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Resumen: Desde 1987 las personas migrantes residentes en la ciudad de Buenos Aires tienen derecho a participar en las elecciones locales. El Código Electoral de la ciudad, aprobado en 2018 y aplicado por primera vez en las elecciones locales de 2021, cambió el régimen de inscripción voluntaria en el registro electoral por uno de inscripción automática. Este cambio no solo aumentó notoriamente el número de personas extranjeras habilitadas a emitir el voto, sino que también vino acompañado de un incremento significativo en la participación del colectivo migrante. Este artículo proyecta un análisis en distintos niveles. Primeramente, aborda la relación históricamente determinada entre nacionalidad, residencia y acceso a la comunidad política, con especial énfasis en la titularidad y ejercicio de los derechos políticos por parte de las personas migrantes en el contexto argentino. Después, considera las transformaciones legislativas e institucionales que han supuesto, desde la entrada en vigor del nuevo Código Electoral, una transformación del rol político-electoral del colectivo migrante en la ciudad de Buenos Aires. Finalmente, analiza algunos de los efectos del empadronamiento automático en el comportamiento electoral del colectivo migrante, intentando no perder de vista la composición y las dinámicas internas de esta población como posibles pautas explicativas de su comportamiento electoral. Abstract: Since 1987, migrants residing in the city of Buenos Aires have had the right to participate in local elections. The city’s Electoral Code, approved in 2018 and applied for the first time in the 2021 local elections, changed the regime of voluntary registration in the electoral register to one of automatic registration. This change not only increased the number of foreigners authorized to cast the vote, but it was also accompanied by a significant growth in migrant electoral participation. This article projects an analysis at three different levels. Firstly, it addresses the historically determined relationship between nationality, residence and access to the political community, with special emphasis on the exercise of political rights by migrants in the Argentine context. Afterwards, it considers the legislative and institutional transformations that, since the entry into force of the new Electoral Code, have entailed a transformation of the political-electoral role of the migrant group in the city of Buenos Aires. Finally, it analyzes some of the effects of automatic registration on the electoral behavior of the migrant group, trying not to lose sight of the composition and internal dynamics of this population as possible explanatory patterns of its electoral behavior.

Este artículo se enfoca en examinar el alcance de la facultad sancionadora ejercida por la Procuraduría General de la Nación (PGN) con relación a los funcionarios públicos elegidos popularmente, a la luz de la nueva realidad normativa creada a raíz del caso Petro Urrego. El objetivo principal es determinar si las modificaciones realizadas a las atribuciones de supervisión y control de la entidad administrativa se ajustan a los estándares internacionales establecidos en la Convención Americana de Derechos Humanos (CADH). Para lograr este propósito, se lleva a cabo una comparación entre las disposiciones del régimen disciplinario colombiano y las garantías judiciales y derechos políticos consagrados en el tratado, con el fin de evaluar si las características del poder disciplinario se alinean con las 1 disposiciones del instrumento de derecho internacional. Las conclusiones del análisis revelan la existencia de un error por parte del legislador, debido a una notable omisión en el cumplimiento de los lineamientos establecidos por la CADH. Esto implica que las reformas implementadas en el marco normativo colombiano no se ajustan plenamente a los estándares internacionales y, por lo tanto, pueden generar vulneraciones a los derechos políticos de los funcionarios públicos elegidos popularmente. Es fundamental abordar esta problemática y corregir las deficiencias identificadas, a fin de garantizar el respeto y la protección de los derechos políticos de todos los funcionarios públicos y asegurar la plena compatibilidad del ordenamiento jurídico colombiano con las obligaciones internacionales asumidas en el ámbito de los derechos humanos. This article examines the scope of the sanctioning power exercised by the Office of the Attorney General (PGN) against publicly elected officials in accordance with the new regulatory framework created by the Petro Urrego case, focusing on determining whether the modifications made to the oversight authority of the administrative entity comply with the international standards enshrined in the American Convention on Human Rights (CADH). To this end, a comparison is made between the norms of the Colombian disciplinary regime and the judicial guarantees and political rights enshrined in the treaty, revealing whether the characteristics of the disciplinary power are consistent with the international legal instrument The conclusions highlight a legislative oversight and substantial omission in complying 2 with the guidelines set forth by the CADH. It is essential to address this issue and correct the identified deficiencies in order to ensure respect for and protection of the political rights of all publicly elected officials and to ensure full compatibility of the Colombian legal framework with the international obligations assumed in the field of human rights Magister en Derecho Penal Maestría

The article is devoted to the analysis of issues of renewed understanding of youth participation as an active subject of the realization of political rights. The discussion regarding the understanding of the identity and difference of political and public rights is primarily highlighted. It is noted that the globalized society changes legal ideology, social existence and transforms approaches to human rights, expanding their interpretation and representing new means and ways of achieving the desired legal ideal. It is proved that the youth is an asset of the country, a large number of young people can stimulate the dynamism necessary to change the social condition of the group. It is the younger generation that is prone to the newest representations in their social and legal life. It is the duty of a democratic state to provide them with the best opportunities for political participation and realization of a legitimate interest. Political stability and the strengthening of democratic standards are the prime interests of the nation, and the role of youth participation in this process is crucial. Young people get additional opportunities in the information field, they are the first to respond to the latest trends in technical progress and have opportunities to use these tools in the political and legal field. Social media as a means of expanding political opportunities are actively used by young people as an exerciser of their political rights. It motivates the activation of scientific research and public movements of various directions, which either determine the need to renew political rights through the abolition of the minimum voting age, or indicate the low political activity and radicalism of the younger generation, their unpreparedness for public life. The author of the article denies such categorical approaches and advocates a reasonable limitation of the age limit for voting. In the praxeological aspect, it is pointed out the need to expand the right to vote by establishing a lower limit than the age of majority. It is also indicated that not only the decrease in age, but also the intensification of youth participation is an indicator of the expansion of political rights. Here, the main criterion is the reality of such involvement and its effectiveness for the legal life of society., Стаття присвячена аналізу питань оновленого розуміння участі молоді як активного суб’єкта реалізації політичних прав. Першочергово висвітлюється дискусія щодо розуміння тотожності та відмінності політичних та громадських прав. Зазначено, що глобалізоване суспільство змінює правову ідеологію, соціальне буття та трансформує підходи до прав людини, розширюючи їх тлумачення та репрезентуючи нові засоби та способи досягнення бажаного правового ідеалу. Доводиться, що молодь є активом країни, велика кількість молодого віку може стимулювати динамізм, необхідний для зміни соціального стану групи. Саме молоде покоління схильне до новітніх репрезентацій у своєму соціально-правовому житті. Обов’язок демократичної держави надати їм найкращі можливості для політичної участі та реалізації законного інтересу. Політична постійність і зміцнення демократичних стандартів є першочерговими інтересами нації, і роль участі молоді в цьому процесі є вирішальною. Молодь отримує додаткові можливості в інформаційній сфері, вони перші реагують на новітні тенденції у технічному прогресі та мають можливості для використання цих засобів в політико-правовій сфері. Соціальні медіа як засіб розширення політичних можливостей активно використовуються саме молоддю як реалізатором своїх політичних прав. Мотивується активізацію наукових досліджень та громадських рухів різногостороннього спрямування, які або визначають потребу оновлення політичних прав через скасування мінімального віку для голосування, або вказують на низьку політичну активність та радикалізм молодого покоління, їх неготовність до громадського життя. Автор статті заперечує такі категоричні підходи та відстоює розумне обмеження вікового виборчого цензу. В праксіологічному аспекті вказано на затребуваність розширення виборчого права шляхом встановлення нижчої межі ніж повноліття. Також вказано, що не тільки зменшення віку, але й активізація участі молоді є показником розширення політичних прав. Тут основним критерієм є реальність такої залученості та ефективність для правового життя суспільства.

Under what conditions can artificial intelligence contribute to political processes without undermining their legitimacy? Thanks to the ever-growing availability of data and the increasing power of decision-making algorithms, the future of political institutions is unlikely to be anything similar to what we have known throughout the last century, possibly with parliaments deprived of their traditional authority and public decision-making processes largely unaccountable. This paper discusses and challenges these concerns by suggesting a theoretical framework under which algorithmic decision-making is compatible with democracy and, most relevantly, can offer a viable solution to counter the rise of populist rhetoric in the governance arena. Such a framework is based on three pillars: (1) understanding the civic issues that are subjected to automated decision-making; (2) controlling the issues that are assigned to AI; and (3) evaluating and challenging the outputs of algorithmic decision-making.

This paper analyzes the issue of the rights of former prisoners in general elections in Indonesia. General Election Commission Regulation Number 20 of 2018 concerning the nomination of members of the People's Representative Council, Provincial DPRD, and Regency/City Regional People's Representative Council which is related to the provisions of Article 4 paragraph (3) and Article 7 letter (g) of the PKPU which emphasizes the necessity in the selection of prospective legislative candidates does not include former convicts of corruption, drug dealers, and sexual crimes. This research is a type of normative legal research. The approach taken is a statutory approach and a case approach, with analytical prescriptive legal analysis techniques. The meaning of the political rights of former prisoners in the perspective of Pancasila democracy is to withdraw the rights that have been given by the State, namely the right to be elected and to vote in the general election of a former prisoners solely to guarantee the recognition and respect for human rights and basic freedoms others, decency, public order, and the interests of the nation.

Seçme hakkı, birey ve devlet arasında köprü kuran siyasal haklar kategorisinde yer alır. Bu hak, devletin oluşumu ve karar alma sürecine bireyin katılımını sağladığı için, demokrasinin zorunlu unsurlarındandır. Önceleri yalnızca erkeklerin belli bir kısmına ait olan seçme hakkı, zamanla eşitliğe uygun biçimde herkese tanınmıştır. Böylece, evrensel ilkelerden bir olan genel oy ilkesine ulaşılmıştır. Ancak genel oy ilkesi, makul sınırlar koymayı engellemez. Diğer bir deyişle genel oy, her insanın seçme hakkını kullanması anlamına gelmez. Söz konusu makûl sınırlardan biri de, yaş şartıdır. Seçme hakkı, Anayasa’da 67. maddede düzenlenir. İnsan Hakları Avrupa Sözleşmesi’nde (İHAS) düzenlenmeyen serbest seçim hakkı ise, İnsan Hakları Avrupa Sözleşmesi’ne Ek 1 no.lu Protokol m. 3’le düzenlenmiştir. Bu bağlamda, ülkemizde seçmen yaşı – 1934’te 18 yaştan 22 yaşa yükseltme hariç – sürekli düşme eğilimi göstererek, 1995 Anayasa değişikliği ile 18 yaşa düşürülmüştür. Seçilme yaşı ise, 2017 Anayasa değişikliği ile 18 yaşa düşürülmüştür. Böylece, seçme ve seçilme yaşı eşitlenmiştir. Oy hakkında temel ilke eşitliktir. Eşitlik bağlamında, yaş, seçim türü, vb. açılardan ideal ilkeler belirlenebilir. The category of political rights builds the bridge between the individual and the state. The rights to vote and be elected are among the rights in this category. These rights are essential elements of democracy, as they contribute to the formation of the state and the participation of the individual in the decisionmaking process. The right to vote, which previously belonged only to a certain part of men, has been granted to everyone in accordance with equality over time. Thus, the principle of universal suffrage, which is one of the universal principles, has been reached. However, the principle of universal suffrage does not preclude setting reasonable limits. In other words, universal suffrage does not mean that every person can exercise their right to vote. One of these reasonable limits is the age requirement. The right to free elections is regulated in Article 67 of the Constitution. The right to free elections, which is not regulated in the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms (ECHR), is regulated by article 3 of First Protocol to the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms. In this context, the voting age in our country has generally tended to decrease. However, in 1934 rise from 18 to 22 is excluded. The voting age was reduced to 18 with the 1995 constitutional amendment. The election age was reduced to 18 with the 2017 Constitutional Amendment. Thus, voting and election age are equalized. The basic principle about voting is equality. In the context of equality, age, type of election, etc. some ideal principles can be determined.

The Paper is devoted to the study of the concept of constitutional and legal forms of political activity of citizens, which are carried out by information and communication technologies and their classification.It is considered the concept of political and legal activity of citizens on the Internet, which is interdisci- plinary and includes such practices as online consultations, e-elections, e-participation, online polls, e-pe- titions, online chats, group decision-making online, etc. It is noted that the above list applies only to those social activity of citizens that has a political and legal nature and are implemented through ICT, and this list tends to expand. The Paper highlights the criteria for the classification of constitutional and legal forms of political activity of citizens, which are carried out by information and communication technologies. The di- vision takes into account the form of democracy, the degree of mandatory use of certain ICT tools, the degree of mandatory decision-making based on the use of ICT tools, functional purpose or scope of review of the issue, which becomes the subject of citizen participation.It is emphasized that the political activity of citizens, implemented through ICT, is an element of e-democ- racy, but its implementation takes place within the framework of representative and participatory democracy, due to the features of use of computer-mediated communication., Статтю присвячено дослідженню поняття конституційно-правових форм політичної активності гро- мадян, що реалізуються за допомогою інформаційно-комунікаційних технологій та їх класифікації.Розглянуто поняття політико-правової активності громадян в Інтернеті, яке є міждисциплінарним та включає такі практики, як онлайн-консультації, електронні вибори, електронну участь, онлайн-о- питування, електронні петиції, онлайн-чати, прийняття групових рішень в онлайн-режимі тощо. За- уважено, що наведений перелік стосується тільки тих проявів соціальної активності громадян, що ма- ють політико-правовий характер і реалізуються за допомогою ІКТ, а сам цей перелік має тенденцію до розширення. В статті знайшли висвітлення критерії для класифікації конституційно-правових форм політичної активності громадян, що реалізуються за допомогою інформаційно-комунікаційних тех- нологій. Поділ відбувається із врахуванням форми здійснення народовладдя, ступеня обов’язковості використання тих чи інших інструментів ІКТ, ступеню обов’язковості прийняття рішень за результа- тами використання інструментів ІКТ, суб’єктного складу, функціонального призначення чи масштабу огляду питання, яке стає предметом участі громадян.Наголошено, що політична активність громадян, що реалізуються за допомогою ІКТ, є елементом електронної демократії, проте її здійснення відбувається в рамках представницької та дорадчої демо- кратії з огляду на особливості використання саме комп’ютерно-опосередкованої комунікації.

Tiesību zinātne Tiesību zinātne Law Science Law Science Bakalaura darbā pētīts Latvijas Republikas Satversmes 103. pantā noteiktās personu pulcēšanās brīvības ierobežošanas tiesiskais regulējums. Tiesības uz miermīlīgu pulcēšanos, līdzīgi kā tiesības uz vārda brīvību un tiesības uz biedrošanos, ir viena no demokrātiskas sabiedrības pamatvērtībām. Pulcēšanās tiesību nodrošināšanā būtiska loma ir pašvaldībām, kuras saņem pieteikumus par pulcēšanos. Savukārt pulcēšanās pasākumos būtiska nozīme ir Valsts policijas un pašvaldības policijas rīcībai nodrošinot pulcēšanās pasākuma mierīgu norisi un personu drošību. Praksē izvērtējot pieteikumus par pulcēšanos un nodrošinot gājienu, piketu un sapulču mierīgu norisi rodas problemātiskas situācijas, jo pulcēšanās tiesību tiesiskā regulējuma interpretācija ir sarežģīta. Sabiedrība pulcēšanās tiesību ierobežojumiem pievērš lielu uzmanību. Pētījuma mērķis: izpētīt pulcēšanās brīvības un tās ierobežošanas tiesisko regulējumu, apkopot secinājumus un ieteikt priekšlikumus tiesiskā regulējuma pilnveidošanai. Pētījuma galvenie secinājumi: Aizdomas, pieļāvumi, pat pierādījumi, ka plānotā gājiena, mītiņa sapulces vai demonstrācijas laikā iespējami kontrpasākumi no pasākuma oponentiem, kā arī pieļāvumi, ka paši dalībnieki veiks pretlikumīgas darbības, vēl nedod pamatu pasākuma aizliegšanai. Tieši šo kontrpasākumu vai likumpārkāpumu novēršanai tiesībsargājošajām iestādēm ir jāveic savi pasākumi, lai plānotais pasākums varētu noritēt mierīgi. The bachelor's thesis researches the legal regulation of the restriction of the freedom of assembly of persons stipulated in Article 103 of the Constitution of the Republic of Latvia. The right to peaceful assembly, like the right to freedom of expression and the right to association, is one of the fundamental values of a democratic society. Local governments, which receive applications for assembly, play an important role in ensuring the right of assembly. On the other hand, in gathering events, the actions of the State Police and municipal police are essential in ensuring the peaceful conduct of the gathering event and the safety of persons. In practice, when evaluating applications for assembly and ensuring the peaceful conduct of marches, pickets and meetings, problematic situations arise, because the interpretation of the legal regulation of the right to assembly is complicated. Society pays a lot of attention to restrictions on the right of assembly. The purpose of the study: to study the legal regulation of freedom of assembly and its restriction, to summarize the conclusions and recommend proposals for improving the legal regulation. The main conclusions of the study: Suspicions, assumptions, even evidence that countermeasures from opponents of the event are possible during the planned march, rally meeting or demonstration, as well as assumptions that the participants themselves will perform illegal actions, do not yet provide grounds for banning the event. It is precisely to prevent these countermeasures or violations that the law enforcement authorities must take their own measures so that the planned event can proceed peacefully.

La disolución del poder colonial en la América española creó una serie de interrogantes respecto al ordenamiento jurídico-político de los futuros estados soberanos. En este sentido, el proyecto constitucional presentado por Simón Bolívar ante el Segundo Congreso Nacional de Venezuela reunido en Angostura en 1819 insistió en la idea de que el control político del país debía estar al mando de un poder central conservador capaz de garantizar los derechos ciudadanos sin menoscabo de la estabilidad sociopolítica del orden republicano. El presente artículo examina la concepción bolivariana del cuerpo político venezolano a la luz de las circunstancias sociohistóricas a las que el Libertador debió hacer frente durante aquellos años de lucha independista. The end of colonial rule in Spanish America posed difficult questions regarding the political organization of the newly sovereign states. In this respect, the constitutional project presented by Simón Bolívar to the Second National Congress of Venezuela, which met in Angostura in 1819, insisted that the country should be under the control of a conservative central power capable of guaranteeing the rights of the individual without endangering the socio-political stability of the republican order. This article examines the Liberator’s conception of the Venezuelan political body in the light of the socio-historical circumstances he was forced to confront during the Wars of Independence.

La Convención Americana sobre Derechos Humanos establece que la limitación de derechos políticos de servidores elegidos por voto popular debe darse por un juez competente dentro de un proceso penal. Ante esta situación, la Corte Interamericana de Derechos Humanos en el caso del alcalde de Bogotá ordenó adecuar la normatividad interna al considerar que una autoridad administrativa no puede restringir derechos políticos a este tipo de servidores. En Colombia, para cumplir con la obligación de adecuación se adelantó una reforma legislativa que esencialmente creó una función jurisdiccional a la Procuraduría General de la Nación, entidad encargada de ejercer potestad disciplinaria frente a servidores elegidos por voto popular, esperando cumplir así la Convención. Sin embargo, bajo un análisis comparado se pudo establecer la particularidad en Colombia de la competencia otorgada al órgano de control y la necesidad de un diseño institucional acorde a las obligaciones internacionales, buscando que la potestad sancionatoria sea otorgada a los jueces quienes gozan de mayor independencia y autonomía. The American Convention on Human Rights establishes that the limitation of political rights of public servants elected by popular vote must be made by a competent judge within a criminal proceeding. In view of this situation, the Inter-American Court of Human Rights in the case of the Mayor of Bogota ordered the adaptation of domestic legislation, considering that an administrative authority cannot restrict the political rights of this type of public servant. In Colombia, in order to comply with the obligation of adaptation, a legislative reform was carried out that essentially created a jurisdictional function for the Office of the Attorney General of the Nation, an entity in charge of exercising disciplinary powers over public servants elected by popular vote, in the hope of complying with the Convention. However, under a comparative analysis it was possible to establish the particularity in Colombia of the competence granted to the control body and the need for an institutional design in accordance with international obligations, seeking that the sanctioning power be granted to judges who enjoy greater independence and autonomy

This article describes the standards established in the Inter-American Human Rights System applicable to the restriction of political rights. Specifically, the analysis focuses on the transit provided by the Colombian legal system regarding the limitation of these rights through disci­plinary sanctions as an expression of the punitive power of the State. To that end, it examines domestic legislation, the jurisprudence of the Constitutional Court on the subject, the international condemnation of the Colombian State by the Inter-American Court of Human Rights and the adequacy of the domestic legal system carried out because of this conviction. Finally, there is a reflection on the State’s refusal to adopt the human rights parameters that have been set for regulating the exercise of political rights., En el presente artículo se realiza una descripción de los estándares establecidos en el Sistema Interamericano de Derechos Humanos aplicables a la restricción de los derechos políticos. Concretamente, el análisis se centra en el tránsito experimentado por el ordenamiento jurídico colombiano frente a la limitación de estos derechos mediante sanciones disciplinarias como ex­presión del poder punitivo del Estado. Para tal efecto, se examinan la legislación interna, la jurisprudencia de la Corte Constitucional pertinente a la materia, la condena internacional del Estado colombiano por parte de la Corte Interamericana de Derechos Humanos y la adecuación del ordenamiento jurídico interno llevada a cabo con ocasión de esta condena. Finalmente, se hace una reflexión acerca de la negativa estatal de adoptar los parámetros que en materia de derechos humanos se han fijado para la reglamentación del ejercicio de los derechos políticos.

The text is devoted to the analysis of the areas of complementary links between the right of access to public information and the right of petition, proposals and complaints as constitutionally guaranteed political rights of the individual. The paper discusses the nature of the complementary links between the analysed rights by pointing to their essence as political rights, their importance for the public interest, their significance for the shaping of civic attitudes and the functioning of the individual in the civil society. This is in addition to the control and participatory functions, clearly discernible in the case of each of these rights colser. Due to the need to bring the essence of each of the analysed rights, the text contains the characteristics of the constitutional guarantees contained in Art. 63 of the Constitution. 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The world community’s shift from an industrial society to an information one has significantly affected all types of citizens’ political activity. More and more such forms are carried out by information and communication technologies and get constitutional and legislative foundations due to their importance for developing e-democracy and ensuring the political rights and freedoms of citizens. It is an important part of constitutional mechanisms for implementation of political rights as a part of e-democracy. The aforementioned issues are relevant not only from a theoretical point of view, but also in the praxeological aspect. To come to a common understanding of how information and communication technologies can positively support democratic processes such as improving government through engaging citizens in decision-making, this essay concerns the topic of concept and functions of constitutional and legal forms of political activity of citizens, which are implemented with ICT. Firstly, the constitutional and legal forms of political activity of citizens implemented through ICT are an appropriate element of the functioning of e-democracy and are an expression of advisory democracy. In essence, such forms are an external expression of democracy, but given the peculiarities that they are associated with the collection, processing, storage, distribution, display and use of certain data through certain software. Such information is created in the process of communication between public authorities or local governments with citizens, and therefore the effective functioning of various ICT, which serve as a platform for political activity of citizens requires compliance with criteria such as inclusiveness, transparency, discussion through effective channels, guaranteeing citizens public affairs and cost-effectiveness of state or local budgets. Secondly, the main functions performed by the various instruments of e-democracy in the exercise of citizens' political rights are monitoring, setting the agenda and facilitating decision-making. Proper performance of these functions is possible under the conditions of preventing the use of "hate speech", providing feedback on the opinions offered by citizens and understanding and anticipation of risks as the results obtained., Перехід світової спільноти від індустріального суспільства до інформаційного істотно вплинув на всі види політичної активності громадян. Дедалі більше таких форм здійснюється за допомогою інформаційно-комунікаційних технологій (ІКТ) і отримує конституційне та законодавче підґрунтя через їх важливість для розвитку електронної демократії та забезпечення політичних прав і свобод громадян. Це важлива частина конституційних механізмів реалізації політичних прав як частини електронної демократії. Зазначені питання є актуальними не лише з теоретичної точки зору, а й у праксеологічному аспекті. Щоб прийти до спільного розуміння того, як інформаційно-комунікаційні технології можуть позитивно підтримувати демократичні процеси, такі як удосконалення державного управління через залучення громадян до прийняття рішень, ця стаття присвячена визначенню поняття та функцій конституційно-правових форм політичної діяльності громадян, які реалізуються за допомогою ІКТ. Вказується, по-перше, реалізовані через ІКТ конституційно-правові форми політичної діяльності громадян є відповідним елементом функціонування електронної демократії та є вираженням дорадчої демократії. По суті, такі форми є зовнішнім вираженням демократії, але з урахуванням особливостей, пов’язаних зі збором, обробкою, зберіганням, розповсюдженням, відображенням і використанням певних даних за допомогою певного програмного забезпечення. Така інформація створюється в процесі комунікації органів державної влади чи місцевого самоврядування з громадянами, а тому ефективне функціонування різноманітних ІКТ, які є платформою для політичної активності громадян, потребує дотримання таких критеріїв, як інклюзивність, прозорість, дискусія через ефективну каналів, що гарантують громадянам громадськість та економічність державного чи місцевого бюджетів. По-друге, основними функціями, які виконують різноманітні інструменти електронної демократії у здійсненні політичних прав громадян, є моніторинг, визначення порядку денного та сприяння прийняттю рішень. Належне виконання цих функцій можливе за умов запобігання використанню «мови ворожнечі», забезпечення зворотного зв’язку щодо висловлюваних громадянами думок та розуміння та передбачення ризиків як отриманих результатів.

Lecture on the current situation on and around media, information, disinformation, and propaganda in the context of the Russo-Ukrainian conflict and in perspective given as keynote speaker in the plenary session of the 13th edition of the international scientific media conference “War Media Challenges: Media, Information, Disinformation, Propaganda”, held at the University of Bielsko-Biała, Poland, on 18 November 2022., Lecture given as keynote speaker in the main session of the 13rd edition of the international scientific media conference "War Media Challenges: Media, Information, Disinformation, Propaganda", University of Bielsko-Biała, Poland, 18 November 2022

Digital, Este articulo pretende reflexionar sobre cómo es posible transformar las instituciones de gobernanza de modo que desarrollen sensibilidad frente a las necesidades diferenciadas de las mujeres, desafíen la desigualdad de género y promuevan la realización de sus derechos, teniendo como punto de partida la igualdad y el enfoque de género como parte de los principios rectores más relevantes del acuerdo de paz firmado entre el estado colombiano y las FARC-EP; el cual propende por el reconocimiento de las mujeres como ciudadanas autónomas, sujetos de derechos en relación con el acceso a las condiciones reales de igualdad frente a los hombres, en materia de tierras, proyectos productivos, opciones de financiamiento, estructura, servicios técnicos y formación, lo cual se hace necesario revisar los avances frente al ejercicio de los derechos políticos de las mujeres en Colombia, que permita identificar la evolución hacia una gobernanza transformadora y con perspectiva de género. Cabe decir, que procurar avanzar en la defensa de los derechos políticos de las mujeres en el contexto de lo que hoy se entiende por gobernanza, es una deuda pendiente que tiene Colombia principalmente en el camino hacia la construcción de una paz estable y duradera; así mismo, el objeto de este artículo es dar a conocer como la mujer más allá de ejercer su rol protagónico en su esfera privada es igual de importante en la esfera de lo público máxime cuando las mujeres que fueron incorporadas a las filas de la FARC, de manera involuntaria o por razón de creer en la causa, se convirtieron en un armade guerra y víctima del conflicto armado., This article aims to reflect on how governance institutions can be transformed so that they become sensitive to women's differentiated needs, challenge gender inequality and promote the realization of their rights. In order to achieve this, it is set as starting points equality and a gender approach as part of the most relevant guiding principles of the peace agreement signed between the Colombian State and the FARC-EP; which aims for the recognition of women as autonomous citizens, subjects of rights, with access to real conditions of equality with men, in terms of land distribution, productivity projects, funding options, structure, technical services and training. Hence the need to review the progress made with regard to the exercise of women's political rights in Colombia, that allows to identify the evolution towards a transformative governance and gender perspective. It should be said that seeking to advance in the defense of women's political rights in the context of what is understood today as governance is a major debt that Colombia has on the road to the construction of a stable and lasting peace. Likewise, the purpose of this article is to make known how women, beyond exercising their leading role in their private sphere, are equally important in the public sphere, especially when women who were incorporated into the ranks of the FARC, involuntarily or by reason of believing in the cause, became an armament of war and a victim of armed conflict., Maestría, Magíster en Gestión Pública y Gobierno, Gestión Pública, Gobernanza y Gobernabilidad, Tabla de Contenido Resumen 9 Descripción 9 Summary 11 Abstract 11 Introducción 13 Metodología 17 Evolución Hacia una Gobernanza Transformadora y con Perspectiva de Género 19 ¿Qué se Entiende por Gobernanza? 19 Las Cuatro Olas del Feminismo: Síntesis Histórica y Definiciones Conceptuales 29 Aportes Teóricos de la Perspectiva Feminista a las Relaciones de Género, Política y Estado 33 Discusión 41 Conclusión 49 Bibliografía. 52

This article examines the development of Russian women's citizenship from the standpoint of the theory of citizenship and describes the main directions and milestones of its formation on the historical material. The article proves that the main subjects of the setting up of women's citizenship on the one hand are the women's, feminist, suffragist movement, which put the problems of its social (gender) group before the authorities and sought their solution. On the other hand, there are ‘broad masses of women’, i.e. women of various classes and social groups, who, by changing their daily practices, actually expanded their civil rights and duties. The History of Russian Women as a historical discipline in recent years has accumulated significant factual material about various aspects of the life of Russian women, which made possible such a historical and sociological analysis of the phenomenon of women's citizenship in Russia.

Political rights are fundamental rights. As such, they should be applied to the fullest extent possible. This means that any restriction on political rights must be expressed and take place in accordance with the values contained in the Constitution of the Federative Republic of Brazil. As the hypotheses of ineligibility can only be created by the Federal Constitution and by Complementary Law, Complementary Law 64/90 was published. A hypothesis of ineligibility, however, will be highlighted in this article, that of art. 1?, I, i, of Complementary Law 64/90, on which the question focuses: is this cited hypothesis of restriction on political rights compatible with the Constitution of the Federative Republic of Brazil? Scientific work, through the logical-systematic method and using the analysis of doctrine and jurisprudence. The chapters were divided into an introduction, followed by the discussion about the reconstruction of political rights in the Federal Constitution of 1998, with the constitutional guarantee of the principle of the State of Innocence in the sequence and the deepening of the theme in the fourth chapter entitled unconstitutionality of art. 1?, I, i, of Complementary Law 64/90, in addition to the final considerations. The research concludes pointing to a scenario of unconstitutionality of art. 1?, I, i, of Complementary Law 64/90. Os direitos políticos são direitos fundamentais. Em assim sendo, devem ser aplicados na maior medida possível. Isso significa que qualquer restrição aos direitos políticos deve ser expressa e ocorrer de acordo com os valores contidos na Constituição da República Federativa do Brasil. Como as hipóteses de inelegibilidade só podem ser criadas pela Constituição Federal e por Lei Complementar, foi publicada a Lei Complementar 64/90. Uma hipótese de inelegibilidade, no entanto, será destacada no presente artigo, a do art. 1?, I, i, da Lei Complementar 64/90, sobre a qual incide a questão: é essa hipótese citada de restrição aos direitos políticos compatível com a Constituição da República Federativa do Brasil? O trabalho científico, através do método lógico-sistemático e utilizando-se da análise de doutrina e jurisprudência. Os capítulos foram divididos em introdução, seguido da discussão acerca da reconstrução dos direitos políticos na Constituição Federal de 1998, tendo a garantia constitucional do princípio da Presunção do Estado de Inocência na sequência e o aprofundamento do tema no quarto capítulo intitulado inconstitucionalidade do art. 1?, I, i, da Lei Complementar 64/90, além das considerações finais. A pesquisa conclui sinalizando para um cenário de inconstitucionalidade do art. 1?, I, i, da Lei Complementar 64/90.

La rhétorique politique républicaine tisse volontiers un lien étroit entre citoyenneté et égalité, une sorte de rapport d’interdépendance. Une analyse attentive de l’exclusion des femmes des droits politiques permet toutefois de dévoiler que la dynamique s’établissant entre les deux notions est beaucoup plus complexe. D’une part, le principe d’égalité, à travers son fonctionnement juridique, s’est avéré peu utile pour reconnaître un statut de citoyen qui aurait permis l’inclusion politique des femmes. D’autre part, la dimension exclusive et excluante de la citoyenneté a elle-même généré les luttes identitaires revendiquant l’accès aux droits politiques. L’accès des femmes aux droits politiques ne s’est ainsi pas construit au regard du seul fondement égalitariste, mais a nécessité de s’appuyer aussi sur une conception genrée de la citoyenneté. Republican political rhetoric commonly establishes a close link between citizenship and equality, a kind of relationship of interdependence. However, a careful analysis of the exclusion of women from political rights reveals that the dynamic between the two concepts is much more complex. On the one hand, the principle of equality, through its legal functioning, has proved to be quite useless in recognizing a citizen’s status that allows women’s political inclusion. On the other hand, the exclusive and exclusionary dimension of citizenship itself has generated struggles based on women identity demanding access to political rights. Thus, women’s access to political rights was not built on the basis of egalitarianism alone, but also on the basis of a gendered conception of citizenship.

The purpose of writing this article is to examine more deeply what constitutes the basic considerations, objectives, legal arguments, and reasons for the formulation of political rights for persons with disabilities as stated in Article 5 of Law Number 7 of 2017 concerning General Elections. Judging from the material of the legislation, the Act does not provide legal justice, legal benefits, or legal certainty in the protection, respect, enforcement, and fulfillment of the political rights of persons with disabilities to be elected as candidates for members of the People's Representative Council (DPR) or Regional People's Representative Council (Provincial or Regency/City DPRD). The advantage of this article is that researchers offer to problem-solve in the formulation of the Draft Law on Elections to construct non-discriminatory vulnerable groups, which include women's groups and groups of people with disabilities. The drafters of the Election Law must consider the level of vulnerability of each group and then align it with appropriate policies in the form of relevant affirmative actions. In addition, there is a need to participate in vulnerable groups and NGOs engaged in empowering and advocating for the rights of persons with disabilities.

Significance Measuring the proportion of Tor anonymity network users who employ the system for malicious purposes is important as this technology can facilitate child abuse, the sale of illicit drugs, and the distribution of malware. We show that only a small fraction of users globally (∼6.7%) likely use Tor for malicious purposes on an average day. However, this proportion clusters unevenly across countries, with more potentially malicious Tor users in “free” countries (∼7.8%) than in “not free” regimes (∼4.8%). These results suggest that the countries which host most of the infrastructure of the network and house the Tor Project plausibly experience a disproportional amount of harm from the Tor anonymity network., The Tor anonymity network allows users to protect their privacy and circumvent censorship restrictions but also shields those distributing child abuse content, selling or buying illicit drugs, or sharing malware online. Using data collected from Tor entry nodes, we provide an estimation of the proportion of Tor network users that likely employ the network in putatively good or bad ways. Overall, on an average country/day, ∼6.7% of Tor network users connect to Onion/Hidden Services that are disproportionately used for illicit purposes. We also show that the likely balance of beneficial and malicious use of Tor is unevenly spread globally and systematically varies based upon a country’s political conditions. In particular, using Freedom House’s coding and terminological classifications, the proportion of often illicit Onion/Hidden Services use is more prevalent (∼7.8%) in “free” countries than in either “partially free” (∼6.7%) or “not free” regimes (∼4.8%).

Despite advances in recognition of women’s rights, they are still victims of everyday violence. National and international regulations on gender equality and the promotion of female political participation had a low impact on the underrepresentation of this minority. Law produced without a share of citizenship lacks democratic legitimacy. Mexico and Brazil have a similar history of excluding women from the public sphere, but they currently have different strategies to overcome this democratic deficit. The article, with a descriptive methodology, presents the history and the present situation in both countries. We conclude that there are different ways to increase the representation of women in politics, but parity is a demand for justice. Resumo Apesar dos avanços no reconhecimento dos direitos das mulheres, elas ainda são vítimas de violências cotidianas. As normativas nacionais e internacionais sobre igualdade de gênero e promoção da participação política feminina tiveram baixo impacto na sub-representação dessa minoria. O Direito produzido sem uma parcela da cidadania carece de legitimidade democrática. México e Brasil têm uma história similar de exclusão das mulheres na esfera pública, mas apresentam atualmente estratégias distintas para superar esse déficit democrático. O artigo, com uma metodologia descritiva, apresenta a história e a situação atual nos dois países. Conclui-se que há diferentes caminhos para incrementar a representação de mulheres na política, mas a paridade é exigência de justiça.

Resumo Durante quase meio século, entre 1881 e 1930, o Brasil registrou seus menores índices de participação eleitoral desde a independência até os dias atuais. O presente artigo evidencia que esses índices não eram consequência apenas das cláusulas constitucionais que excluíam do direito de voto mulheres e analfabetos. Ao longo do período enfocado o parlamento brasileiro atuou como uma barreira de contenção, promulgando reformas eleitorais ordinárias que dificultavam o alistamento de cidadãos que, em teoria, poderiam gozar dos direitos políticos. Essas reformas eram decretadas em momentos de expansão do eleitorado e acabavam por estancar pequenos ciclos de aumento da franquia eleitoral. As dificuldades de acesso aos direitos políticos criadas por meio desses mecanismos atingiram principalmente os mais pobres e os egressos da escravidão, os impactos dessas reformas no corpo do eleitorado serão demonstrados ao longo do texto. Abstract Brazil registered its lowest records of post-independence electoral participation thus far, for nearly half a century, between the years of 1881 and 1930. This article highlights the fact that such low records were not the consequence of constitutional clauses alone, which impeded the vote of women and illiterates. Throughout the period under consideration, the Brazilian parliament enacted electoral reforms that hampered voter registration for citizens who were eligible to vote anteriorly. The enactment of the three reforms happened during a time of electorate expansion and so led to the stagnation of small cycles of eligibility growth. The hindrances to access political rights exacerbated by these mechanisms affected mainly the poor and former slaves. The impact of such reforms on the electorate will be argued throughout the text.

espanolEn este trabajo se analiza la revocatoria de inscripcion de las candidaturas y sus efectos en los derechos al sufragio pasivo y a la representacion politica. Para ello se estudiaron los 106 tramites de revocatoria de candidaturas que conocio el Consejo Nacional Electoral (CNE) con ocasion de las elecciones del Congreso de la Republica 2018-2022. Los casos se clasificaron de acuerdo con las condiciones para la presentacion de listas de candidatos al Congreso de la Republica: (i) circunscripciones ordinarias; (ii) circunscripcion especial de las comunidades afrodescendientes; (iii) circunscripcion de las comunidades indigenas, y (iv) las curules de las FARC reconocidas en el Acto Legislativo 03 de 2017. Este estudio se confronto con las acciones de nulidad electoral promovidas ante la Seccion Quinta del Consejo de Estado para el mismo periodo electoral, con el objeto de establecer coincidencias y determinar la utilidad de la coexistencia de dos mecanismos independientes con una finalidad similar. EnglishThis chapter analyzes the revocation of the registration of candidates and its effects in passive suffrage and political representation. 106 cases for the revocation of candidacies, solved by the National Electoral Council (CNE), during the elections to the Congress of the Republic 2018-2022, were considered for the analysis. The cases were classified according to the conditions by which the lists of candidates for the Congress of the Republic were issued: (i) ordinary constituencies; (ii) special constituency of Afro-descendant communities; (iii) constituency of indigenous communities; and (iv) The FARC seats recognized in Constitutional Amendment 03 of 2017. This analysis is confronted with the electoral nullity actions solved by the Fifth Section of the State Council for the same electoral period, in order to establish coincidences and determine the utility of the coexistence between two independent mechanisms with a similar purpose.

China is a rising power of the twenty-first century with its brilliant economic performance as a result of the transition to the free market economy model. However, China’s economic development process has caused high environmental costs. For the past decade, China has been the leading country responsible for global carbon dioxide emissions (CO2). Therefore, determining the dynamics that have a reducing effect on CO2 emissions in China is very important for the development of sustainable environmental policies. This paper aims to examine the impacts of the institutional structure on environmental sustainability in China. To this end, the study follows the method of cointegration with multiple breaks that produce robust econometric results and consider structural changes. According to the results, (i) the validity of an N-shaped EKC relationship is supported between economic growth and environmental pollution. (ii) Industrialization and trade have an increasing impact on environmental pollution. (iii) Political rights and civil liberties have a reducing effect on environmental pollution. Consequently, this study implies that political rights and civil liberties can make an important contribution to achieving sustainability goals in China. © 2020, Springer-Verlag GmbH Germany, part of Springer Nature.

Parliamentary threshold or political party threshold to occupy the people's representatives in parliament is a provision that has been regulated in the law. Article 414 paragraph (1) of Law Number 7 of 2017 concerning General Elections regulates the existence of a parliamentary threshold. This means that the parliamentary threshold is legal. Especially based on legal considerations of the Constitutional Court in the Constitutional Court Decision Number 3 / PUU-VII / 2009 and Constitutional Court Decision Number 20/PUU-XVI/2018, the parliamentary threshold is an open legal policy so that it can be said to be constitutional. But in reality the application of the parliamentary threshold limits political rights. The limitation of political rights occurs to participants and voters in the General Election

Purpose: There are significant differences between countries in transition from socialism to market economy, and hence differences in investment flows. As a result, the level of economic growth, competitiveness, and integration into the world markets differs significantly. Different transformation strategies, economic policies, and the level of openness of the economy explain the differences between countries. It is revealed that the level of political rights, civil liberties and economic freedom significantly affect investment flows. The aim of this article is to highlight these differences and evaluate them. Design/Methodology/Approach: Data from 18 countries in transition are used to analyze investment security management. Findings: The study has found that countries in transition have a low level of investment flows and a low level of investment security. On average, net investment inflows account for 3.5% of GDP. There is a positive relationship between investment outflows and gross capital formation, gross savings, GDP growth, and the index of economic freedom, however, on the other hand there is negative relationship between capital outflows and the index of political rights and civil liberties. Originality/Value: Investment security management depends on institutions and institutional infrastructure as well as the ability to stimulate investment in the country. Reducing trade barriers and opening up the economy also contributes to increase investment in the country. Over the past ten years, investments in countries in transition have declined considerably due to weak investment security management., peer-reviewed

Presented article is prepared within the Research Project “Law of Political Parties” held by the faculty of Law and International Relations of Georgian Technical University. Тhe purpose of the article is to analyze the main mechanisms that guarantees the parliamentary representation of national and ethnic minorities in Romania. Authors review in detail the correlation of concept of equality principle and positive discrimination in regard with national and ethnic minorities. Clear distinction is given between Hungarian minority, as a successfully political movement and all other minorities, which were able to gain mandates only through positive discrimination. In conclusion authors underline some advantages of Romanian electoral system, but also refer to weaknesses, which should be eliminated and suggest some recommendations for possible improvements., Данная статья подготовлена в рамках исследовательского проекта «Право политических партий», который реализуется факультетом права и международных отношений Грузинского технического университета. Основной целью статьи является анализ механизмов, гарантирующих представительство национальных и этнических меньшинств в парламенте Румынии. Авторы подробно рассматривают соотношение концепции равенства и позитивной дискриминации по отношению к национальным и этническим меньшинствам. Четкое различие проводится между венгерским меньшинством, как успешным политическим движением и всеми другими меньшинствами, которые смогли получить мандаты только благодаря позитивной дискриминации. Отмечены определенные преимущества румынской избирательной системы, а также выделены недостатки, требующие устранения, а также предложены рекомендации, направленные на улучшение этой системы., Статтю підготовлено в рамках дослідницького проекту «Право політичних партій», який реалізується факультетом права і міжнародних відносин Грузинського технічного університету. Основною метою публікації є аналіз механізмів, що гарантують представництво національних і етнічних меншин у парламенті Румунії. Докладно розглянуто співвідношення концепції рівності і позитивної дискримінації по відношенню до національних та етнічних меншин. Чітке розмежування проводиться між угорською меншиною як успішним політичним рухом і всіма іншими меншинами, які змогли отримати мандати тільки завдяки позитивній дискримінації. Зазначено певні переваги румунської виборчої системи, а також окреслено недоліки, які потребують усунення. Сформульовано рекомендації, спрямовані на поліпшення цієї системи.

La Procuraduría General de la Nación, es una Autoridad Administrativa, encargada de investigar en proceso disciplinario y en este marco emitir sanción a los servidores públicos, así mismo, tiene la facultad legal de restringir derechos políticos como el de elegir y ser elegido, sin embargo, a voces del numeral 2 del artículo 23 de la Convención Americana de Derechos Humanos, dicha facultad debe estar en cabeza de un juez y la limitación realizarse en un proceso penal, por ello en sentencia del 8 de julio de 2020, la Corte Interamericana de Derechos Humanos ordenó al Estado colombiano para que en un plazo razonable ajuste sus normas internas a las disposiciones que establece la Convención. The Attorney General's Office is an Administrative Authority, in charge of investigating and disciplining public servants, it also has the legal power to restrict political rights such as the right to elect and be elected, however, according to numeral 2 of Article 23 of the Inter-American Convention on Human Rights, such power must be in the hands of a judge and the limitation must be made in a criminal proceeding, therefore, in a judgment of July 8, 2020, the Colombian State was ordered to adjust its domestic legal system to the provisions of the Convention within a reasonable period of time. Magister en Derecho Público http://unidadinvestigacion.usta.edu.co Maestría

This article aims to carry out a review of the requirements and impediments to be a candidate for representative public office required by current legislation, in order to submit them to evaluation to determine whether the current regulatory framework is sufficient to ensure, precisely, the “ suitability "or" aptitude ", especially in its" ethical "dimension, of said candidates; being that, on the basis of this, some recommendations can be formulated that allow optimizing that principle of suitability for the exercise of public office. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.7062454, En el presente artículo se pretende realizar una revisión de los requisitos e impedimentos para ser candidato a cargos públicos representativos que exige en la legislación vigente, a efectos de someterlos a evaluación para dilucidar si el marco normativo vigente resulta suficiente para asegurar, precisamente, la “idoneidad” o “aptitud”, sobre todo en su dimensión “ética”, de dichos candidatos; siendo que, sobre la base de ello, se puedan formular algunas recomendaciones que permitan optimizar aquel principio de idoneidad para el ejercicio de cargos públicos.

Рукопись поступила в редакцию: 26.08.2022. Принята к публикации: 20.10.2022. Received: 26.08.2022. Accepted: 20.10.2022. Рецензия на книгу: Женщина и Государство: историко-политическое и социально-правовое измерения взаимоотношений (проблемный подход) / под. ред. А. А. Керимова. — Екатеринбург : Изд-во Урал. ун-та, 2022. — 240 с. Статья написана в связи с выходом коллективной монографии, посвященной проблемам взаимоотношений женщины и государства. Интерес к данной работе вызван постановкой в ней вопроса, в котором рассматриваются различные аспекты проблемы через призму социальных и гуманитарных наук. Оценивая содержание монографии, необходимо выделить использование авторами различных подходов, что позволило им сделать ряд убедительных выводов. В рецензии обоснован вывод о значении данной монографии в приращении знаний в исследуемой области. Научную работу авторского коллектива можно отнести к числу первых попыток комплексного изучения проблемы, в ней представлены результаты, имеющие практическое значение для специалистов в области исторических, политических, социологических наук и т. д. Review of: Kerimov, A. A. (ed.) (2022), Zhenshhina i Gosudarstvo: istorikopoliticheskoe i social’no-pravovoe izmerenija vzaimootnoshenij (problemnyj podhod) [Woman and the State: historical, political and socio-legal dimensions of relationships (problem approach)], Ural University Publishing House, Yekaterinburg, 240 p. (in Russian). The article was written in connection with the publication of a collective monograph devoted to the problems of the relationship between women and the state. The interest in this work is caused by the formulation of a question in it, which examines various aspects of the problem through the prism of social and humanitarian sciences. Assessing the content of the monograph, it is necessary to highlight the use of various approaches by the authors, which allowed them to draw a number of convincing conclusions. The review substantiates the conclusion about the importance of this monograph in the increment of knowledge in the field under study. The scientific work of the author’s team can be attributed to one of the first attempts at a comprehensive study of the problem, it presents the results that are of practical importance for specialists in the field of historical, political, sociological sciences, etc.

Interdisciplinary Academic and Research Journal, 2, 2, 179-200

The right to vote is among the pillars of a representative democracy. The right promotes democracy by ensuring that citizens participate indirectly in the affairs of the government of their country by freely electing the leaders they want. This article examines the theoretical and practical aspects of the right to vote in Tanzania. In particular, the article provides a critical examination of the laws and practices relating to parliamentary elections in Tanzania and their implications for the right to vote. The article argues that the right to vote is not effectively guaranteed in Tanzania, in law or in practice. In particular, the article demonstrates that the electoral laws as well as practices in Tanzania deny the citizens the right to freely elect their representatives/members of parliament. The electoral law and related practices give a mandate to few people who make decisions for the majority. The electoral laws and practices make citizens the rubberstamp of decisions taken by the few instead of their being the key decision makers.

Resumen Los tribunales electorales tienen un objetivo de pacificación social; pues se trata de salvaguardar la legitimidad de una determinada forma de organización socio-política. En este sentido, su responsabilidad es cumplir con el principio de transparencia y publicidad como forma de rendición de cuentas y vinculo necesario con quienes recurren a sus servicios. Por ello, y dado el interés político que revisten sus actividades, es deseable establecer parámetros mínimos respecto a la forma de comunicación de los juzgadores electorales con la ciudadanía, lo cual involucra, en su análisis. la búsqueda de equilibrio entre: la ética judicial, transparencia, derecho a la información, rendición de cuentas y libertad de expresión. Este equilibrio se logra bajo los presupuestos del discurso, la ponderación y la argumentación; estructuras previas que posibilitan justificar la excepcionalidad de la secrecía judicial como regla general en el proceso de comunicación previa a la existencia de la cosa juzgada. Ante esto, la trilogía presupuestal propuesta utilitaria sirve como herramienta para determinar los límites del juzgador electoral en la comunicación de sus proyectos de sentencia, previo a su discusión colegiada. Abstract The electoral courts have an objective of social pacification; as it is about safeguarding the legitimacy of a certain form of socio-political organization. In this sense, its responsibility is to comply with the principle of transparency and publicity as a form of accountability and necessary link with those who use its services. For this reason, and given the political interest that their activities, it is desirable to establish minimum parameters regarding the form of communication between electoral judges and citizens, which it involves in their analysis. the search for balance between judicial ethics, transparency, right to information, accountability, and freedom of expression. This balance is achieved under the assumptions of discourse, pondering, and argumentation; previous structures that make it possible to justify the exceptionality of the judicial secretariat as a general rule in the communication process before the existence of a final judgment. Given this, the proposed utilitarian budget trilogy serves as a tool to determine the limits of the electoral judge in the communication of their draft sentences, before their collegiate discussion.

Resumo O presente artigo tem por objetivo brevemente demonstrar como o histórico silenciamento da voz feminina em espaços públicos reverbera na severa sub-representação feminina na política, adotando-se a perspectiva de que a historicidade da construção das figuras de poder em diversos contextos é, ao lado de outros elementos, definidor da baixa representatividade feminina na política. Para tanto, este estudo adota a metodologia de revisão bibliográfica e análise de relatórios de pesquisas desenvolvidas sobre o assunto que apresentam dados estatísticos sobre essa realidade, bem como a utilização de exemplos atuais e históricos que demonstram os diversos contornos práticos dos obstáculos vivenciados pelas mulheres na busca por efetiva igualdade de acesso aos espaços de poder. Ao final, conclui-se que os direitos políticos das mulheres no Brasil não possuem efetividade, tornando-se necessária e urgente a modificação desse cenário. Abstract This article briefly aims to demonstrate how the historical silencing of the female voice in public spaces reverberates in the severe women under-representation in politics, adopting the perspective that the historicity of the construction of power’s figures in different contexts is, alongside other elements, something that defining the low female representation in politics. Therefore, this study adopts the methodology of literature review and analysis of research reports developed about the subject with statistical data about it, as well as the use of current and historical examples that demonstrate the various practical contours of the obstacles experienced by women in search for effective equality of access to spaces of power. In the end, it is concluded that women’s political rights in Brazil are not effective, and it’s necessary and urgent to change this.

The aim of this report is to provide a broad overview of the current state of gender equality in Tajikistan. While the Europe and Central Asia (ECA) region traditionally surpassed many other regions in terms of gender equality, this advantage has been eroding in recent decades. Particularly in Tajikistan, concerns have been raised that men and women have unequally born the consequences of economic, political, and social transitions after independence in 1991. The report examines several dimensions of gender equality both quantitatively and qualitatively. Tajikistan has set up a legal framework that enshrines principles of equality and non-discrimination, but better implementation results require continued efforts. Prevailing social norms and patriarchal systems of decision-making limit women s ability to make effective choices be it at home or at work. The paper is structured along the following lines. The first section introduces the idea of agency that will remain an important issue throughout the report. This is followed by an analysis of disparities in human capital endowment, including health and education. Gender gaps in the Tajik labor market and entrepreneurial activities of men and women are discussed in the fourth and fifth section. The final section concludes with some policy recommendations that might be beneficial for discussions among policy-makers, civil society actors, and development partners.

Migrants occupy a special place within the discourse of human rights. They live their lives in a country which is not their own, putting a claim on communities, to which they are not a member, to recognize them as rights-bearers. They do so on the basis of their membership to the family of human beings, which defines the core of what it means to have human rights. At the same time, the framework of human rights as the corner stone of international law endorses the self-sovereignty of bounded political communities that inevitably divides between insiders and outsiders. During the first decades of the human rights movement, this discrepancy between universal personhood and the sovereignty of states was easily ignored as the dominant worldview rested comfortably on the assumption that all residents of states were members. The presence of non-members within the border of the state was considered an anomaly, a consequence of war and other human inflicted horrors that the human rights framework precisely intended to prevent. Since the 1960s, the share of migrants in the global population fluctuates around the 3 percent, and the issue of migration has appeared on the political agenda of most countries, whether sending, transit or host countries. The focus shifted from refugee protection to national security and border control, and organized migration became progressively more restrictive, selective, and temporary. These changes severely eroded the agency and negotiation power of migrants. Migration has become an increasingly risky and hazardous undertaking. Refugees, asylum seekers, and migrant workers are subject to exclusionary policies and get caught up quite easily in situations that could be considered humiliating and degrading. It raises the question whether the framework of human rights is fit to respond adequately to the phenomenon of migration. Can the human rights accorded to non-members protect them against violations of their dignity? What rights should a person be able to claim when states are committed to leaving the self-respect of all people under their jurisdiction intact, including those people who are considered to be outsiders because they are not citizens? In this thesis, I answer these questions by positioning the non-member as the core representant of the rights-holder. Focusing on harms inflicted on citizens teaches us about states failing to measure up to the commitments that are part of the framework of human rights. A focus on non-members adds something else; it draws our attention to existing gaps within human rights law. Acknowledging that the foundational concept of human dignity is open to multiple interpretations, I propose the notion of non-humiliation as the bare minimum of what dignity should entail. My interpretation of the concept of non-humiliation finds its origin in the ideas of Avishai Margalit. The principal motifs in humiliation are rejection and the loss of basic control. An account of human rights that interprets human dignity as non-humiliation can be described as philosophia negativa, meaning that the absence of harm takes precedence over the pursuit of the ideal of justice. Based on this thin understanding of human dignity, I re-evaluate the human rights currently claimable by non-members in the realms of work and politics. Based on an understanding of work as a capacity that should be one’s inalienable property, I propose to complement the current package of work entitlements with a general right not to be prohibited from working. Based on an understanding of political agency as an essential part of self-expression and belonging, I propose to widen the current human rights regime with a right to consultation, and a right to renounce one’s nationality and thereby to claim membership in the host community.

Migrants occupy a special place within the discourse of human rights. They live their lives in a country which is not their own, putting a claim on communities, to which they are not a member, to recognize them as rights-bearers. They do so on the basis of their membership to the family of human beings, which defines the core of what it means to have human rights. At the same time, the framework of human rights as the corner stone of international law endorses the self-sovereignty of bounded political communities that inevitably divides between insiders and outsiders. During the first decades of the human rights movement, this discrepancy between universal personhood and the sovereignty of states was easily ignored as the dominant worldview rested comfortably on the assumption that all residents of states were members. The presence of non-members within the border of the state was considered an anomaly, a consequence of war and other human inflicted horrors that the human rights framework precisely intended to prevent. Since the 1960s, the share of migrants in the global population fluctuates around the 3 percent, and the issue of migration has appeared on the political agenda of most countries, whether sending, transit or host countries. The focus shifted from refugee protection to national security and border control, and organized migration became progressively more restrictive, selective, and temporary. These changes severely eroded the agency and negotiation power of migrants. Migration has become an increasingly risky and hazardous undertaking. Refugees, asylum seekers, and migrant workers are subject to exclusionary policies and get caught up quite easily in situations that could be considered humiliating and degrading. It raises the question whether the framework of human rights is fit to respond adequately to the phenomenon of migration. Can the human rights accorded to non-members protect them against violations of their dignity? What rights should a person be able to claim when states are committed to leaving the self-respect of all people under their jurisdiction intact, including those people who are considered to be outsiders because they are not citizens? In this thesis, I answer these questions by positioning the non-member as the core representant of the rights-holder. Focusing on harms inflicted on citizens teaches us about states failing to measure up to the commitments that are part of the framework of human rights. A focus on non-members adds something else; it draws our attention to existing gaps within human rights law. Acknowledging that the foundational concept of human dignity is open to multiple interpretations, I propose the notion of non-humiliation as the bare minimum of what dignity should entail. My interpretation of the concept of non-humiliation finds its origin in the ideas of Avishai Margalit. The principal motifs in humiliation are rejection and the loss of basic control. An account of human rights that interprets human dignity as non-humiliation can be described as philosophia negativa, meaning that the absence of harm takes precedence over the pursuit of the ideal of justice. Based on this thin understanding of human dignity, I re-evaluate the human rights currently claimable by non-members in the realms of work and politics. Based on an understanding of work as a capacity that should be one’s inalienable property, I propose to complement the current package of work entitlements with a general right not to be prohibited from working. Based on an understanding of political agency as an essential part of self-expression and belonging, I propose to widen the current human rights regime with a right to consultation, and a right to renounce one’s nationality and thereby to claim membership in the host community.

Migrants occupy a special place within the discourse of human rights. They live their lives in a country which is not their own, putting a claim on communities, to which they are not a member, to recognize them as rights-bearers. They do so on the basis of their membership to the family of human beings, which defines the core of what it means to have human rights. At the same time, the framework of human rights as the corner stone of international law endorses the self-sovereignty of bounded political communities that inevitably divides between insiders and outsiders. During the first decades of the human rights movement, this discrepancy between universal personhood and the sovereignty of states was easily ignored as the dominant worldview rested comfortably on the assumption that all residents of states were members. The presence of non-members within the border of the state was considered an anomaly, a consequence of war and other human inflicted horrors that the human rights framework precisely intended to prevent. Since the 1960s, the share of migrants in the global population fluctuates around the 3 percent, and the issue of migration has appeared on the political agenda of most countries, whether sending, transit or host countries. The focus shifted from refugee protection to national security and border control, and organized migration became progressively more restrictive, selective, and temporary. These changes severely eroded the agency and negotiation power of migrants. Migration has become an increasingly risky and hazardous undertaking. Refugees, asylum seekers, and migrant workers are subject to exclusionary policies and get caught up quite easily in situations that could be considered humiliating and degrading. It raises the question whether the framework of human rights is fit to respond adequately to the phenomenon of migration. Can the human rights accorded to non-members protect them against violations of their dignity? What rights should a person be able to claim when states are committed to leaving the self-respect of all people under their jurisdiction intact, including those people who are considered to be outsiders because they are not citizens? In this thesis, I answer these questions by positioning the non-member as the core representant of the rights-holder. Focusing on harms inflicted on citizens teaches us about states failing to measure up to the commitments that are part of the framework of human rights. A focus on non-members adds something else; it draws our attention to existing gaps within human rights law. Acknowledging that the foundational concept of human dignity is open to multiple interpretations, I propose the notion of non-humiliation as the bare minimum of what dignity should entail. My interpretation of the concept of non-humiliation finds its origin in the ideas of Avishai Margalit. The principal motifs in humiliation are rejection and the loss of basic control. An account of human rights that interprets human dignity as non-humiliation can be described as philosophia negativa, meaning that the absence of harm takes precedence over the pursuit of the ideal of justice. Based on this thin understanding of human dignity, I re-evaluate the human rights currently claimable by non-members in the realms of work and politics. Based on an understanding of work as a capacity that should be one’s inalienable property, I propose to complement the current package of work entitlements with a general right not to be prohibited from working. Based on an understanding of political agency as an essential part of self-expression and belonging, I propose to widen the current human rights regime with a right to consultation, and a right to renounce one’s nationality and thereby to claim membership in the host community.

Migrants occupy a special place within the discourse of human rights. They live their lives in a country which is not their own, putting a claim on communities, to which they are not a member, to recognize them as rights-bearers. They do so on the basis of their membership to the family of human beings, which defines the core of what it means to have human rights. At the same time, the framework of human rights as the corner stone of international law endorses the self-sovereignty of bounded political communities that inevitably divides between insiders and outsiders. During the first decades of the human rights movement, this discrepancy between universal personhood and the sovereignty of states was easily ignored as the dominant worldview rested comfortably on the assumption that all residents of states were members. The presence of non-members within the border of the state was considered an anomaly, a consequence of war and other human inflicted horrors that the human rights framework precisely intended to prevent. Since the 1960s, the share of migrants in the global population fluctuates around the 3 percent, and the issue of migration has appeared on the political agenda of most countries, whether sending, transit or host countries. The focus shifted from refugee protection to national security and border control, and organized migration became progressively more restrictive, selective, and temporary. These changes severely eroded the agency and negotiation power of migrants. Migration has become an increasingly risky and hazardous undertaking. Refugees, asylum seekers, and migrant workers are subject to exclusionary policies and get caught up quite easily in situations that could be considered humiliating and degrading. It raises the question whether the framework of human rights is fit to respond adequately to the phenomenon of migration. Can the human rights accorded to non-members protect them against violations of their dignity? What rights should a person be able to claim when states are committed to leaving the self-respect of all people under their jurisdiction intact, including those people who are considered to be outsiders because they are not citizens? In this thesis, I answer these questions by positioning the non-member as the core representant of the rights-holder. Focusing on harms inflicted on citizens teaches us about states failing to measure up to the commitments that are part of the framework of human rights. A focus on non-members adds something else; it draws our attention to existing gaps within human rights law. Acknowledging that the foundational concept of human dignity is open to multiple interpretations, I propose the notion of non-humiliation as the bare minimum of what dignity should entail. My interpretation of the concept of non-humiliation finds its origin in the ideas of Avishai Margalit. The principal motifs in humiliation are rejection and the loss of basic control. An account of human rights that interprets human dignity as non-humiliation can be described as philosophia negativa, meaning that the absence of harm takes precedence over the pursuit of the ideal of justice. Based on this thin understanding of human dignity, I re-evaluate the human rights currently claimable by non-members in the realms of work and politics. Based on an understanding of work as a capacity that should be one’s inalienable property, I propose to complement the current package of work entitlements with a general right not to be prohibited from working. Based on an understanding of political agency as an essential part of self-expression and belonging, I propose to widen the current human rights regime with a right to consultation, and a right to renounce one’s nationality and thereby to claim membership in the host community.

RESUMEN El gran reto de la democracia moderna es la institucionalización de la par ticipación. Desde la década de 1990, así lo han entendido distintos países latinoamericanos, que han llevado a cabo procesos constituyentes en los que la participación ocupa un papel esencial. Entre todos ellos, la Constitución colombiana de 1991 resulta pionera. Su constitucionalización de la partici pación marcó un camino que han seguido otros países de la región. Pero la participación es un derecho que depende de su desarrollo. En los treinta años transcurridos desde su aprobación este concepto se ha ido consolidando en Colombia a través de las leyes estatutarias de desarrollo y la jurisprudencia de la Corte Constitucional. Así se ha ido configurando un sistema participa tivo, complementario a la democracia representativa, donde el derecho de participación ocupa un papel fundamentalmente instrumental de refuerzo a la consecución de otros derechos fundamentales, de control y, en general, de fortalecimiento de la legitimidad de la democracia. ABSTRACT The great challenge of modern democracy is the institutionalization of partici pation. Since the 1990s, this has been understood by different Latin American countries that have carried out constituent processes in which participation plays an essential role. Among all of them, the Colombian Constitution of 1991 is pioneering. Its constitutionalization of participation marked a path that other countries in the region have followed. But participation is a right that depends on its development. In the thirty years since its approval, this concept has been consolidated in Colombia through development laws and the jurisprudence of the Constitutional Court. Thus, a participatory system has been formed, complementary to representative democracy, where the right of participation plays a fundamentally instrumental role in strengthening the achievement of other fundamental rights, control and in strengthening the legitimacy of democracy.

Resumen El derecho a la libre determinación en materia política de los pueblos originarios de México, aun cuando se encuentra reconocido en el artículo 2 de la Constitución Política de los Estados Unidos Mexicanos (2020), debe judicializarse para su ejercicio. En el Derecho constitucional de las entidades federativas de México, si bien es cierto se les reconocen derechos colectivos, no existen leyes de desarrollo constitucional que refieran a los procedimientos a seguir, en caso de que la Asamblea comunitaria de un municipio de mayoría indígena decida elegir a sus autoridades municipales conforme a sus sistemas normativos propios. Ese vacío procesal del sistema electoral mexicano impacta en el ejercicio del derecho colectivo que tienen los pueblos originarios de decidir su destino en materia electoral municipal respetando las reglas constitucionales. Para demostrar lo anterior se hace un análisis del contexto político y jurídico del municipio indígena de Oxchuc-Chiapas, que impulsó la judicialización de ese derecho colectivo y culminó con la celebración de elecciones bajo sistemas normativos propios el 21 de abril del 2019. Abstract The right to self-determination in political matters of the native peoples of Mexico, even when recognized in Article 2 of the Constitución Política de Los Estados Unidos Mexicanos (Political Constitution of the United Mexican States) (2020), must be judicialized for its exercise. In the constitutional law of the federal entities of Mexico, even if collective rights are recognized, there are no constitutionally developed laws that refer to the due procedures, in the case that the Asamblea Comunitaria (Communal Assembly) of a municipality with an indigenous majority decides to elect their municipal authorities in accordance with their own regulatory systems. This procedural gap in the Mexican electoral system impacts the exercise of the collective right that the native peoples have of deciding their destiny regarding municipal electoral matters while respecting constitutional rules. To demonstrate the aforementioned, an analysis is made of the political and legal context of the indigenous municipality of Oxchuc-Chiapas, which caused the judicialization of the mentioned collective right and ended with the holding of elections under its own regulatory systems on April 21, 2019.

The present study investigates the impact of freedom (i.e. the effects of political rights and civil liberties) on tourist arrivals for the eight countries with the highest tourist arrivals in 2016 (France, the United States, Spain, China, Italy, the United Kingdom, Germany, and Mexico), using annual data from 1998 to 2016, through advanced panel data methods. Notably, the key strengths of this study are as follows: (i) it examines the impact of institutional quality on international tourism demand for the most visited countries and (ii) it employs advanced panel data techniques, which have been suggested in recent years. We first constituted a freedom index using political rights and civil liberties data. Second, we performed cross-sectional dependence (CD) tests to examine whether there existed CD in the panel data set. After detecting the presence of CD, we used panel unit root and cointegration tests, which are robust to CD to avoid problems from spurious regression. Finally, we estimated long-run parameters of the empirical model through a panel data estimator that is capable of presenting efficient and unbiased output in the presence of CD. Our empirical findings show that the level of freedom may play a role in explaining the volume of international tourist arrivals. Theoretical and policy implications are discussed in the study, particularly with respect to the importance of rights and freedom in the context of international inbound tourist arrivals.

This research endeavors to build an egalitarian social order that emphasizes human equality and eradicates all forms of discrimination based on identities created by the current social system, including race, religion, ethnicity, skin color, nationality, etc. This is done because research into issues of citizen equality within Muslim political systems is an interesting part of discourse regarding national diversity and ideological issues in governance. Using an empirical approach, this study analyzes the involvement of non-Muslims in practical politics and government in Muslim-majority areas such as Makassar. The involvement of non-Muslims in practical politics is key to the creation of a democratic system of governance. This study contributes an explanation as to why the recognition of non-Muslims' political rights must not solely be viewed in terms of theory, but also in terms of normative and practical structures, as Islam promotes democratic governance in which equality, justice, and tolerance are realized well and no political discrimination is committed against citizens. Through this, the purity of Islam can remain undistorted and the gap between the practiced reality among this Muslim-majority population and fundamental Islamic teachings can be bridged. Keywords: Muslim’s thought; political rights; non-Muslims; Makassar; الملخص يسعى هذا البحث إلى بناء نظام اجتماعي للمساواة الذى يشدد على المساواة بين البشر ويستأصل جميع أشكال التمييز على أساس الهويات التي أنشأها النظام الاجتماعي الحالي، بما في ذلك العرق والدين والعرق ولون البشرة والجنسية وما إلى ذلك. ويتم ذلك لأن البحث في قضايا تعد المساواة بين المواطنين داخل الأنظمة السياسية الإسلامية جزءا مهما من الخطاب المتعلق بالتنوع الوطني والقضايا الأيديولوجية في الحكم. باستخدام منهج تجريبي، تحلل هذه الدراسة مشاركة غير المسلمين في السياسة العملية والحكومة في المناطق ذات الأغلبية المسلمة مثل ماكاسار. إن إشراك غير المسلمين في السياسة العملية هو مفتاح إنشاء نظام حكم ديمقراطي. تسهم هذه الدراسة في تفسير لماذا يجب ألا ينظر إلى الاعتراف بالحقوق السياسية لغير المسلمين من الناحية النظرية فحسب، بل أيضا من حيث الهياكل المعيارية والعملية، حيث أن الإسلام يشجع الحكم الديمقراطي الذي تقوم فيه المساواة والعدالة والتسامح تتحقق بشكل جيد ولا يوجد تمييز سياسي ضد المواطنين. من خلال هذا، يمكن أن تظل نقاء الإسلام غير مشوهة ويمكن سد الفجوة بين الواقع الممارس بين السكان الذين تسكنهم أغلبية مسلمة والتعاليم الإسلامية الأساسية. الكلمات المفتاحية: فكر المسلم؛ الحقوق السياسية؛ غير المسلمين: ماكاسار: Abstrak Penelitian ini merupakan ikhtiar untuk membangun suatu tatanan masyarakat egaliter yang diderivasi dari suatu penegasan tentang kesetaraan manusia dan menghapus segala bentuk diskriminasi berdasarkan identitas-identitas yang diciptakan oleh sistem sosial, seperti, perbedaan ras, agama, suku, warna kulit, golongan, kebangsaan dan sebagainya. Sebab isu kesetaraan warga negara dalam sistem politik Islam menjadi kajian menarik dalam wacana menghadapi kemajemukan warga negara dan isu-isu ideologis dalam sebuah pemerintahan. Dengan menggunakan pendekatan empiris, studi ini menganalisis keterlibatan non-muslim dalam politik praktis pada pemerintahan yang mayoritas penduduknya beragama Islam seperti di Makassar. Adanya keterlibatan non-muslim dalam politik praktis menjadi kunci dalam membangun sebuah pemerintahan yang demokratis. Secara teoritis, studi ini memberikan penjelasan bahwa pengakuan terhadap hak-hak politik non-muslim tidak hanya dipahami pada tataran teoritisnya, tetapi juga pada tataran normative dan praktisnya sebab Islam yang mengusung pemerintahan demokrasi yang bertumpuk pada prinsip-prinsip persamaan, keadilan dan toleransi yang menjadi tuntutan modernitas saat ini dapat berjalan dengan baik, manakala tidak melakukan diskriminasi politik terhadap warga negaranya. Sehingga kemurnian ajaran Islam tidak mengalami distorsi, tetapi kesenjangan yang ada antara realitas masyarakat Islam dengan ide dasar ajaran Islam dapat dijembatani. Kata kunci: Peta pemikiran; hak politik; non-muslim; Makassar

Resumo: O artigo apresenta uma análise sobre o processo de construção dos relacionamentos entre as religiões ayahuasqueiras e o Estado brasileiro. Estas religiões utilizam a bebida psicoativa ayahuasca, sendo associadas ao debate público contemporâneo sobre drogas. Ampliando seus direitos, conforme constroem sua legitimidade social elas passam a se afastar do tema das drogas. A conquista do direito do uso religioso da ayahuasca e a possibilidade de inclusão deste tema nas políticas culturais do Estado brasileiro são expressões das escolhas, estratégias e projetos políticos das religiões abordadas no presente artigo. Pretende-se traçar algumas comparações entre a política das religiões ayahuasqueiras com a de outras expressões religiosas brasileiras. Abstract: The article presents an analysis on the process of building relationships between the ayahuasca religions and the Brazilian State. These religions use the ayahuasca psychoactive drink, and are associated with the contemporary public discussion concerning drugs. However, as they build their social legitimacy and broaden their rights, they are moving away from the drug issue. The conquest of the right of religious use of ayahuasca and the inclusion of this theme in the cultural policies of the Brazilian State are expressions of the political choices, strategies and projects of the religions commented on in this article. It is also intended to draw some comparisons between the politics of the ayahuasca religions and that of other Brazilian religious expressions.

Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie i ocena partycypacji kobiet w systemie politycznym Afganistanu w XXI wieku. Dotyczy to więc okresu po obaleniu władzy talibów przez międzynarodową koalicję pod amerykańskim przywództwem. Główny problem badawczy zawiera się w pytaniu czy zagwarantowane Afgankom prawa polityczne faktycznie są respektowane oraz czy kobiety mogą swobodnie, na równi z mężczyznami, partycypować w systemie politycznym państwa? Podczas pisania artykułu wykorzystano metodę analizy źródeł tekstowych. Ponadto oparto się na badaniach ankietowych przeprowadzonych w Afganistanie przez Fundację Azjatycką. W artykule przeanalizowano trzy główne zagadnienia, tj. aktywność kobiet-polityków, bariery działalności kobiet w przestrzeni politycznej oraz postrzeganie tej kwestii przez Afgańczyków. Mimo, że w XXI wieku osiągnięto znaczący postęp w formalnym i praktycznym upodmiotowieniu kobiet w systemie politycznym Afganistanu, to nadal istnieje wiele barier, głównie natury społeczno-kulturowej i ekonomicznej, które ograniczają możliwość większego zaangażowania Afganek w procesy polityczne. The aim of the article is to present and evaluate the participation of women in the political system of Afghanistan in the 21st century. This applies, therefore, to the period after the overthrow of Taliban rule by the international coalition under the American leadership. The main research problem lies in the question of whether the political rights guaranteed to Afghan women are actually respected, and whether women are free, equally with men, to participate in the political system of the state? During researches the method of analysis of the source text was used. In addition, based on surveys conducted in Afghanistan by the Asian Foundation. The article analyzes three main issues, ie the activity of wom- en-politicians, the barriers of women’s activity in the political sphere, and the perception of this issue by Afghans. Although significant progress has been made in the formal and practical empowerment of women in the political system of Afghanistan in the 21st century, there are still many barriers, mainly of socio-cultural and economic nature, which limit the possibility of involvement of Afghan women in political processes.

This article shows the main findings obtained from the experience of observing an unprecedented process in the Costa Rican electoral political history, through which the citizens of Río Cuarto had the possibility of choosing the political and administrative center of their canton. The team of Centro Agenda Joven (UNED) participated as an exceptional witness. Using a mixed methods approach, it was possible to determine that the majority of young voters perceive politics with commitment, enthusiasm and even passion, relegating indifference and disgust towards electoral activities. This population sector uses its political rights, both in logistical aspects, as well as in coordination and supervision. Likewise, the investigation registered various manifestations about the responsibility that young people should assume in a historical moment like this, in which they began the path towards the construction of a cantonal identity, which they found in the electronic media and social networks, tools of great value to assume responsibility and leadership in the process. Este artículo presenta los principales hallazgos de la experiencia de observación de un proceso sin precedentes en la historia político-electoral costarricense, por medio del cual la ciudadanía de Río Cuarto contó con la posibilidad de escoger el centro político y administrativo de su cantón y en el que el equipo del Centro Agenda Joven de la UNED participó como testigo de excepción. Mediante un enfoque de complementariedad metodológica, se determinó que la mayoría de las personas jóvenes electoras perciben la política con compromiso, entusiasmo e incluso pasión al relegar la indiferencia y el disgusto hacia actividades electorales. Este sector poblacional utiliza sus derechos políticos, tanto en aspectos logísticos, como de coordinación y fiscalización. Asimismo, la investigación registró diversas manifestaciones acerca de la responsabilidad que debían asumir las personas jóvenes en un momento histórico como este, en el que iniciaban el camino hacia la construcción de una identidad cantonal, quienes encontraron en los medios electrónicos y las redes sociales, herramientas de gran valía para asumir cuotas de responsabilidad y liderazgo en diversas actividades del proceso.

La question prioritaire de constitutionnalité (QPC) est souvent présentée, tant dans les discours institutionnels que doctrinaux, comme une « question-citoyenne » ou à tout le moins comme une procédure liée à la citoyenneté. L’analyse du corpus de décisions QPC rendues entre 2010 et 2020 fait apparaitre que l’assimilation que ces discours réalisent entre les figures du « justiciable » et du « citoyen » doit être relativisée. La QPC est rarement mobilisée par le citoyen, que ce soit comme un instrument de participation à l’exercice du pouvoir politique ou comme un instrument de garantie des droits qui permettent cet exercice. La « question prioritaire de constitutionnalité »(QPC) is a preliminary ruling on constitutionality often presented, both in institutional and doctrinal discourses, as a "citizen-question" or at least as a procedure related to citizenship. The analysis of the 2010-2020 corpus of QPC decisions shows that the ties these discourses enforce between the figures of the "applicant" and the "citizen" is not often justified. Indeed, the QPC is rarely mobilized by the citizen, either as an instrument of participation in the exercise of political power or as an instrument of guarantee of the rights which support this exercise.

The contemporary democratic states consider the concept of political rights, especially the right to vote as a fundamental pillar above all other rights. The political rights are dominant only due to their implementation: people have an opportunity to exercise their power on the one hand, and transfer their power without any political upheavals on the other. In this regard, it is worth highlighting that the political rights are one of the corner-stone rights for modern democratic rule of law. According to this thesis, we can persist that the problems of the realization of political rights are decisive and highly important even for the declared and transitional democratic states. In this respect, the Republic of Armenia is no exception as the problems of the implementation of political rights are definitely the electoral rights. These rights are among the most acute social problems that young Armenian democracy has faced after the independence. The issues in implementation of the political rights are steadily coupled with the problems of imposing punishments for crimes directed against political rights. As the experience of the Republic of Armenia has shown, the number of crimes directed against political rights has increased over the years. The tendency of the growth of the above-mentioned crimes has objective and subjective reasons. Among the objective reasons, we can note the transitional character of Armenian democracy. As for justice, it should be noted that such problems are inherent in almost all transitional states and especially, for modern countries. It is easier to understand, when we observe the experience of communities, which try to pass from the totalitarian rails of state governance to democratic ones. From the other side, the social and economic reasons of the state, poverty of the population can be considered as an objective reason. In terms of subjective reasons, firstly, the disproportionate punishment for crimes directed against political rights should be pointed out, which are the central obstacles for the implementation of political rights.

RESUMEN: En ¿Qué es el tercer estado?, el abate Sieyes hace depender la legitimidad política de los aportes en la esfera productiva, creando un discurso o una retórica al servicio de la Revolución: es porque el pueblo llano realiza todos los trabajos realmente útiles, y porque la nobleza no es más que una carga para la sociedad, que el tercer estado es una nación completa, y que los privilegiados ―a no ser que dejen de serlo― no pueden formar parte de ella. Sin embargo, al mismo tiempo que hace de la utilidad económica del tercer estado su mayor argumento político, Sieyes pretende que las desigualdades de riqueza y de propiedad queden fuera del terreno de la política. Se opone, además, al reconocimiento de derechos políticos a las clases trabajadoras. Estos dos puntos de tensión, por ahora insertos en el discurso universalista del abate, saldrán pronto a la luz, haciendo girar la rueda de la Revolución Francesa. ABSTRACT: In What Is the Third Estate?, abbé Sieyes makes political legitimacy dependent on contributions in the productive sphere, creating a discourse or a rhetoric at the service of the Revolution: it is because the common people perform all the really useful work, and because nobility is nothing but a burden to society, that the Third Estate is a complete nation, and that the privileged ― unless they cease to be so ― cannot be part of it. However, while making the economic usefulness of the Third Estate its major political argument, Sieyes claims that inequalities of wealth and property are outside the realm of politics. Moreover, he opposes the recognition of political rights for the working classes. These two points of tension, for now inserted in the abbé's universalist discourse, will soon come to light, turning the wheel of the French Revolution.