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Em vários localidades de diversos países as próprias pessoas estão tomando a iniciativa de construir o bem comum que o Estado, através da administração pública tradicional, não tem conseguido fazer. Os membros dessas comunidades definem o problema, desenham a solução e depois planejam a solução, organização e alocam os recursos que eles mesmos obtêm, organizam as pessoas para que elas mesmas façam o que tem que ser feito e controlam os recursos e tempo, para que tudo saia como planejado. A essas iniciativas temos chamado de Administração Pública Direta ou simplesmente APD. Elas representam prática de um antigo sonho de um Governo do Povo, Pelo povo e Para o povo. Elas são, na prática, o que a democracia deixou apenas na teoria e na esperança. Esse livro apresenta os conceitos básicos que as pessoas precisam conhecer para entender a APD. É o primeiro volume de uma série de 7, onde todos os aspectos conceituais e operacionais da APD serão descritos. In various locations in different countries, people themselves are taking the initiative to build the common good that the state, through traditional public administration, has been unable to achieve. The members of these communities define the problem, design the solution and then plan the solution, organize and allocate the resources that they themselves obtain, organize the people so that they themselves do what has to be done and control the resources and time, so that everything goes as planned. We have called these initiatives Public Direct Administration or simply APD. They represent the practice of an old dream of a People's Government, For the people and For the people. They are, in practice, what democracy left only in theory and hope. This book presents the basic concepts that people need to know to understand ODA. It is the first volume in a series of 7, where all conceptual and operational aspects of ODA will be described.

Občina Duplek leži na severozahodnem obrobju Slovenskih goric in meji na Mestno občino Maribor, Občino Lenart in Občino Destrnik. Diplomsko delo z naslovom Krajevni ljudski odbor Zgornji in Spodnji Duplek od leta 1945 do 1952 predstavlja dogajanje na območju sedanje Občine Duplek skozi delovanje obeh krajevnih ljudskih odborov. Zaradi lažjega razumevanja nastanka krajevnih ljudskih odborov je predstavljeno dogajanje, ki je vodilo do njihove ustanovitve. Med drugo svetovno vojno se je namreč postopoma oblikovala tudi ljudska oblast, ki je po koncu vojne dobila svojo obliko. Na najnižji lokalni ravni so se uveljavili kraji, v katerih so od leta 1946, kot lokalni organi oblasti, delovali krajevni odbori. Za predstavitev dogajanja v Krajevnih ljudskih odborih Spodnji in Zgornji Duplek so uporabljeni viri iz Pokrajinskega arhiva Maribor, fonda Krajevni ljudski odbor Spodnji in Krajevni ljudski odbor Zgornji Duplek. Izbrani so dokumenti, ki najbolje predstavljajo dogajanje v krajevnih odborih v tem času. Zaradi velikega vpliva zadrug na vsakdanje življenje ljudi je predstavljena tudi Kmetijska zadruga Zgornji Duplek. Sama vsebina diplomskega dela je urejena po časovnih obdobjih. The municipality of Duplek lies on the northwestern outskirts of Slovenske gorice and borders on the Municipality of Maribor, the Municipality of Lenart and the Municipality of Destrnik. The thesis entitled The Local People's Committee of Zgornji and Spodnji Duplek from 1945 to 1952 (Krajevni ljudski odbor Zgornji in Spodnji Duplek od leta 1945 do 1952) presents the developments in the area of the current Municipality of Duplek through the operations of both local people's committees. To better understand the formation of local people's committees, the events which led to the creation of both committees are explained. A people's government gradually developed during the Second World War and achieved its final form after the war. Certain areas were established since 1946, where local committees functioned as local authorities at the lowest local level. To present the developments in local people's committees of Spodnji and Zgornji Duplek, sources were used from the Regional Archives Maribor (Pokrajinski Arhiv Maribor), the funds of the Local People's Committee of Spodnji Duplek and of the Local People's Committee of Zgornji Duplek. Documents were chosen to best present the developments in local committees of that time. Due to a substantial influence of cooperatives (zadruge) on the daily lives of people, the Agricultural Cooperative of Zgornji Duplek (Kmetijska zadruga Zgornji Duplek) is presented as well. The content of this thesis is organised chronologically.

Straipsnyje nagrinėjama kontraversiška Justo Paleckio asmenybė ir jo veikla: keliamas klausimas, kaip J. Paleckis neatsidūrė sovietiniame lageryje už kontrrevoliucinę veiklą, tarptautinės buržuazijos rėmimą, taip pat mėginama geriau pažvelgti į Lietuvos okupacijos užkulisius. Atskleidžiama, jog tapęs ministru pirmininku, J. Paleckis atliko visuomenės raminimo uždavinį. Iš jo kalbų niekas nebūtų įtaręs, kad Liaudies seime kils esminiai, konstituciniai klausimai. Teigiama, kad vyriausybė ne vien tylėjo, bet ir žodžiais bei simboliniais gestais atmetė nepriklausomybės praradimo galimybę, vadinasi, balsuodami už Liaudies seimą žmonės pasisakė už nepriklausomą valstybę ir, marksistiniu požiūriu, kuklias reformas, bet ne už inkorporaciją bei krašto pertvarkymą komunistiniais pagrindais. Todėl, sovietinės teisės požiūriu, atsižvelgiant vien į retoriką ir viešai skelbiamas programas, Paleckio vyriausybė ir Darbo liaudies sąjunga buvo kontrrevoliucinės organizacijos. Nors neįmanoma nustatyti, ką tuo metu žmonės galvojo, ką jie suprato ir ko ne, patys sovietai rodo, kad jų apskaičiavimu nei tarybinė santvarka, nei jų aneksiniai planai platesnio pritarimo Lietuvoje nesusilaukė. Daroma prielaida, kad buvo vaidinamas iš anksto sukurtas spektaklis, suprantant, kad tikrajai sovietų programai mažai kas Lietuvoje pritars. Išskiriamos trys skirtingos galimos J. Paleckio vaidmens versijos: geros valios Paleckis stojęs Lietuvos gelbėti; silpno būdo Paleckis sovietams pasirodęs būsiąs lengviausiai manipuliuojamas; kairiųjų pažiūrų Paleckis nuosaikiai vykdęs sovietizacijos programą. The article includes discussion on controversial personality of Justas Paleckis and his activities: the question is how did J. Paleckis manage to avoid getting into the Soviet camp for his counter-revolutionary activities and the support of the international bourgeoisie, and it also attempts to have a better observation of the backstage of Lithuanian occupation. It is revealed that becoming the Prime Minister J. Paleckis had to calm the society. His talks did not indicate that the People's Seimas will face fundamental constitutional problems. It is stated that not only the government kept silent, but it also using words and symbolic gestures had rejected the possibility of loss of independence, which means that voting for the People's Seimas people had been giving their voice for independent country and, in a Marxist point of view, modest reforms, but not for the incorporation and transformation of the country on a communist basis. Therefore, from the Soviet law point of view and taking into account only rhetoric and publicly announced programmes, the government of Paleckis and the Union of Lithuanian Working People were counter-revolutionary organizations. Even though it is impossible to determine what people were thinking at the time, what they understood and what they did not understand, the Soviets themselves show that according to their calculation neither the Soviet system nor their annexation plans receive more noticeable approval in Lithuania. It is assumed that a pre-made performance was prepared realizing that the real Soviet programme will not receive a lot of support. Three different versions of the possible role of J. Paleckis are distinguished: the goodwilled Paleckis who came to rescue Lithuania; the weak Paleckis seen by the Soviets as the best one to be manipulated; and left-minded Paleckis moderately implementing the programme of the Sovietisation.

Žymaus lietuvių literatūros klasiko V. Krėvės-Mickevičiaus 1940 m. politinė veikla prosovietinėje Liaudies Vyriausybėje istoriografijoje vertinama nevienareikšmiškai. Nuo tragiškųjų įvykių praėjo daugiau kaip šeši dešimtmečiai, tačiau diskusijos šioje byloje nerimsta ir nematyti aiškumo. Panaši situacija egzistavo jau po Antrojo pasaulinio karo JAV lietuvių spaudoje. Pats Krėvė tuomet buvo gyvas ir galėjo atremti oponentų priekaištus. Tačiau apie šią temą istoriografijoje užsimenama paviršutiniškai. Šiame straipsnyje aptariami V. Krėvės-Mickevičiaus politinės veiklos vertinimai JAV lietuvių spaudoje ir rašytojo reakcija į šiuos vertinimus 1945–1954 m. laikotarpiu. Mėginama išsiaiškinti, kodėl Krėvė gyvenimo saulėlydyje nevienodai elgėsi savo oponentų atžvilgiu, atsakyti į klausimą – nuo ko tai priklausė? Krėvės dalyvavimas 1940 m. Liaudies Vyriausybėje JAV lietuvių bendruomenėje buvo vertinamas nuolaidžiai. Daug kas ragino jį rašyti atsiminimus, jie turėjo sustiprinti Krėvės pozicijas. Vilkindamas memuarų rašymo darbus, Krėvė suvokė atsiminimų reikšmę. Neatsitiktinai visi politiniai atsiminimai apie bolševikų veiksmus 1940 m. laikomi svarbiu dokumentu, pateiktu Kersteno komitetui. Parašyti atsiminimai įgavo tarptautinį svorį. Todėl Krėvė dėl savo 1940 m. veiklos prieš mirtį galėjo būti ramus. Selektyvūs atsakymai į kritiką JAV spaudoje turėjo išsklaidyti tam tikras abejones ir įtarimus. Iki gyvenimo pabaigos Krėvei tai pavyko padaryti. The political activity of a famous classical Lithuanian author Vincas Krėvė-Mickevičius performed in 1940 in the pro-Soviet People's Government receives mixed responses in historiography. More than six decades have passed since the tragic events, but the discussions regarding this case are still ongoing and there is a definite lack of clarity. A similar situation existed after World War II in the Lithuanian press of the United States. Krėvė himself was alive at that time and was able to address the criticism from his opponents. However, this topic is only briefly mentioned in historiography. This article discusses how the political activity of Vincas Krėvė-Mickevičius was evaluated in the Lithuanian press of the United States and the writer's reaction to these assessments in the period of 1945-1954. The article tries to find out why Krėvė behaved differently in regards to his opponents in the sunset of his life and to answer the question - what did his behaviour depend on? The Lithuanian community in the United States were not too negative about Krėvė's participation in the People's Government. Many encouraged him to write memoirs as they had to strengthen Krėvė's positions. By delaying the process of writing the memoirs, Krėvė understood the meaning of memories. It is not by chance that all political memories of the actions of the Bolsheviks in 1940 are considered an important document submitted to the Kersten Committee. Written memories have gained an international weight. Therefore, Krėvė could have been calm before his death, despite his activity in 1940. Selective responses to criticism in the US press had to remove certain doubts and suspicions. By the end of his life, Krėvė succeeded in doing it.