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List-method directed forgetting usually involves asking people to study a list, followed by a cue to forget it, and then studying a second list. Prior work suggests that List 2 encoding is necessary for directed forgetting to occur, but recent studies have found that moving the forget cue from List 1 to List 2 allows people to selectively forget List 2. These results were attributed to an inhibitory mechanism. In four experiments, we aimed to replicate these findings and provide an alternative explanation based on the list-before-the-last paradigm. We propose that in the forget condition, participants may strategically retrieve List 1 in response to the forget cue, contributing to selective forgetting. Previous research suggests that explicit retrieval of earlier-leaned information causes a contextual shift, resulting in forgetting of target information. Verbal reports from Experiments 1 and 2 indicated that participants often covertly select a retrieval strategy to forget the most recent list. In Experiment 3, explicit instructions to retrieve resulted in significant forgetting. Directly manipulating forgetting strategy between participants in Experiment 4 suggested that retrieval may be one of several effective mechanisms to forget recently-encountered information. In the retrieval conditions, the data support our claim that in the absence of explicit postcue encoding, people can strategically retrieve earlier-learned information to forget. This novel forgetting mechanism is probably also used outside of the laboratory to "roll back" memory for incorrect information. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2022 APA, all rights reserved).

Clinical populations sometimes demonstrate difficulties forgetting stimuli related to their trauma-related disorder, perhaps because their intense personal connection to these stimuli produce deficits in the inhibitory control abilities necessary for forgetting. The present work examined this possibility for people who have high levels of traits implicated in borderline personality disorder (BPD). In two well-powered studies, we found no evidence for deficits in forgetting specific to BPD traits, even for people with clinically significant levels of the traits, contrary to previous studies. The present experiments updated the designs from earlier experiments to employ the most contemporary methods to examine directed forgetting recommended by recent reviews. With these improved methods, Study 1 found that participants showed significant directed forgetting for BPD-related words independent of their level of BPD traits, perhaps because the BPD-related words were so strongly associated with one another. Study 2 found that when we removed the strong relatedness between the stimuli, forgetting of BPD-relevant words was significant and did not interact with BPD symptomology. We concluded that in contrast to people with PTSD who show specific inhibitory deficits for trauma-related works, people with BPD show normal, intact inhibitory control even for words that they should find threatening.

Three experiments explored when testing produces immediate advantages over restudying in old/new recognition tests. According to the episodic context account, the study context is reinstate...

This paper reviews and critically assesses the implications of directed forgetting (DF) research on clinical populations. We begin by reviewing the typical methods and results of the item method and list method directed forgetting procedures and provide best practice recommendations for future studies using clinical populations. Next, we note that DF was often interpreted as being due to inhibition, and when clinical populations showed impaired directed forgetting, it was treated as evidence in inhibitory control difficulties. However, inhibition may not be the cause of DF effects, based on current understanding of these cognitive tasks. We instead suggest that item method DF is tied to attentional control, which might include inhibitory mechanisms (or might not). In contrast, list method DF is tied to two forms of memory control: control of mental context (indicated by effective forgetting of List 1), and changes in the strategies used to remember (indicated by better learning of List 2). We review the current state of the clinical DF literature, assess its strength based on our best practice recommendations, and call for more research when warranted.

The Memory-for-Change framework proposes that retrieving episodic memories can facilitate new learning when changes between existing memories and new information are integrated during encoding and later recollected. Four experiments examined whether reminders could improve memory updating and enhance new learning. Participants studied two study lists of word pairs and were given a cued recall test on responses from both lists. Reminders of List 1 words pairs (A-B) appeared immediately before List 2 words pairs that included repeated cues and changed responses (A-D). Across experiments, we varied the types of reminders to determine whether differences in their effectiveness as retrieval cues would influence memory for the list membership of responses. We found that presenting intact reminders (cue-response) enhanced the memory benefits associated with recollection-based retrieval of changes relative to when no reminders appeared and when partial reminders (cue-only) appeared with and without feedback. Importantly, cue-response reminders benefitted memory when they were recognised in List 2 and when changes were later recollected. This suggests that integrative encoding can be facilitated when substantial environmental support is available to cue retrieval of existing memories. These findings have practical implications for understanding which reminders best aid the correction of memories for inaccurate information.

In a recent article, Foroughi, Werner, Barragán, and Boehm-Davis (2015) demonstrated that interspersing interruptions between paragraphs during reading sometimes reduces accuracy on comprehension questions. We propose an account of their findings within long-term working memory (LTWM) theory. Our account proposes that interruptions interfere with the accessibility of the generated encodings of the text in long-term memory (LTM) and that unimpaired continued comprehension requires restoration of access to these memory encodings during the resumption of reading after the interruptions. It is consistent with the accuracy of question answering being substantially preserved in their study, which is seemingly inconsistent with their transient storage account. This theoretical controversy does not diminish the importance of Foroughi et al.'s results: We agree that additional research is needed to understand when and how interruptions impact various aspects of comprehension. (PsycINFO Database Record

A recent study (Dewhurst, Anderson, Cotter, Crust, & Clough, 2012) proposed that mental toughness – a personality construct from sports psychology that predicts many outcomes in sports and elsewhere – reflected ability at inhibitory control. Specifically, they found that mental toughness predicted directed forgetting, which measures peoples’ ability to forget things on purpose. We explored the relationships between the short form of the mental toughness scale (the MT-18), other personality traits (the Big Five and BIS/BAS), and directed forgetting. The correlation between mental toughness and directed forgetting replicated. Including a control group with no forget instruction ruled out sustained effort on memory tasks as an explanation; it was specific to directed forgetting. However, mental toughness was shown to correlate with many other personality characteristics, and its effects on directed forgetting were largely due to conscientiousness. We concluded that the basis of mental toughness was probably not inhibitory control as the original authors had proposed.

Spacing repetitions typically improves memory (the spacing effect). In three cued recall experiments, we explored the relationship between working memory capacity and the spacing effect. People with higher working memory capacity are more accurate on memory tasks that require retrieval relative to people with lower working memory capacity. The experiments used different retention intervals and lags between repetitions, but were otherwise similar. Working memory capacity and spacing of repetitions both improved memory in most of conditions, but they did not interact, suggesting additive effects. The results are consistent with the ACT-R model’s predictions, and with a study-phase recognition process underpinning the spacing effect in cued recall.

In five experiments, we consistently found that items included in summaries were better remembered than items omitted from summaries. We did not, however, find evidence that summary writing was better than merely restudying the text. These patterns held with shorter and longer texts, when the text was present or absent during the summary writing, with both short answer and multiple choice criterion tests, with a brief delay prior to the final test or with a several day delay, and regardless of whether the summary was written immediately after reading the text or after a short time away from the text. We additionally found evidence that writing a summary sometimes helped participants estimate how much they learned from the text. However, it seems that students do not write effective summaries because they are quite poor at picking out the important points from the text.

Spacing repetitions improves learning relative to massing repetitions (the spacing effect). While most studies have examined the spacing effect at short retention intervals, there are contradictory claims about its fate at a delay. Certain empirical findings suggest that the spacing effect persists at a delay. However, a recent theoretical account proposes that in free recall the spacing effect should disappear at a delay. The few studies that have examined the spacing effect at a delay are sub-optimally designed, preventing an unbiased conclusion. The current study used incidental learning and controlled recency and encoding strategy in order to examine the effect of delay on the recall of spaced items within a free recall paradigm. The results demonstrated that the spacing effect persists after a delay. The results point to an important dissociation between intentional forgetting and context-change designs (which produce more forgetting of spaced than massed items) and the passage of time (which produces similar forgetting of spaced and massed items).

Participants studied sentences describing two different characters and then were told to forget the sentences about only one of the characters. A second list contained sentences attributed to a third character. Subsequently, they received a recall test on the sentences about the original two characters. When the sentences could be thematically integrated, participants showed no directed forgetting relative to a control group that was never told to forget. However, with unrelated sentences, participants selectively forgot the target character's sentences without forgetting the other character's sentences. This selective directed forgetting effect is a novel empirical result. We interpret the results as consistent with Radvansky's (1999) ideas about inhibition with textual materials.

Using 5 experiments, the authors explored the dependency of spacing effects on rehearsal patterns. Encouraging rehearsal borrowing produced opposing effects on mixed lists (containing both spaced and massed repetitions) and pure lists (containing only one or the other), magnifying spacing effects on mixed lists but diminishing spacing effects on pure lists. Rehearsing with borrowing produced large spacing effects on mixed lists but not on pure lists for both free recall (Experiment 1) and recognition (Experiment 2). In contrast, rehearsing only the currently visible item produced spacing effects on both mixed lists and pure lists in free recall (Experiment 3) and recognition (Experiment 4). Experiment 5 demonstrated these effects using a fully within-subjects design. Rehearse-aloud protocols showed that rehearsal borrowing redistributed study from massed to spaced items on mixed lists, especially during massed presentations.

The spacing effect is the commonly observed phenomenon that memory for spaced repetitions is better than memory for massed repetitions. To further investigate the role of rehearsal in spacing effects, three experiments were conducted. With pure lists we found spacing effects in free recall when spacing intervals were relatively long (Experiments 1, 2 and 3), but not when spacing intervals were relatively short (Experiments 2 and 3). In contrast, with mixed lists spacing effects emerged at both short spacing intervals and long spacing intervals (Experiment 3). Additional analyses on the combined pure-list data revealed that the correlation between the primacy advantage and the spacing effect in Quadrants 2 through 4 was positive for all-massed lists and negative for all-spaced lists. This provides some first evidence for the zero-sum nature of the spacing effect in pure lists. The need to incorporate assumptions about rehearsal in theories of spacing is discussed.

Two experiments investigated list-method directed forgetting with older and younger adults. Using standard directed forgetting instructions, significant forgetting was obtained with younger but not older adults. However, in Experiment 1 older adults showed forgetting with an experimenter-provided strategy that induced a mental context change -- specifically, engaging in diversionary thought. Experiment 2 showed that age related differences in directed forgetting occurred because older adults were less likely than younger adults to initiate a strategy to attempt to forget. When the instructions were revised to downplay their concerns about memory, older adults engaged in effective forgetting strategies and showed significant directed forgetting comparable in magnitude to younger adults. The results highlight the importance of strategic processes in directed forgetting.

Greater working memory capacity is usually associated with greater ability to maintain information in the face of interruptions. In two experiments, we found that some types of interruptions actually lead to greater forgetting among high-span people than among low-span people. Specifically, an instruction designed to change mental context resulted in significant forgetting for high-span people but minimal forgetting among the low-span people. Intentional forgetting instructions also resulted in greater forgetting among higher working memory capacity participants than among lower working memory capacity participants. A candidate explanation called the intensified context shift hypothesis is proposed which suggests that high-span people are more context dependent than low-span people.

Memory for repeated items often improves when repetitions are separated by other items—a phenomenon called the spacing effect. In two experiments, we explored the complex interaction between study strategies, serial position, and spacing effects. When people studied several unmixed lists, they initially used mainly rote rehearsal, but some people eventually adopted relational encoding strategies like creating a story from the items (Experiment 1). We observed overall spacing effects when participants used the story mnemonic, but not when they employed rote rehearsal strategies (Experiments 1 and 2). This occurred in part because the story mnemonic reduced or eliminated the usual recall advantage of immediately repeated items at the beginning of lists (Experiment 2).

In list method directed forgetting, instructing people to forget a studied word list usually results in better recall for a newly studied list. Sahakyan and Delaney (2003) have suggested that these benefits are due to a change in encoding strategy that occurs between the study of the first list and the study of the second list. To investigate what might mediate such strategy change decisions, in two experiments we induced both forget and remember participants to evaluate their memory performance on the two lists. In Experiment 1, they were asked to explicitly recall the items from the first list before studying the second list. In Experiment 2, after the study of the first list, the participants provided a rapid aggregate judgment of learning. Evaluation eliminated the differences between the forget and remember groups for the second list in both experiments, because the remember group achieved recall levels comparable to those for the forget group. The role of performance evaluation in mediating directed forgetting benefits is discussed.

In 4 experiments, instructions to plan a task (water jugs) that normally produces little planning altered how participants solved the problems and resulted in enhanced learning and memory. Experiment 1 identified planning strategies that allowed participants to plan full solutions to water jugs problems. Experiment 2 showed that experience with planning led to better solutions even after planning was no longer required, whereas control participants showed little improvement. Experiments 3 and 4 showed that although the most recent planned solution could be recalled following a long filled retention interval, retroactive interference (RI) between successive problems resulted in much lower recall of earlier solutions. RI during plan generation could also explain participants' choice of depth-first planning strategies.

We propose that the benefits of directed forgetting are explained by the differences in recall arising from individual strategy choices used to encode List 2. In Experiment 1, inducing participants to encode both lists using the same strategy (either shallow or deep) led to significant costs of directed forgetting but abolished the benefits. In Experiment 2, inducing a shallow encoding on List 1 and a deep encoding on List 2 produced similar results, abolishing the benefits but not the costs. Reanalysis of Sahakyan and Kelley's (in press) Experiment 2 showed that the costs of directed forgetting could be detected irrespective of participants' strategy choices. However, the benefits of directed forgetting are best explained by a more frequent use of deeper encoding of the second list by the forget group participants.

The software program Visual Learning—Plant Identification offers a solution to problems in category learning, such as plant identification. It uses well-established learning principles, including development of perceptual expertise in an active-learning format, spacing of practice, interleaving of examples, and testing effects to train conceptual learning., Learning to identify organisms is extraordinarily difficult, yet trained field biologists can quickly and easily identify organisms at a glance. They do this without recourse to the use of traditional characters or identification devices. Achieving this type of recognition accuracy is a goal of many courses in plant systematics. Teaching plant identification is difficult because of variability in the plants’ appearance, the difficulty of bringing them into the classroom, and the difficulty of taking students into the field. To solve these problems, we developed and tested a cognitive psychology–based computer program to teach plant identification. The program incorporates presentation of plant images in a homework-based, active-learning format that was developed to stimulate expert-level visual recognition. A controlled experimental test using a within-subject design was performed against traditional study methods in the context of a college course in plant systematics. Use of the program resulted in an 8–25% statistically significant improvement in final exam scores, depending on the type of identification question used (living plants, photographs, written descriptions). The software demonstrates how the use of routines to train perceptual expertise, interleaved examples, spaced repetition, and retrieval practice can be used to train identification of complex and highly variable objects.

The study of thinking is made difficult by the fact that many of the relevant stimuli and responses are not apparent. Although the use of verbal reports has a long history in psychology, it is only recently that Ericsson and Simon's (1993) book on verbal reports explicated the conditions under which such reports may be reliable and valid. We review some studies in behavior analysis and cognitive psychology that have used talk-aloud reporting. We review particular methods for collecting reliable and valid verbal reports using the “talk-aloud” method as well as discuss alternatives to the talk-aloud procedure that are effective under different task conditions, such as the use of reports after completion of very rapid task performances. We specifically caution against the practice of asking subjects to reflect on the causes of their own behavior and the less frequently discussed problems associated with providing inappropriate social stimulation to participants during experimental sessions.

If strategy shifts speed up performance, learning curves should show discontinuities where such shifts occur. Relatively smooth curves appear consistently in the literature, however. To explore this incongruity, we examined learning when multiple strategies were used. We plotted power law learning curves for aggregated data from four mental arithmetic experiments and then plotted similar curves separately for each participant and strategy. We then evaluated the fits achieved by each group of curves. In all four experiments, plotting separately by strategy produced significantly better fits to individual participants' data than did plotting a single power function. We conclude that improvement of solution time is better explained by practice on a strategy than by practice on a task, and that careful assessment of trial-by-trial changes in strategy can improve understanding of the effects of practice on learning.

The primary purpose of this chapter is to provide an up-to-date review of the twenty-first century research and theory on list-method directed forgetting (DF) and related phenomena like the context-change effect. Many researchers have assumed that DF is diagnostic of inhibition, but we argue for an alternative, noninhibitory account and suggest reinterpretation of earlier findings. We first describe what DF is and the state of the art with regard to measuring the effect. Then, we review recent evidence that brings DF into the family of effects that can be explained by global memory models. The process-based theory we advocate is that the DF impairment arises from mental context change and that the DF benefits emerge mainly but perhaps not exclusively from changes in encoding strategy. We review evidence (some new to this paper) that strongly suggests that DF arises from the engagement of controlled forgetting strategies that are independent of whether people believed the forget cue or not. Then we describe the vast body of literature supporting that forgetting strategies result in contextual change effects, as well as point out some inconsistencies in the DF literature that need to be addressed in future research. Next, we provide evidence—again, some of it new to this chapter—that the reason people show better memory after a forget cue is that they change encoding strategies. In addition to reviewing the basic research with healthy population, we reinterpret the evidence from the literature on certain clinical populations, providing a critique of the work done to date and outlining ways of improving the methodology for the study of DF in special populations. We conclude with a critical discussion of alternative approaches to understanding DF.