Search

This Working Paper assesses how humanitarian and development aid agencies address individuals whose human rights and human dignity have been affected by displacement. It proposes a fresh look at how to measure needs that arise in such situations. To this end, the Paper evaluates characteristic needs regarding livelihoods, rights and basic services for displaced persons in an empirical study of so-called protracted refugee situations (PRS). The needs are then contrasted with the international legal category of ‘refugee’ and the descriptive definition of internally displaced persons (IDPs) used by aid agencies to address situations of displacement. Following empirical observations and drawing from existing models, the study establishes an inter-subjectively comprehensible catalogue of needs, i.e. land, employment (livelihoods), housing, social inclusion, nutrition, health, community assets, social networks, education, legal aid, political rights, legal documents, human rights. It is argued that these indicators need to be evaluated in regard to the degree of access displaced persons have (from no access to full access). The weighted indicators establish different points of reference to measure the detrimental impact of displacement on human dignity. Assessment of aid for displaced persons thereby reaches beyond the pre-displacement situation as a central point of reference: This would enable humanitarian and development actors to evaluate their contribution to facilitating a dignified life of individuals more accurately, as a return to the status quo ante does not automatically mean that aid was successful—e.g. a return to misery. Drawing on field research findings in northern Iraq, moreover, the Paper argues that any indicator-based-approach must be combined with an analysis of the socio-political and historical context of forced migration and also pay attention to impacts on the host society. In line with empirical examples, the Working Paper argues that humanitarian and development aid agencies need to start from a long-term, multi-sectoral, whole-of-society, and systematically indicatorbased approach—even though it is inevitable to prioritise some issues (and disregard others) in situations of crisis.

Since February this year, the intergovernmental negotiation process on developing the Global Compact for Migration has been taking place in New York. The German government should (1) advocate for the National Labour Migration Strategy and the National Labour Policy of the Government of Afghanistan to be taken into account. It should (2) support a reduction in transfer fees for remittances sent by Afghan migrants, as suggested by the KfW. The government should work towards ensuring that internally displaced people in Afghanistan and refugees in the regional host countries, Iran and Pakistan, receive the right to education, land and housing, medical care and effective legal protection as a matter of principle. Administrative authorities in the German states should only carry out deportations of Afghans if they can guarantee the safety of the deportees in the long term and enable sustainably humane living conditions. An immigration law would regulate legal access to the German jobs and educational/training markets for qualified people and skilled workers from abroad, including from Afghanistan, and rule out the immigration of ineligible people. Training and employment schemes should be implemented in areas that are under the control of the government as well as outside of these areas through collaboration with locally elected community development councils, guilds and professional associations.

On 28 and 29 November 2018, BICC hosted an international conference entitled "Breaking Cycles of Displacement" in Bonn. The conference presented and discussed the findings of the four-year-long comparative BICC research project "Protected rather than protracted - Strengthening Refugees and Peace" funded by the German Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development (BMZ). This project scrutinized opportunities for finding solutions to protracted displacement and investigated in how far the participation of displaced persons in peace processes influences the sustainability of their (re-)integration. The conference analysed commonalities and differences of protracted displacement contexts and discussed innovative conceptualisations of protracted displacement based on the project´s research approach to understand the perspectives of those concerned. Case studies from East and West Africa, South America, the Middle East and South-East Asia were presented, covering local (re)integration of displaced persons as well as their role in peace processes, such as in Syria, Afghanistan and Colombia. One critical outcome was that - in particular during peace negotiations - the displaced are rarely heard. Another topic of the conference were the different coping strategies of the long-term displaced. Participants discussed factors that shape prospects for social integration, the challenge of aid dependency but also translocality and its effects on living conditions and the legal status of the displaced. Among the roughly 70 participants of the BICC conference were researchers, experts from national and international non-governmental organisations, UN organisations, such as UNHCR and IOM as well as the BMZ. Participants came from Africa, Europe, South-East Asia and the United States.

On 28 and 29 November 2018, BICC hosted an international conference entitled "Breaking Cycles of Displacement" in Bonn. The conference presented and discussed the findings of the four-year-long comparative BICC research project "Protected rather than protracted - Strengthening Refugees and Peace" funded by the German Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development (BMZ). This project scrutinized opportunities for finding solutions to protracted displacement and investigated in how far the participation of displaced persons in peace processes influences the sustainability of their (re-)integration. The conference analysed commonalities and differences of protracted displacement contexts and discussed innovative conceptualisations of protracted displacement based on the project´s research approach to understand the perspectives of those concerned. Case studies from East and West Africa, South America, the Middle East and South-East Asia were presented, covering local (re)integration of displaced persons as well as their role in peace processes, such as in Syria, Afghanistan and Colombia. One critical outcome was that - in particular during peace negotiations - the displaced are rarely heard. Another topic of the conference were the different coping strategies of the long-term displaced. Participants discussed factors that shape prospects for social integration, the challenge of aid dependency but also translocality and its effects on living conditions and the legal status of the displaced. Among the roughly 70 participants of the BICC conference were researchers, experts from national and international non-governmental organisations, UN organisations, such as UNHCR and IOM as well as the BMZ. Participants came from Africa, Europe, South-East Asia and the United States.

Für diese Studie zur Scheinselbständigkeit (in Kooperation mit dem Bundesministerium für Arbeit und Soziales) hat das IAB 4.500 Personen zu ihrer Erwerbstätigkeit und sozialen Lage befragt. Die quantitative Untersuchung greift zur Bestimmung von Scheinselbständigkeit auf ein Rechtsgutachten von Professor Dr. Wank (Ruhr-Universität Bochum) zurück, das die aktuelle Rechtsprechung sowie die relevante Rechtsliteratur aufarbeitet und die empirische Analyse fundiert. Die Studie beantwortet drei Kernfragen: Wie verbreitet ist das Phänomen der Scheinselbständigkeit? Wer ist davon betroffen bzw. wie sind Scheinselbständige erwerbstätig? Welcher Zusammenhang besteht zwischen dem rechtlichen Status und dem Erwerbseinkommen?

Der Wiederaufbau und die Befriedung Afghanistans sind gescheitert. Als Interventionspartei trägt auch Deutschland daran eine Mitverantwortung. Die Bundesregierung muss dies in ihrer Politik gegenüber afghanischen Flüchtlingen zum Ausdruck bringen und ihnen hier wie dort Perspektiven bieten, statt Abschiebungen durchzuführen. Die Bundesregierung, Regierungen der EU, der OECD- und BRICS-Länder sowie Regierungen der Nachbarländer Afghanistans können durch ein geregeltes Einwanderungssystem einen bedeutenden Beitrag zur Sicherheit und Zukunftsfähigkeit der Bevölkerung leisten. Flüchtlinge sollten in kurzer Zeit einen Status erhalten, der ihnen Zugang zu Ausbildung und Qualifizierung sowie Berufstätigkeit als Einwanderer und damit eine Integration in die Aufnahmegesellschaften eröffnet. Dies würde auch das Potenzial der Auslandsafghanen und -afghaninnen zur Hilfe und Selbsthilfe für ihre Landsleute stärken. Zudem sollte die Möglichkeit temporärer (Qualifizierungs-) Migration (z.B. durch ein Einwanderungsgesetz) offengehalten werden. Eine langfristige, möglicherweise auf Jahrzehnte angelegte Investitionsstrategie ist erforderlich, um eine tragfähige, vom Binnenmarkt und afghanischer Kaufkraft getriebene Wirtschaftsentwicklung zu unterstützen. Entwicklungsprojekte müssen in diese Strategie eingeordnet und komplementär zu entsprechenden öffentlichen Maßnahmen der afghanischen Regierung sein. Dabei sind die Bedürfnisse des Privatsektors nach verlässlichen Regelungen zu berücksichtigen. Besonders wichtig sind der weitere Aufbau und die Ausweitung von binnenmarktorientierten Berufsausbildungszentren, um der afghanischen Jugend auch im Land eine Perspektive zu geben. Die Bundesregierung muss ihren diplomatischen Einfluss verstärkt nutzen, um auf eine Einigung für einen gangbaren Friedensfahrplan mit Beteiligung der Regierungen von Pakistan, Iran, USA, Russland, China, Saudi-Arabien und Indien hinzuwirken. Sie sollte zudem darauf drängen, dass alle in den letzten 15 Jahren Zurückgekehrten und Vertriebenen legalen Zugang zu Land und Wohnraum bekommen.

Reconstruction and the establishment of peace in Afghanistan have failed. Germany, as party to the intervention, has to accept its share of responsibility for this failure. The German government can do this in their policies towards the Afghan refugees by offering them with prospects both in Germany and in Afghanistan, rather than deporting them. With a well-managed immigration system, the German government, governments of the European Union, the OECD and of BRICS countries as well as governments of Afghanistan’s neighbouring countries can make an important contribution to the population’s security and to overcoming future challenges. Within a relatively short period of time, refugees ought to be able not only to obtain a status that allows them access to education, training and further qualification measures but also to work, which will give them the chance of integrating into host societies. This would also strengthen the potential of Afghans who already live abroad to help and to provide help for their fellow countrymen and –women staying in Afghanistan. In addition, opportunities for immigrants to qualify for legal migration opportunities (through immigration law, for instance) ought to remain open. A long-term, possibly decade-long investment strategy is necessary to support sustainable economic development driven by the internal market and Afghan purchasing power. Development projects must be integrated into this strategy and complement corresponding public measures by the Afghan government while taking into account the need of the private sector for reliable rules and regulations. It is of critical importance to expand and diversify vocational training centres where the Afghan youth can obtain qualifications needed on the internal job market and develop prospects for the future in their country. The German government must make greater use of its diplomatic influence in working towards a consensus for a viable roadmap for peace with the participation of the governments of Pakistan, Iran, the United States, China, Russia, Saudi Arabia and India. It should also press for legal access to land and housing for all those who have returned and who were displaced within the last 15 years.

This Paper reviews the current state of the art on the return of displaced persons as a durable solution for long-term displacement situations. It outlines the impact, challenges and actors involved in the return process. The Paper shows that present understandings of return, protracted situations and conflict are often too short-sighted and need to be revised and extended. Reintegration as part of the return process in particular has only received little attention until now. The Paper further demonstrates that the relationship between displacement, return and peace has not yet been fully understood. More field and comparative research is needed that includes the perspectives of the displaced themselves to fully comprehend the process of return and to be able to identify best practices to guarantee the sustainability of return and reintegration.

The doctoral thesis is dealing with the phenomenon of economic crime in the context of Nepal, i.e. a developing country situated between two big emerging States, China and India. The study starts by explaining objectives and methods of the work, then it gives a short overview about the actual social, economic and political situation of Nepal. Chapter 3 concentrates on the definitions of "economic crime" and describes seven different types, starting with corruption and ending with money laundering. The explanation of these various types is completed by sketching the relevant working agencies the task of which is to fight against specific crimes. In the next chapter, the author at first shows the structure of the Nepali legal order and organisation, before he is looking at various laws/acts relating to economic crime. At the end of chapter 4, he is trying to compare those laws and to assess their stringency and efficiency. Chapter 5 deals more detailledly with relevant working agencies and is structured similar to the previous one, i.e. it explains the organisation, task and powers of each agency as well as their cooperation and, at the end, it tries to assess common features, parallels as well as divergencies between them. Chapter 6 is based upon field studies of the author. On the one hand, it shows the results from questionnaires which were handed out to a lot of persons in Nepal and which might give a rather broad impression about various aspects of economic crime in this country. On the other hand, a very prominent case (Governor and Director of Nepal Rastra Bank) is looked at more intensively, and the author has scanned important original documents in order to give a clear account of its main features. At last, by summing up theoretical, normative and empirical components the author has been caused to deliver some proposals of his own for remedies relating to economic crime, in particular concerning improvements of control mechanisms and establishing a single working agency with different departments for the fight against economic crime. Die rechtswissenschaftliche Dissertation befasst sich mit dem Phänomen von "economic crime" (Wirtschaftsstraftaten) im Kontext Nepals, d.h. eines Entwicklungslandes, das zwischen zwei großen Schwellenländern, China und Indien, gelegen ist. Die Untersuchung beginnt mit einer Erläuterung von Zielen und Methoden der Arbeit und gibt dann einen kurzen Überblick über die gegenwärtige gesellschaftliche, wirtschaftliche und politische Lage Nepals. Kap. 3 widmet sich den Definitionen von "economic crime" und beschreibt sieben unterschiedliche Typen, von Korruption bis Geldwäsche. Die Darstellung dieser verschiedenen Typen wird ergäzt durch einen Blick auf die zuständigen staatlichen Stellen, die mit dem Kampf gegen "economic crime" befasst sind. Im nächsten Kapitel zeigt der Verfasser zunächst die Struktur der Rechtsordnung und Staatsorganisation Nepals auf, bevor er sich zahlreichen Rechtsvorschriften bezüglich "economic crime" zuwendet. Am Schluss des 4. Kapitels ist er bestrebt, diese Vorschriften zu vergleichen und ihre Stringenz und Effizienz zu würdigen. Kap. 5 befasst sich ausführlicher mit den zuständigen (Verwaltungs-) Stellen und ist ähnlich aufgebaut wie das vorherige, d.h. es erläutert Aufbau, Aufgabe und Befugnisse jeder Stelle sowie deren Zusammenarbeit und versucht schließlich, Gemeinsamkeiten, Parallelen und Unterschiede zu verdeutlichen. Kap. 6 stützt sich auf Feldstudien des Verfassers. Einerseits zeigt es die Ergebnisse einer Erhebung per Fragebogen auf, den eine Vielzahl von Personen in Nepal erhielten und ausfüllten und durch den wichtige Eindrücke über verschiedene Aspekte von "economic crime" in diesem Land vermittelt werden. Andererseits wird ein überaus prominenter Fall (Gouverneur und Direktor der Nepal Rastra Bank) eigehender erörtert und der Verfasser gibt im Text wichtige Originaldokumente wieder, um die wesentlichen Züge dieses Vorfalls deutlich zu machen. Abschließend stützt sich der Verfasser auf theoretische, normative und empirische Erkenntnisse zur Unterbreitung eigener Vorschläge für Maßnahmen ("remedies") gegen "economic crime", vor allem im Hinblick auf eine Verbesserung der Überwachung und des Vollzugs sowie der Errichtung einer einzigen zuständigen Behörde mit mehreren Abteilungen zum Kampf gegen Wirtschaftsstraftaten.

'Die Krim-Problematik ist das Resultat einer wechselvollen Geschichte, postsowjetischer Politik und nationaler Mythenbildung. Auf das krimtatarische Khanat folgten die Zugehörigkeit zum Russischen Reich seit 1783, der Transfer an die Ukrainische SSR 1954 und die regionale Autonomie der unabhängigen Ukraine seit 1991. Ihre ethnische Zusammensetzung - die Krim ist die einzige Region der Ukraine mit einer russischen Bevölkerungsmehrheit und einer krimtatarischen Minderheit -, ihre sozioökonomische Struktur und ihre geopolitische Lage machen sie zu einem spezifischen Mikrokosmos. Die Krim ist die einzige Region innerhalb der Ukraine, die einen verfassungsmäßig garantierten Autonomiestatus erhielt. Noch vor dem Zusammenbruch der Sowjetunion ist Anfang 1991 eine Krim-ASSR errichtet worden, die ab 1992 als 'Autonome Republik der Krim' den postsowjetischen Gegebenheiten angepaßt wurde. Die ukrainische Staatsverfassung von 1996, die einen unitaren Staat vorschreibt, wird durch diese 'Autonome Republik' um ein föderales Element ergänzt. Die Krim ist ein wichtiges Beispiel für die Bedeutung von regionalen Faktoren bzw. Akteuren sowie von Institutionen im Verlauf von politischen und wirtschaftlichen Transformationsprozessen. Der vorliegende Bericht untersucht die Gründe für die Einführung und Beibehaltung des Autonomiestatus, den konkreten Inhalt dieser Autonomie und ihre Implikationen für verschiedene Politikbereiche. Diese Fragen werden in den Kontext des politischen, wirtschaftlichen, sozialen und außenpolitischen Profils der Krim eingebettet.' (Textauszug) 'The Crimean issue is a product of Crimea's diverse history, post-Soviet politics and national myth-making. The era of the Crimean Tatar Khanate was followed by Russian domination since 1783, the transfer to the Ukrainian SSR in 1954 and the regional autonomy of independent Ukraine since 1991. Crimea's ethnic composition - it is the only region within Ukraine with an ethnic Russian majority and a Crimean Tatar minority -, its socio-economic structure and geopolitical location turn it into a specific microcosm. Crimea is the only Ukrainian region with a constitutionally guaranteed autonomy status. Already before the collapse of the Soviet Union the Crimean ASSR was established at the beginning of 1991 - from 1992 onwards it had to be readjusted to post-Soviet conditions. The Ukrainian state constitution of 1996, which devises a unitary state, is complemented by the federal element of the 'Autonomous Republic of Crimea'. Crimea is one of the best examples of the significance of both regional factors and actors and the role of institutions during political and economic transition processes. This study investigates the reasons for the introduction and preservation of the autonomy status, the concrete content of this autonomy and its implications for various policy areas. These questions will be embedded in the context of Crimea's political, economic, social and foreign policy profile.' (extract)