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This paper deals with, in a diachronic perspective, the Italian verb-noun compounds of the type portalettere and covers the time span that goes from the Origins well into the beginnings of the Twentieth century. On the basis of a rich dataset drawn from diachronic corpora and lexicographic sources, the article presents the history of this word-formation process, emphasizing the semantic and categorial nature of these compounds. The main claim is that the current semantic variability (person, instrument, event, period of time etc.) has always been available in the linguistic history of Italian as well as, to a minor extent, the categorial ambiguity by which VN compounds also function as adjectival modifiers. It is shown that this last function is much of a diachronic innovation. This paper, which stems from the theoretical premises of Construction Morphology, reveals that the productivity of the Construction [V-N]A|N is due to both the semantic and formal flexibility shown from the earliest attestations of the language, and to the productivity of some semi-specified subschemas, which have served as models for the creation of new VN compounds, especially over the past few decades.

This chapter puts forward an account of auxiliary selection in terms of inflexional classes (following, e.g., Bonami 2015:97; Baerman, Brown, and Corbett 2017:28f.), theoretically couched within Stump’s notions of content paradigm, form paradigm, and segregated inflexional classes (Stump 2016). It is argued that the inflexion-class behaviour of auxiliary selection can best be seen in cases of mixed perfective auxiliation systems attested in a range of Italo-Romance varieties, where an intricate alternation of the two auxiliaries HAVE and BE is found within one and the same paradigm. The chapter focuses on cases where one coherent class of lexemes, namely reflexives, is split between the two auxiliaries giving rise to a mixed paradigm which is an instance of heteroclisis (cf. Stump 2006; Kaye 2015; Bach 2019). It is hypothesized that this kind of reflexive heteroclisis might be one of the origins of mixed perfective auxiliation systems in Italo-Romance.

This paper deals with auxiliary verb constructions in Romance, in particular with those that exhibit two auxiliary verbs ‘have’ and ‘be’ which alternate, in many Italo-Romance varieties, within one and the same paradigm. It is argued that such an intra-paradigmatic distribution represents a special kind of grammaticalization, traditionally referred to as morphologization. Two aspects are discussed. First, a morphological approach to such ‘mixed paradigms’ is advocated, the main claim being that in order to explain the distribution of the two auxiliaries within the paradigm, one has to make essential reference to paradigmatic structure rather than to the intrinsic featural composition of the auxiliaries (along the lines of paradigmatic approaches reviewed in Blevins 2016). Second, it is shown that these mixed systems, although they often represent “delicate transitional stages” (Loporcaro 2014: 56, n. 8), also display interesting diachronic convergence typical of various stem alternation patterns, famously referred to as morphomes (cf. Maiden 2018). The paper draws on a dataset that is currently being put together in order to become, in the future, a large database of mixed perfective auxiliation systems. Some space is thus devoted to the description of the main parameters of this project, called ‘MIXPAR’.

This paper deals with morphological productivity in diachrony, in particular it addresses the issue of the quantitative evaluation of productivity within a given time span. Adopting Baayen’s (1992; 2001; 2008) corpus-based quantitative approach which considers productivity as the probability of encountering a new type when sampling a large corpus, the paper shows the evolution of two competing suffixes -mento/-zione in Old Italian from the 13th to the 16th Centuries. On the basis of four separate corpora drawn from LIZ 4.0 (Letteratura Italiana Zanichelli), it is demonstrated how the productivity of the suffix -mento, within the time span of four centuries, remains constant, while the suffix -zione displays diachronic variability. Apart from diachronic considerations regarding this situation, the paper also highlights some technical aspects, such as the use of LNRE models (implemented in the package zipfR, a tool for lexical statistics in R, cf. Baroni — Evert, 2006; Evert — Baroni, 2007; Baayen, 2008), as well as some well-known limitations and constraints inherent in quantitative analyses of diachronic corpora.

This paper addresses the phenomenon of mixed paradigms, i.e. mixed perfective auxiliation systems, attested in a wide range of Italo-Romance varieties (cf. Loporcaro 2001, 2007a, 2014; Manzini and Savoia 2005, among others). In these varieties, two auxiliary verbs, esse and habere, alternate within one and the same (sub)paradigm, displaying various patterns which can range from morphosyntactically motivated to apparently unmotivated distributions (here termed ‘morphomic’). I propose that, in these varieties, auxiliary selection is no longer a syntactically driven phenomenon, but becomes morphologized. I draw on the notion of ‘lexical split’ (cf. Corbett 2013, 2015, 2016) and describe the attested splits induced by intraparadigmatic auxiliary alternation. Following Bonami (2015), I put forward a typology of such splits. It is shown that, apart from motivated distributions, some morphomic patterns can also be found. The typology becomes more complex insofar as patterns with free variation between both auxiliaries are taken into account, as well as patently morphomic patterns which also seem to display external syntactic relevance (cf. Corbett 2013: 174–176). The phenomena reviewed and discussed in this paper are of major interest because they demonstrate the existence of competing exponence strategies within periphrasis, thus enriching the notion of ‘possible lexeme’ (cf. Corbett 2015: 146).

This paper addresses the issue of rafforzamento fonosintattico (RF), phonosyntactic doubling, typical of a wide range of Italo-Romance dialects, and its relation to the phenomenon of mixed paradigms, also attested in a number of Italian varieties. After a discussion of the basic properties of RF, the article introduces mixed paradigms and proceeds to show how RF is used morphologically to signal important morphosyntactic contrasts, such as the difference between the 2nd and 3rd persons singular where a homonymous outcome of habes/habet > a is found. The paper thus intends to put forward another case of morphologization on the basis of the interesting — and endangered — phenomenon of mixed paradigms.

The aim of this paper is twofold: firstly it provides a detailed overview of the canonical approach to inflection (following Corbett 2007; 2009; 2015); secondly it attempts to analyze, within this approach, a typologically interesting phenomenon of mixed perfective auxiliation systems attested in a wide array of Italo-Romance dialects. First, the paper introduces the key notions of Canonical Typology (cf. Bond 2019) applied to inflectional morphology, along with a proposed working Czech terminology of basic terms such as requirements of form etc. Second, the paper proceeds to show that mixed systems, where two auxiliary verbs (corresponding to the derivatives of the Latin verbs habere/ esse) alternate within one and the same paradigm, representing a further way in which periphrastic exponence “splits” the inflectional realization of a lexeme. These systems thus constitute yet another interesting non-canonical inflectional phenomenon worth exploring from the perspective of Canonical Typology

This chapter deals with the restricted class of clipped deverbal nominals in French (e.g. in- troduction → intro) and especially in Italian (e.g. giustificazione → giustifica) and aims to show that subtle semantic restrictions seem to constrain such clipping, although there are some differences between the two languages. First, I introduce the well-known distinction between event (E) and result/referential (R) nouns that has been further elaborated by Mel- loni (2006, 2007, 2011). I then proceed to discuss a class of formations where clipping seems to be sensitive to a special result/object meaning which is very close to what Pustejovsky (1991: 174; see Melloni 2011: 109, 111, 142) calls information object. On the basis of a limited class of examples (both attested and hypothetical, e.g. quantificazione → quantifica), I ar- gue that where there is such an information object reading available to the relevant nominal, the clipping rule may apply. I take these phenomena to be relevant for Fradin & Kerleroux’s (2009: 84–86) Maximal Specification Hypothesis, according to which word-formation rules can apply, especially in the case of polysemous lexemes, to specific semantic features in- herent in the overall meaning of the base. I demonstrate that clipping can have access to precisely these semantic features.

Verb-noun compounds are typically considered to be one of the most important innovations in the domain of Romance word-formation (cf. Bauer 2011, among many others). This morphological innovation can also be seen as part of a general tendency in Romance languages to prefer head-initial structures across different levels of the language system (cf., e.g., Ledgeway 2012: 225). However, the question of the productivity of VN compounds arises immediately as there is evidence that the pattern has become extremely productive only recently. This paper investigates the question of the productivity of the VN compounds starting out with a distinction between availability of a word-formation pattern and its profitability (cf., e.g., Bauer 2001). This article shows that the structural presence—availability—of VN compounding seems to be diachronically constant, but that the quantitative exploitation of the pattern—its profitability—turns out to be a recent phenomenon. Following recent research on compounding in Spanish (Moyna 2011) and French (Rosenberg 2007, 2008, 2011), this paper takes one concrete example of the Italian VN compounds and proceeds to show its diachronic evolution from the 16th to the 19th century on the basis of data drawn from diachronic corpora as well as from major historical dictionaries. It demonstrates that the “dramatic increase” alluded to by Bauer (2011: 543) is not to be taken as a sign of a new structural innovation, but rather as a fortuitous exploitation of a well-settled word-formation pattern.

The article analyzes, in a diachronic perspective, the complementarity of two rival Italian suffixes -tore/-ante. It is shown how the selection of one or the other suffix is dependent on the semantic instruction of these suffixes. The different semantics is exemplified with two main couples parlatore/parlante and occupatore/occupante. It is assumed that the stronger agentive meaning tied up with -tore can also be seen in some texts of Old Italian. As an example, one couple – abitatore/abitante – nonexistent in present-day Italian, is presented and it is shown how these two formations display different meanings in Villani's Cronica. In fact, abitatore, in Villani's language, is always modified by the adjective primo 'first' which points to a stronger, active meaning corresponding roughly to settler more than to a passive inhabitant.

This paper investigates the Czech translation counterparts of the Spanish / Italian causative construction with the causative verb hacer / fare + verb. On the basis of two parallel corpora, a typology of Czech equivalents is proposed. In contrast to the general divide between analytic/synthetic translation constructions, the research uncovers a number of various recurrent patterns. The paper shows the quantitative distribution of the defined types of patterns. It demonstrates that between the two opposite poles of expressiving causativity, i.e. through morphological causativization and syntactic causative construction, there are languages, such as Czech, that display a wider range of structural possibilities. Although some types clearly dominate, the overall range of patterns is much larger.