estudos sobre Escandinávia, para fazer uma relação com fontes literárias medievais (Íslendigasögur), relatos históricos do período e descobertas arqueológicas.

O ato de ler mobiliza, para os tons diversos da escrita, o olhar de quem o faz e lhe permite apropriar-se da ideia alheia, do universo criado, da visão comum, da beleza, ou mesmo da deformação estética, entre tantas outras disposições existentes na relação leitor/objeto. Esse, é ressignificado; aquele, reinventa-se, a partir do “toque” estabelecido. Quem, ou o quê teria incentivado, nutrido essa relação; em quais condições essa se desenvolve; ainda, se o conjunto de características de uma geração foi fator determinante para estreitar laços com a criatura literária também permeiam o construto deste fazer pesquisador. O presente trabalho trata, mais especificamente, da tentativa de mapear traços identitários comuns entre os sujeitos pesquisados: leitores de literatura seriada, membros de comunidades criadas em torno desses volumes literários. A proposta é problematizar a identidade desses leitores e analisar o construto dessa, a partir dos elementos sociais que os cercam e que eles apontam como determinantes para uma redefinição de fronteira, entre o que lhes é apresentado como literatura boa e oficial e o que elegeu como a que responde às suas perspectivas. O estudo dessa identidade é individual, embora não se afaste da consciência de grupo que existe e é um dos fatores de coesão nas comunidades de leitores. O corpus da pesquisa é um conjunto de questionários, totalizando vinte e sete questionários selecionados para este trabalho, dos quais, dezesseis receberam a colaboração dos membros da comunidade Camp Half Blood (CHB), dos fãs da saga Percy Jackson, uma das coleções de Rick Riordan. Outros dois conjuntos, Comunidade de Leitores da Escola Estadual Professor Francisco Ivo Cavalcanti (CLFIC) e Tributos e Divergentes (T&D), contribuíram para este fazer científico, respectivamente, quatro questionários da CLFIC e cinco do T&D. Como base teórica, por se tratar de uma pesquisa de mestrado em estudos da linguagem, na área de estudos em Linguística Aplicada, na linha dos estudos de práticas discursivas, busca expor esse mapeamento à luz das teorias de Bakhtin (2011, 2015) que considera a linguagem como um constante processo de interação mediado pelo diálogo. À percepção do enunciado bakhtiniano, concreto, marcado por vozes, reúne o conceito de forças centrípetas e centrífugas. Apresenta, ainda, do campo da Linguística Aplicada, o estudo das identidades modernas descentradas, ou fragmentadas, de Hall (2006) e a visão de Canclini (2006) sobre o ato de “descolecionar” e da contemporaneidade como construção histórica marcada pelos processos de hibridização. Tais orientações teórico-metodológicas possibilitam entender as comunidades de leitores como espaços construídos, conforme desejos/saberes/experiências de seus participantes, que lhes asseguram uma trajetória de leitura à revelia do que é socialmente valorizado como a “boa literatura”. The act of reading mobilizes, for the different tones of writing, the gaze of the one who does it and allows it to appropriate the idea of others, of the created universe, of the common vision, of beauty, or even of aesthetic deformation, among many other dispositions existing in the relation reader / object. This, it is resignified; that, reinvents itself, from the established "touch". Who, or what would have encouraged, nourished this relationship; under what conditions it develops; still, if the set of characteristics of a generation was a determining factor for closer ties with the literary creature also permeate the construct of this researcher doing. However, the present work focused more on the attempt to map common identity traits among the subjects studied: readers of serial literature, members of communities created around these literary volumes. The proposal is to describe and analyze the construct of the identity of this new reader from the social apparatus that surrounds him and which he points out as a determinant for his redefinition of the frontier, between what is presented to him as good and official literature and what he named as the which now responds to their perspectives. The study of this identity is individual, although we can not move away from the group consciousness that exists and is one of the factors of cohesion in the communities of readers. For that, a group was invited to participate in the research: Camp Half Blood (CHB), of fans of the saga Percy Jackson, one of the collections of Rick Riordan. Of the twenty-seven questionnaires selected for this study, sixteen were filled out by members of this community. Two other groups, the Community of Readers of the State School Professor Francisco Ivo Cavalcanti (CLFIC) and Tributes and Divergent (T & D), contributed to this scientific work, respectively, of CLFIC, four questionnaires answered and T & D, five questionnaires. It is intended to expose this mapping, in the light of Bakhtin's (2011, 2015) theories that considered language as a constant process of interaction mediated by dialogue. The concept of centripetal and centrifugal forces, also of the author, came together with the perception of the Bakhtinian, concrete, voiced statement. Are still in the field of applied linguistics, in this research, the study of modern "decentered or fragmented" identities of Hall (2005), "historically constituted, not biologically" and Canclini's (2006) vision of the The act of "taking off" and contemporaneity as a historical construction marked by the processes of hybridization. Such theoretical-methodological orientations allow the reader communities to be understood as constructed spaces, according to the desires / knowledge / experiences of their participants, which assure them a reading path in the absence of what is socially valued as "good literature".

Treballs Finals de Grau de Llengües i Literatures Modernes: Alemany. Facultat de Filologia. Universitat de Barcelona, Curs: 2016-2017, Tutora: Dra. Loreto Vilar, [spa] En este estudio se analiza, desde una perspectiva comparada entre la literatura alemana medieval y la literatura norrena, la representación del personaje femenino principal en el mito de los Nibelungos-Volsungos, Kriemhild-Guðrún, con el propósito general de justificar su papel protagonista en el mismo. En la primera parte, se establecen las tres temáticas principales: mito, venganza y feminidad en la literatura medieval germánica, así como la argumentación en pro del origen mítico de un personaje de rasgos valquiriescos. El análisis del Nibelungenlied y la Vǫlsunga Saga se estructura a continuación en cuatro niveles: estado latente, motivación, desarrollo y culminación de la venganza. Los resultados de este estudio sostienen el proceso de venganza como motivo que da el protagonismo absoluto al personaje femenino en el mito y justifica sus características mitológicas. Palabras clave: Nibelungenlied, Vǫlsunga Saga, Kriemhild-Guðrún, venganza, valquirias, [ger] In dieser Bachelorarbeit wird versucht, durch die komparatistische Analyse des mittelhochdeutschen Nibelungenliedes und der altisländischen Vǫlsunga Saga, den Protagonismus der weiblichen Figur im Nibelungen- bzw. Völsungenmythos festzulegen. Im ersten Teil werden die drei Hauptthemen, Mythos, Rache und Weiblichkeit, im Kontext der mittelalterlichen germanischen Literatur fixiert. Plädiert wird hier für den mythologisch-legendären Ursprung der weiblichen Hauptfigur Kriemhild-Guðrún, wofür sämtliche valkyrienhaften Charakterzüge, sowie die Etymologie ihrer beiden Namen stehen können. Die Analyse der Werke wird danach in vier narrativ-chronologischen Stufen durchgeführt: latenter Zustand, Erwachen, Entwicklung (bzw. Racheplanung) und Höhepunkt des Rachewerks. Aus der Untersuchung heraus kann geschlussfolgert werden, dass die weibliche Hauptfigur erst durch das Motiv der Rache zum Protagonismus gelangt. Nicht zuletzt ist dies als ein untrügliches Zeichen ihres mythologisch-legendären Ursprungs anzusehen. Schlüsselwörter: Nibelungenlied, Vǫlsunga Saga, Kriemhild-Guðrún, Rache, Walküren

Treballs Finals de Grau en Història, Facultat de Geografia i Història, Universitat de Barcelona, Curs: 2012-2013, Tutor: Xavier Ballestín Navarro, El presente trabajo pretende aproximarse al estudio de las sagas de los islandeses (Íslendingasögur). El análisis se focaliza en el debate historiográfico entorno a las sagas y su uso como fuentes históricas, además de mostrar la problemática que presentan a la hora de abordarlas., The follow paper tries to approach the study of the Icelandic Family Sagas (Íslendingasögur). The analysis is focused on the historiographical debate around the sagas and their use as historical sources, in addition to showing the problems presented when we dealing with them.

Dans la Scandinavie médiévale, la trahison (svíka) tient une place importante. D’abord, parce qu’en tant qu’antonyme de la confiance (trú), elle caractérise un comportement répréhensible qui fait de son auteur un individu infâme, à l’opposé du drengr ayant une attitude constamment honorable. Ensuite, et par conséquence, parce qu’elle constitue souvent un élément clé du ressort narratif présenté dans les sagas, particulièrement les « sagas des chevaliers » dont la Karlamagnús saga constitue le plus célèbre exemple. Cette étude se propose donc de mettre en lumière cette notion cardinale et, à travers la trahison du jarl Guinelon, d’aborder les effets juridiques qu’elle engendre. In medieval Scandinavia, betrayal (svika) holds an important place. First, because as opposite of trust (trú), it characterizes misconduct which made its author a vile person, away from drengr who has constantly an honorable attitude. Second, and as a result, because it is part of the recurrent component of the icelandic sagas, mainly « sagas of knights » whose Karlamagnús saga is the most famous example. This study therefore aims to enlighten this notion and, through the betrayal of jarl Guinelon, the legal consequences it engenders.

International audience; Les sagas islandaises du XIII e siècle rapportent un témoignage surprenant au sujet de Mathilde, l'épouse du duc de Normandie Guillaume le Bâtard. Juste avant la traversée de la Manche par l'armée normande en 1066, la duchesse le supplie de ne pas partir combattre Harold Godwinson. Furieux, il lui donne un coup d'éperon qui la tue aussitôt. Cette histoire entre évidemment en contradiction avec nos connaissances de la vie de Mathilde qui meurt en réalité de causes naturelles en 1083. Nous proposons donc dans cet article de réfléchir à l'origine et à l'évolution de cette légende dans la littérature islandaise. Après avoir détaillé les textes nordiques la mentionnant, nous reviendrons vers les documents normands et anglo-normands ayant pu constituer des sources directes ou indirectes pour les auteurs islandais. Plus généralement, ce sujet invitera à s'interroger sur les transferts de matières littéraires entre les régions et l'écriture de l'histoire dans la Scandinavie médiévale.

Ofrecemos en esta contribución aquellos factores que se extraen de los elementos materiales conservados y de la documentación archivística custodiada por la comunidad de religiosas dominicas de Madre de Dios de Baena que delatan su vínculo con el linaje de la Casa de Cabra. Valoramos y analizamos sus estatutos fundacionales, los distintos resortes de utilización sociopolítica y propagandística que de este convento se hizo durante los siglos XVI y XVII por los Fernández de Córdoba, así como de los comportamientos que las religiosas desarrollaban intramuros, más propios de la actividad nobiliaria en el siglo que de monjas contemplativas.

Bjarmaland (also Biarmaland, Biarmia, Byarmia, Bjarmia) and its inhabitants (Bjarmar, Beormas, Biarmar) are known to us through c. 30 medieval written sources, most of them written in Norse, a few in Latin and one in Anglo-Saxon. Majority of the texts were written during the 13th century, but the stories they relate may nevertheless be of earlier date. The Kings’ Sagas in particular often refer to 10th century events. Oldest of the sources is the so-called Ohthere’s account, a 9th century Anglo-Saxon text added to the OE Orosius translation. The rest of the sources are of Norse-Icelandic origin including a number of konungasögur, a few chronicles and íslendingasögur, some texts of geographical nature, a couple of þáttr, and a number of fornaldarsögur as well as six annals. Additionally Haralds saga gráfeldar contains a few skaldic verses. Written sources locate Bjarmaland to the White Sea. The words Terfinna land connect the location with the Kola Peninsula and the environs of the Varzuga River whereas the name Gandvík guides our interest towards the Kantalahti Bay of the White Sea. The name ‘Vína’ can be connected with either the Northern Dvina River or Viena Karelia. Written sources portray the Bjarmians as permanently settled group of Baltic Fennic speaking people that lived in the north of Europe since the Viking Age (first mentioned in writing in the 9th century) until the early Middle Ages (mid-13th century). Involvement in the international fur trade is implied and continuous contacts with Norwegians with both looting and trade as integral part of interaction are present in the descriptions. The Bjarmians cannot be connected ethnically with any existing group of people but must be considered as a group of their own. The origin of the specific ethnical identity most likely lies in economical interaction (trade with furs and possibly other items) with neighbouring areas. Since 12th-13th centuries new settlers moved to the northern areas and many political and economical changes occurred in Northern Fennoscandia and Russia, all of which would have contributed to a change that left the Bjarmians out of written sources. Tiivistelmä Bjarmaland (myös Biarmaland, Biarmia, Byarmia, Bjarmia) ja sen asukkaat (Bjarmar, Beormas, Biarmar) tunnetaan noin kolmestakymmenestä keskiaikaisesta kirjallisesta lähteestä, joista useimmat on kirjoitettu islanniksi, muutamat latinaksi ja yksi anglosaksiksi. Suurin osa teksteistä kirjoitettiin 1200-luvulla, mutta niiden sisältö voi koskea aiempia tapahtumia. Erityisesti kuningassaagat viittaavat usein 900-luvun tapahtumiin. Vanhin lähteistä on niin sanottu Ohtheren kertomus, joka on 800-luvulla kirjoitettu lisäys Orosiuksen maailmanhistorian anglosaksiseen käännökseen. Muut lähteet ovat islantilais-norjalaista alkuperää ja koostuvat useista kuningassaagoista sekä muutamasta islantilaissaagasta, maantieteellisistä teksteistä, parista þáttrista että joukosta muinaissaagoja ja annaaleja. Lisäksi Haralds saga gráfeldarissa on mukana skaldirunouden säkeitä. Kirjalliset lähteet sijoittavat Bjarmalandin Vienanmerelle. Sanat Terfinna land liittävät sijainnin Kuolan niemimaahan ja Varzugajoen ympäristöön kun taas nimi Gandvík ohjaa mielenkiinnon kohti Kantalahtea. Nimi ‘Vína’ voidaan yhdistää joko Vienajokeen tai Vienan Karjalaan. Kirjalliset lähteet kuvaavat bjarmeja pysyvästi asuvina itämerensuomalaista kieltä puhuvina ihmisinä, jotka asuivat Pohjois-Euroopassa viikinkiajalta (ensimmäinen kirjallinen maininta on peräisin 800-luvulta) keskiajalle (1200-luvun puoliväliin). Lähteet vihjaavat bjarmien olleen mukana kansainvälisessä turkiskaupassa ja jatkuvat kontaktit norjalaisiin joko kaupankäynnin tai ryöstelyn merkeissä ovat tärkeässä osassa lähteiden kertomuksissa. Bjarmeja ei voi etnisesti liittää mihinkään nykyiseen ihmisryhmään vaan heitä täytyy pitää omana erillisenä ryhmänään. Etnisen identiteetin synty liittyy todennäköisimmin kaupankäyntiin (turkikset ja mahdolliset muut kauppatavarat) naapureiden kanssa. Alkaen 1100- ja 1200-luvuilta pohjoiselle alueelle muutti uutta väestöä ja samaan aikaa pohjoisessa Fennoskandiassa ja Venäjällä tapahtui monia poliittisia ja taloudellisia muutoksia ja näiden yhteisvaikutus todennäköisesti johti osaltaan siihen, että bjarmit jäivät pois kirjallisista lähteistä.

It is the object of this thesis to present the chief stylistic and structural characteristics of five thirteenth century Norse sagas selected as representative of Sturla Þórðarson's literary background; to show in what ways and to suggest why he did or did not follow their examples; and on the basis of this, to offer a new interpretation of the style and structure of Sturla's Íslendinga Saga. The five sagas are considered chronologically in the order they are believed to have been written. Sverris Saga is a partisan record of an unconventional Norwegian king's reign (1177-1202) based on the king's personal experience and contemporary witness. Knytlinga Saga (c. 1260), a celebration of Danish Christian princes (940-1187), has an unadorned style, at times not unlike Sturla's, but its concentration on the single theme makes it too constricted for Sturla's complex material. In Heimskringla (c. 1230), a history of Norwegian kings up to 1177, Snorri Sturluson freely adapts and selects from his source material to produce a wellreasoned pattern of events. Sturla's material for Íslendinga Saga was too close to him to be manipulated in this fashion. He probably learned most from his own experience of writing Hákonar Saga in 1263. Although this was written under the constraints of diplomacy, Sturla was confronted with the task of ordering a mass of virtually contemporary material. Njáls Saga, an almost wholly fictional work, depends for its unity on complex interactions between figures motivated by their inner temperaments. Sturla also records diverse human emotions, but his narrative must depend on actual happenings and therefore lacks the contrived flawlessness of Njáls Saga. Yet Sturla's selection and arrangement of his authentic material - a dense mass of facts - show that his control is perfect. He writes with awesome sobriety and psychological insight, and he rejects any artificial structure.