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The material scope of the research problem encompasses issues concerned with the essence and sense of the legal definition of a terrorist offence in the Polish criminal law. The Polish legislator implemented the definition of a terrorist offence under Art. 115 § 20 of the Criminal Code in 2014, which was caused by the necessity to align the Polish law with the EU regulations. Metaphorically, it needs to be recognised that the definition in a way modifies the prohibited act and the scope of criminal liability. The structure of the legal definition of a terrorist offence comprises two elements, which serve as conditions to be fulfilled by the perpetrator. The first condition is formal and concerned with the severity of the sanction apportion to the perpetrator’s main act, while the second condition is motivational and concerned with a special goal actuating the perpetrator. Undoubtedly, the institution of the terrorist offence in the Polish criminal law serves a dissuasive and repressive purpose in relation to perpetrators of such offences. In order to elaborate the objective scope of the analysis, the following research questions are presented in the paper: (1) To what degree is the legal definition of a terrorist offence effective in the criminal policy regarding prevention and combating terrorism? (2) To what degree may the content of the legal definition of a terrorist offence infringe the principle of nullum crimen sine lege certa? The analysis is an overview, and has been performed considering an institutional and legal approach. In this approach, textual, doctrinal, and functional interpretations have been applied to the content of the legal definition of a terrorist offence. Given the discrepancies arising from the ambiguity of the terms used in the definition, relatively great emphasis has been laid on linguistic interpretation. Zakres przedmiotowy problemu badawczego prezentowanego w tekście obejmuje kwestie związane z istotą i sensem definicji legalnej przestępstwa o charakterze terrorystycznym w polskim prawie karnym. Polski ustawodawca zaimplementował definicję przestępstwa o charakterze terrorystycznym w ramach art. 115 § 20 Kodeksu karnego w 2014 roku, co wynikało z konieczności dostosowania polskiego prawa do regulacji Unii Europejskiej. Stosując metaforę uznać należy, że definicja ta stanowi swoisty rodzaj modyfikatora czynu zabronionego i zakresu odpowiedzialności karnej. Struktura definicji legalnej przestępstwa o charakterze terrorystycznym skalda się z dwóch elementów, będących zarazem przesłankami, które wypełnić ma sprawca. Pierwsza przesłanka ma charakter formalny, i dotyczy wysokości sankcji przypisanej głównemu czynowi sprawcy, z kolei druga przesłanka ma charakter motywacyjny, i dotyczy szczególnego rodzaju celu, jaki przyświeca w działaniu sprawcy. Niewątpliwie instytucja przestępstwa o charakterze terrorystycznym w polskim prawie karnym pełni funkcje odstraszającą i represyjną w stosunku do sprawców tego typu przestępstw. W celu uszczegółowienia zakresu przedmiotowego podjętej analizy w tekście przedstawiono następujące pytania badawcze: (1) W jakim stopniu definicja legalna przestępstwa o charakterze terrorystycznym jest efektywna w polityce karnej w zakresie przeciwdziałania i zwalczania zjawiska terroryzmu?, (2) W jakim stopniu treść definicji legalnej przestępstwa o charakterze terrorystycznym może naruszać zasadę nullum crimen sine lege certa? Analiza zawarta w tekście ma głównie charakter poglądowy, w ramach, którego wykorzystano ujęcie instytucjonalno-prawne. W ramach tego ujęcia treść definicji legalnej przestępstwa o charakterze terrorystycznym poddano interpretacji tekstualnej, doktrynalnej i funkcjonalnej. W związku z rozbieżnościami wynikającymi z niejednoznaczności terminów użytych w tej definicji stosunkowo duży nacisk położono na interpretację językową.

The armed conflicts in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the period from 1992 to 1995, which ended with the conclusion of the so-called The Dayton Peace Agreement was marked by serious violations of fundamental human rights and freedoms and the commission of horrific war crimes. Prosecution of defendants for these crimes takes place at several levels, ie before: a) the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY), b) domestic courts and c) courts of certain foreign states. The paper analyzes certain indicators related to the prosecution of these crimes, their scope and structure, as well as the ratio of convictions and acquittals for certain war crimes, the scope of application of conventional and summary forms of ending criminal cases and court policy of sanctioning perpetrators. It was learned that by the end of 2020, hundreds of criminal proceedings against approximately a thousand defendants had been completed. Most of the accused were prosecuted before the Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina (Court of B&H), followed by the ICTY, and a slightly smaller number before the courts of the former SFRY and some Western European countries. The research established that before the ICTY, out of the total number of accused for war crimes committed in Bosnia and Herzegovina, as many as 90.2% were convicted of some of these crimes, while the rate of convicted in relation to accused before the Court of B&H was 67.2% , and before the courts in the Republic of Serbia 70.2%. It is interesting that before the ICTY as many as 24.3% of the accused were convicted in summary proceedings on the basis of a plea agreement, while before the Court of B&H 13,3% of the accused were convicted using a plea bargaining as a consensual model for ending criminal cases. So far, 22 people have been convicted of the crime of genocide as the most serious crime before the ICTY, the Court of B&H and German courts, and all convictions related to the activities of the Army of Republika Srpska during the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Court of B&H, inherited a relatively mild policy of punishing war crimes. Finally, it was found that certain courts, especially Court of B&H, inherited a relatively mild policy of punishing war crimes.

This article addresses the idea of how alternative punishments can be adopted judicially instead of the primary punishments. The need for adopting the alternative punishments comes into exist when the primary punishments have failed to achieve its main goals to reform and rehabilitate the convict, as well as other negative effects that accompany its implementation. There exists almost a consensus about the importance of the public employment and its role in improving the life of societies. On this basis, this employment is surrounded by a legal framework, determined in the rights and duties of the public employee. The legislator shall guarantee the establishment of a special penal system for the group of public officials, known as the disciplinary system, in which the penalties imposed on the employee shall be specified if job duties has been breached. Therefore, the disciplinary system as one of the punitive systems is inevitably affected by these modern ideas and trends. Accordingly, the issue of adopting the idea of alternative penalties in it becomes of importance because of similar effects that may contribute to evaluating the employee’s behavior and reforming the public employment, which prompts us to allocate a specialized study for this subject.

S prometnimi nesrečami se srečujemo vsak dan. Zaradi svojih pogosto tragičnih posledic imajo posebno mesto v slovenski kazenskopravni zakonodaji. V tej magistrski nalogi sta natančneje predstavljeni in preučeni kaznivi dejanji povzročitve prometne nesreče iz malomarnosti in nevarne vožnje v cestnem prometu, kot ju določa slovenski KZ-1. Obe inkriminaciji sta primerjani, obenem pa je natančneje opisano njuno mesto v slovenski judikaturi. Kriminalitetnopolitična presoja je v rokah zakonodajalca, ki pa je pri oblikovanju inkriminacij vezan na vrsto pravil in načel. Med njimi je tudi lex certa, eno najpomembnejših kazenskopravnih načel, ki med drugim preprečuje arbitrarnost sodne prakse. Skladno s tem, skuša ta magistrska naloga nasloviti izhodiščno vprašanje, če je zakonodajalec pri sprejemanju in spreminjanju določb 323. člena in 324. člena KZ-1 ustvaril primeren in jasen normativni okvir za praktično odločanje o teh dveh kaznivih dejanjih, ki spoštuje kazenskopravna načela. Traffic accidents are events we encounter in our everyday life. Because of their potentially severe consequences, they also have an important place in Slovenian criminal law. In my master's thesis, I analyse the criminal offences of causing a traffic accident through negligence and dangerous driving in road traffic, as defined in the Slovenian Criminal Code. I compare the two criminalisation and present their place in Slovenian case law. The legislator has the competence of criminal policy judgement. Nevertheless, many rules and principles bind the legislator in formulating the incriminations, precisely one of the most important in criminal law, the lex certa. This principle prevents the arbitrariness of case law. Therefore, the initial question of this thesis is whether the Slovenian legislator has, through adopting and amending the provisions of Article 323 and Article 324 of the Criminal Code, established a sufficiently clear normative framework for the assessment of these criminal offences in practice and in view of relevant legal principles.

In Republic of Serbia, violence at sports events represents a problem which is being reviewed with every new major sports event. A problem that goes beyond the scope of the sport, affecting topics of general crime, economics, and even the relationship between states. By forming a holistic perspective, the authors point out the need to revise the phenomenological framework of the previously mentioned phenomenon and the utopian nature of current preventive ideas. It is only by formulating a systemic criminal-law response that encompasses wider criminal frameworks, there are also considered the possibilities of normalization the sports events within the national framework.

For many years the Russian Federation has had one of the highest numbers of people incarcerated in penal institutions (per 100,000 population). As of 1 January 2020, there were 523,928 people in prison. An analysis of the legislation and the practice of its application reveals that the main trend of modern Russian penal policy is for stricter penalties, longer prison terms, and inefficient use of alternative punishments. The ongoing trend of humanising and liberalising criminal justice remains virtually invisible and suppressed by a repressive bias, which ultimately prevents it from significantly influencing the overall direction of state policy in this area.

Drawing on evidence from the Philippines, this paper investigates the so-called penal populism thesis. Penal populism refers to an understanding of justice in which criminal and anti-social activity should be harshly punished. The paper tests whether support for harsh penal policies, including the use of extrajudicial killings, is associated with underlying populist attitudes and preferences for charismatic leadership. Since coming to power in 2016, President Rodrigo Duterte has waged a violent and highly popular campaign against drug-related criminality. Based on survey modules fielded in 2016 and 2017, the paper demonstrates a positive relationship between populist attitudes and support for the campaign against illegal drugs in general and the extra-judicial killing of suspected drug users and dealers in particular. It also demonstrates a relationship between belief in the charisma of Duterte and support for the campaign against illegal drugs. The implications of the theory and results for the fields of populism and penal populism research are discussed.

Judge courage needed in deciding adultery cases in article 284 of the Criminal Code for perpetrators who have not been bound by marriage, the judge can apply based on the 1945 Constitution and the Law on Judicial Power, which states the source of law is not only the Law (expansion of the principle of material legality) but can also source from code that lives in the community (customary law). This research is intended to analyze and describe the penal policy (criminal law policy and politics of criminal law) concerning adultery in Indonesia. This research uses normative legal research, where the Author analyze and compare all laws and regulations concerning to adultery in Indonesia and some theories of adultery in global context. This paper emphasized that adultery not only against religious values but also customary values (customary law). The formulation of adultery concept in Indonesian Penal Code affected by religious teachings and national ideology of Pancasila.

This paper analyzes the profile of intergovernmental relations promoted by the National Penitentiary Department (DEPEN) with state governments between the years of 2006 to 2016. We start from the hypothesis that different strategies were established around the creation of federal programs and their link to the transfer of financial resources to state governments via the National Penitentiary Fund (FUNPEN). On the one hand, federative coordination was sought by inducing certain types of criminal liability – as is the case with criminal alternatives. On the other hand, DEPEN acted in the logic of cooperation by complementing actions carried out by state governments – such as the provision of places in prisons. Through documental research and a survey of the agreements signed, we concluded that the federal government is not the protagonist in the criminal policy agenda, since its performance in the studied period was diffuse, and this choice made it difficult to condition the DEPEN technical guidance guidelines for the transfer of financial resources from FUNPEN in a proposal for federative coordination. Este trabalho analisa o perfil das relações intergovernamentais promovidas pelo Departamento Penitenciário Nacional (DEPEN) para com os governos estaduais entre os anos de 2006 a 2016. Partimos da hipótese que foram estabelecidas estratégias distintas em torno da criação de programas federais e a vinculação desses ao repasse de recursos financeiros para os governos estaduais via Fundo Penitenciário Nacional (FUNPEN). Por um lado, buscou-se a coordenação federativa ao induzir certos tipos de responsabilização penal – como é o caso das alternativas penais. Por outro lado, o DEPEN atuou na lógica da cooperação via complementação de ações executadas pelos governos estaduais – como é o caso da provisão de vagas em estabelecimentos prisionais. Através de pesquisa documental e levantamento dos convênios firmados, concluímos que a atuação do governo federal não é o protagonista na pauta das políticas penais, pois sua atuação no período estudado foi difusa, e essa escolha dificultou o condicionamento das diretrizes de orientação técnica do DEPEN para o repasse de recursos financeiros do FUNPEN em uma proposta de coordenação federativa.

At the end of the 1980s, it was realized that the policy of punishment and institutions such as prisons were in a serious crisis, and that punishment did not achieve the proclaimed goals. The repressive concept of punishment has traditionally been resorted to, and it is still present in practice in most developed countries in the world. The application of a stricter concept of crime response did not significantly change the growth trend of crime; on the contrary, such an approach increased the number of prisoners to unsustainable limits for prison institutions. Starting from the effects of imprisonment, in particular long prison sentences and life sentences and the consequences of imprisonment, there are growing calls to limit or altogether avoid imprisonment, as its shortcomings are very serious and affect both the prisoner's personality and the society. As a result of more severe punishment, there was an increase in the imposition of life imprisonment. According to available data, about half a million people in the world are serving life sentences. Life imprisonment is imposed in 183 out of 216 countries and territories, and between 2004 and 2015 there was an increase in the imposition of this sentence by about 84%. It is certainly necessary, in the coming period, to find a balanced penal policy and, wherever possible, to impose alternative sanctions because of the negative impact and very visible negative consequences that imprisonment leaves.

The traditionally strict alcohol policies of the Nordic countries have all been liberalized. This leads to an increasing policy gap in relation to the drug policies. A prognosis is made about the future of drug policy in Sweden based on the development of alcohol policy – the market will ultimately decide.

Incomplete crime is one of the unfinished crimes and differs from its similar concepts namely impossible crime and attempting a crime. By examining Iran's penal policy we can say that the legislator's view toward this type of crime is shaky. This lack of integrity, both within the framework of the Public Penal Code of 1352 and in the context of post-revolutionary laws, has led to divisions in judicial and doctrine process. In the current legal order, however, we are faced with two articles 613 of the Ta'zir Law of 1375 and 122 of the Islamic Penal Code of 2013. In this article, while criticizing different viewpoints, two views have been presented. Firstly, in accordance with Article 122 of the Islamic Penal Code and its note, the incomplete crimes cannot be punished. Second, despite the implicit abolition of Article 613 of the Ta'zir Law of 1375 for commencing the premeditated murder, this Article still appears to be valid in the case of incomplete crimes and, consequently, by reference to this Article, the incomplete crimes are punishable solely for premeditated murder.

Polityka karna w Polsce od lat uchodzi za niezwykle punitywną, o czym świadczą wysokie wartości, jakie przyjmują współczynniki prizonizacji, poczynając od okresu przed II wojną światową. Rodzi to uzasadnione pytanie o przyczyny takiego stanu rzeczy: czy leżą one po stronie punitywnego ustawodawstwa, tj. prawa zapisanego, czy też po stronie praktyki orzekania kar przez sądy, tj. prawa w działaniu. Artykuł poświęcony jest analizie w świetle dostępnych danych statystycznych wybranych zjawisk w polskiej polityce karnej, pokazujących, że w szeregu wypadków reformy zmierzające do obniżenia poziomu punitywności polskiej polityki karnej dawały rezultaty odwrotne od zamierzonych. Równocześnie wskazać można okresy jednoznacznego obniżenia tej punitywności, które nie były warunkowane jakimikolwiek zmianami ustawodawczymi. Pokazuje to względną niezależność płaszczyzn prawa zapisanego i prawa w działaniu.

The article investigates the normative legal acts regulating modern health care in theinstitutions of the penal system and the practice of providing medical care to convicts. Within various historical periods, the system of medical care for convicts almost always reflected the level of morality, culture and General civilization of society. Analysis of the legal framework of thepolicy in the field of health care of convicts allows us to state a number of shortcomings in thesystem of normative regulation of medical care. Based on the study of the practice of providing medical care to convicts, it can be concluded that the problems are: the untimely provision of it; thelack of necessary medicines and specialists for the provision of medical care; insufficient technical and material equipment of medical services, as well as understaffing of specialists. Thesolution of problematic issues is possible with the active cooperation of the service for supervision in the field of health care, regional and municipal Executive authorities, internal Affairs bodies and the penitentiary service.

The purposes of this paper are to identify and examine the revocation of political rights for corruptors as an extra-ordinary measure. The research showed that law enforcement through penal policies still have shortcomings such as light criminal sentence for perpetrators of criminal acts of corruption as well as lack of awareness among judges to apply the additional sentence of fixed-time revocation of rights. Penal law enforcement requires integral and sustainable policies through non-penal policies (prevention). Preventive efforts should be responsive to the demands of the community at large for officials who are clean, honest and who have integrity. Non-penal law shall be enforced through the concept of developing smart and integrity-based politics.

At first glance, it seems that a criminal or punitive sanction must have a positive effect, at least through intimidation, rehabilitation in preventing the unauthorized exploitation of underground water resources. But look at the statistics available from the commission of a crime reveals many problems in the current criminal policy against it, which can be rooted in reliance on the effectiveness of criminal proceedings. In addition, the effectiveness of punishments requires the inherent features; the fetus, observance of the proper principles of criminalization and then punishment is necessary in determining the punishment .The study of the philosophy of punishment in dealing with the crime of unauthorized exploitation of underground water sources and the accuracy of the use of punishment in the criminal policy in the first place, and then the rate of compliance with the penalties imposed by the abovementioned criteria, and ultimately the assessment of the effectiveness of these penalties, is the main subject of this paper.

AFTER the previous edition of JILS raised the theme of “Crimes and Society: General Issues on Criminal Law in Indonesia”, in this edition JILS wanted to explore various cases and developments in criminal law enforcement. The complexity of criminal law enforcement in many conditions presents a variety of debates, ranging from legality and non-retroactive principles of law which in certain cases find discrepancies between facts and existing theories. In addition, criminal law which is considered ultimum remedium and has the character of a double-edged sword, on the one hand protects the interests of victims and the public but on the other hand injures the rights of the accused, becomes very complex because of its relation to the protection of human rights. In order to provide the most up-to-date discourse in the development of criminal law enforcement, in this edition we take the theme “Penal Policy and The Development of Criminal Law”. This theme provides a different perspective for readers relating to criminal law policy and formulation of criminal law enforcement. In this edition, we received a large number of articles sent to the editorial desk, therefore it requires considerable time in choosing, reviewing and giving our best feedback and comments to the authors. To highlight the development of criminal law enforcement, this Journal volume is dedicated to discuss several issues related to the penal policy and development of criminal law enforcement.

This article examines how Liverpool Borough Prison, opened in 1855 as one of the largest local prisons in England to adopt the separate system, categorized and dealt with mental distress and disorder amongst its prison population in the late nineteenth century. High prison committal rates in Liverpool, alongside high levels of recidivism, especially among female prisoners, led to severe overcrowding and encouraged a harsh disciplinary regime. Exacerbated by the poor physical and mental condition of the prisoners, this produced a challenging environment for maintaining the separate system of confinement and prisoners’ mental well-being. While official figures for the rates of mental disorder in local prisons are not readily available, Liverpool Prison’s diverse and under-exploited archives and official reports indicate that insanity caused prison officials and visiting justices great concern, and many prisoners were declared unfit for the rigours of prison discipline. Our article explores the implications of the ever more punitive, deterrent and physically taxing penal policy implemented in the late nineteenth century on the minds of prisoners. Despite the heavy toll on prisoners’ mental well-being, such cases were often retained by prison medical officers reluctant to acknowledge the failure of the prison to deter, reform and redeem.

Przedmiotem rozważań artykułu jest fragment polityki karnej państwa obejmujący działalność sądów w celu przeciwdziałania i ograniczania przestępczości w drodze stosowania przepisów prawa karnego wobec cudzoziemców przebywających w Polsce. W szczególności poruszane jest zagadnienie polityki wymierzania kar i środków karnych cudzoziemcom, którzy dopuścili się czynów zabronionych przez polskie prawo karne i trafili do systemu formalnej kontroli społecznej. Celem analizy jest ustalenie, w jaki sposób na przestrzeni lat 2004 – 2012 kształtowała się polityka sądowego wymiaru kary cudzoziemcom, jakie kary i środki karne były wobec nich najczęściej stosowane w odpowiedzi na popełnienie poszczególnych rodzajów przestępstw oraz sprawdzenie czy, a jeśli tak, to w jakim kierunku i zakresie, polityka ta odbiega od polityki karnej stosowanej wobec polskich obywateli., {"references":["Błachut J., Polityka karna i stan przestępczości [w:] A. Marek (red.), Zagadnienia ogólne, \"System Prawa Karnego\", Tom 1, Wydawnictwo C.H. Beck, Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN, Warszawa 2010.","Dane statystyczne za 2012, http://bip.ms.gov.pl/pl/dzialalnosc/statystyki/statystyki-2012/.","Dąbrowski P., Duszczyk M., Wprowadzenie [w:] Przestrzeganie Praw Cudzoziemców w Polsce. Raport Rzecznika Praw Obywatelskich, Warszawa 2012.","Melezini M., Środki karne [w:] M. Melezini (red.), Kary i środki karne. Poddanie sprawcy próbie, \"System Prawa Karnego\", Tom 6, Wydawnictwo C. H. Beck, Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN, Warszawa 2010.","Melezini M., Środki karne jako instrument polityki kryminalnej, Temida 2, Białystok 2013.","Słubik K., Cudzoziemcy w Polsce [w:] W. Klaus (red.), Bezpieczny dom?, Warszawa 2014.","Szczepanik M., Cudzoziemcy w Polsce – zjawiska i charakterystyka kulturowa wybranych grup [w:] M. Łysienia (red.), Cudzoziemcy w Polsce. Podręcznik dla funkcjonariuszy publicznych, Helsińska Fundacja Praw Człowieka, Helsińska Fundacja Praw Człowieka, Warszawa 2015.","Szymanowski T., Polityka karna w Polsce współczesnej w świetle przepisów prawa i danych empirycznych, [w:] A. Marek (red.), Zagadnienia Ogólne, \"System Prawa Karnego\", tom I, CH Beck, Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN, Warszawa 2010."]}

El presente artículo se aproxima al Derecho penal de transición entre el orden jurídico castellano-indiano del virreinato de la Nueva Granada y orden jurídico republicano, enfocándose en la legislación contra ladrones anterior al Código Penal de 1837. Esta legislación pretendía resolver el problema de los hurtos que había aumentado después de la Independencia. Inicialmente, durante la República de Colombia, predominó la dureza en los castigos, mientras que ya en la República de la Nueva Granada la legislación fue más moderada. Se muestra que la forma y estructura de estas leyes aún estaba influida por la cultura jurídica del virreinato, a pesar de los cambios en el discurso penal de las constituciones de 1821 y 1832, de índole ilustrado-liberal. Al mismo tiempo que dicha legis­lación pretendía resolver un problema concreto, continuaron los debates sobre el Código Penal que, en 1837, daría inicio al Derecho codificado nacional. Esta política penal temprana también buscó mejorar los establecimientos de castigo, aunque sin éxito. Así, el Estado en ciernes aun estaba lejos de establecer un ver­dadero sistema penal. Para la investigación se usaron fuentes diversas buscando entender la legislación dentro de su contexto político e ideológico. This article approaches the transitional criminal law between the Castilian-Indian legal order of the viceroyalty of New Granada and the repub­lican legal order, focusing on the legislation against thieves prior to the Penal Code of 1837. This legislation intended to solve the problem of thefts that had increased after Independence. Initially, during the Republic of Colombia, harsh punishment prevailed, while in the Republic of New Granada the legislation was more moderate. It is shown that the form and structure of these laws was still influenced by the legal culture of the viceroyalty, despite the changes in the penal discourse of the 1821 and 1832 constitutions, of an enlightened-liberal nature. At the same time that said legislation sought to solve a specific problem, debates continued on the Penal Code which, in 1837, would give rise to the na­tional codified law. This early penal policy also sought to improve punishment establishments, although without success. Thus, the fledgling state was still far from establishing a true penal system. For the research, various sources were used seeking to understand the legislation within its political and ideological context.

�� �������������� ������������ ���������������������� ���������������� ������������������������ �������������� ���������������� ������������������������������ �� ���������������� ���������� ������������������������ ���������������������������� �������������� ���� �������������������� ������������������������ �������������������� �� 1905��� 1941 ����. ���������� ���������������� ������������������������ ���������������������� ���������������������������� ����������������-���������������������������� �������������� ��������������������., The scientific article describes the main historical moments of the development of the organizational and legal foundations of the penitentiary system in the territory of modern Kazakhstan in 1905���1941. The author highlights the priority directions of the transformation of the criminal-executive system of Kazakhstan.

В статье раскрыты основные моменты становления организационных и правовых основ деятельности казахстанской модели пенитенциарной системы в период XVIII — начала XX века. Автором освещены важные направления реформирования мест лишения свободы в Казахстане., The article reveals the main points of the formation of the organizational and legal foundations of the Kazakh model of the penitentiary system of Kazakhstan in the XVIII — ear. XX centuries. The author highlights important areas of reforming places of execution of criminal punishment in Kazakhstan.

The development of drug policy in Denmark has moved from a relatively liberal position to a stricter policy. The 2020s is marked by both criminalization and harm reduction and the development can be characterized as following a dual track where people with a problematic drug use are being cared for.

Alternatives to unconditional sentence of imprisonment Abstract This Master's thesis deals with the topic of alternatives to unconditional sentence of imprisonment whose purpose is to eliminate negative consequences associated with imprisonment. The thesis consists of an introduction, nine chapters and a conclusion. The first chapter is dedicated to punishment itself as a term, its purpose and functions and its elementary principles. The second one deals with penal system, sentencing and hierarchy of penalties as well as history of this topic and even an evolution of imprisonment. Furthermore, this chapter gives an insight into the penal policy, its development and individual elements which has an impact on its adjustment and functioning. These chapters are cornerstone for the rest of the thesis. The aim of the fourth chapter is the evaluation of all negative impacts of unconditional sentence of imprisonment on both the prisoners and society. It also evaluates significant economic consequences. The fifth chapter is centered on definition of both substantive and procedural alternative measures and activities of the Probation and Mediation Service which are crucial to alternative sentences enforcement. The sixth chapter is devoted to a complex analysis of essence of alternative measures also focuses on their...

Испитивање ставова јавности према осуђенима је тема која је битна и са теоријског и са апликативног становишта. Са теоријског аспекта, ствара могућност за потврду одређених теорија и отвара простор за стварање нових. Са практичног аспекта, утврђивање у ком се смеру крећу ставови, и који су њихови предиктори, омогућава постављање адекватних програма третмана и законских одредби у вези са поступањем према осуђенима (за време и после извршавања казне затвора). Знање о томе какви су ставови јавности према осуђенима у Србији, отвара нам могућност разумевања доминантних настојања у нашој судској казненој политици. Циљеви истраживања су утврђивање разлика у ставовима грађана Републике Србије према осуђенима у односу на родну припадност, старост, образовни ниво, познавање осуђеног/бившег осуђеног, искуство виктимизације, искуство виктимизације блиске особе, брачни статус, родитељство, радни статус за време ванредног стања и ситуациону структуру дељења животног простора испитаника. Истраживање је реализовано током јуна 2020. године. Један део података прикупљен је путем онлајн анкете, док је други део података прикупљен путем исте анкете у папирном/штампаном облику. У истраживању је коришћена скала која је конструисана за потребе овог истраживања. На нивоу Скале регистрована је прихватљива поузданост (α=0,78). Узорак истраживања је пригодан и формиран на добровољној основи. Узорак је чинило 433 пунолетних испитаника, различите старости, од 18 до 70 година. Резултати истраживања указују да су се ставови јавности према осуђенима у Србији за време ванредног стања кретали у рехабилитативном смеру. Постоје разлике у ставовима грађана према осуђенима у односу на родну припадност, образовни ниво и родитељство. Показало се да су жене, они са завршеном вишом или високом школом и испитаници са децом, пунитивнији у односу на остале испитанике. Examining the attitudes of the public towards inmates is a topic that is important for both the theoretical and the applied viewpoint. From the theoretical aspect, it creates an opportunity to confirm certain theories and opens space for the construction of new ones. From a practical aspect, determining in which direction the attitudes are moving, and what are their predictors, enabling the establishment of adequate treatment programs and legal provisions related to the treatment of convicts (during and after the execution of prison sentences). Knowledge of the public's attitudes towards inmates in Serbia opens up the possibility of understanding the dominant orientations in our judicial penal policy. The aims of the research are: to determine the differences in the attitudes of the citizens towards the inmates in relation to their gender, age, level of education, knowledge of the inmate/former inmate, experience of victimization, experience of victimization of a close person, marital status, parenthood, work status during a state of emergency and situational structure of the lifestyle of the respondents. The research was realized during June 2020. One part of the data was collected through an online survey, while the other part of the data was collected through the same survey in paper/printed form. A scale constructed for the purposes of this research was used in the research. Acceptable reliability (α = 0.78) was registered at the Scale level. The research sample is appropriate and formed on a voluntary basis. The sample consisted of 433 adult respondents, of different age categories, from 18 to 70 years. Research results: Public attitudes towards inmates in Serbia during the state of emergency were moving in the direction of rehabilitation. There are differences in the attitudes of citizens towards inmates in relation to gender, level of education and parenthood. It turned out that women, those with 6th degree of vocational education and respondents with children were more punitive than other respondents.

Criminal policy takes on new shapes in Rio de Janeiro during the new coronavirus pandemic. The State expresses its ultra-conservative and punitive approach to manage the public health crisis in the precarious prison system, reducing the law and expanding the prison economy. The purpose of this text is to reflect on some elements introduced and / or reaffirmed during the pandemic in the prison system, such as the increase in family expenses, which with suspended visits, deliver more food and money, the voluntary work carried out by prisoners in the mass production of masks. and the consideration of the use of containers and alteration of prison architecture rules. As a methodology, the study used documents produced by MEPCT / RJ (institution that monitors and inspects places of deprivation of liberty in the state), and presents evidence to think of new dynamics in prison, along with a relevant review of literature to reflect on the issue. The paper also identifies the instrumentalization of the world health crisis for the agenda of criminal recrudescence in Brazil, guaranteeing profitability and capital reproduction. La política criminal toma nuevas formas en Río de Janeiro durante la nueva pandemia de coronavirus. El Estado expresa su enfoque ultraconservador y punitivo para manejar la crisis de salud pública en el precario sistema penitenciario, reduciendo la ley y expandiendo la economía carcelaria. El propósito de este texto es reflexionar sobre algunos elementos introducidos y / o reafirmados durante la pandemia en el sistema penitenciario, como el aumento de los gastos familiares, que con visitas suspendidas, entregan más alimentos y dinero; el trabajo voluntario que realizan los presos en la producción masiva de máscaras y la consideración del uso de contenedores y alteración de las normas de arquitectura carcelaria. Como metodología se utilizaron documentos producidos por MEPCT / RJ, órgano que monitorea e inspecciona los lugares de privación de libertad en el estado, y presenta evidencias para reflexionar sobre las nuevas dinámicas carcelarias, junto con la literatura relevante para reflexionar sobre el tema. Al final, identifica la instrumentalización de la crisis sanitaria mundial a la agenda del recrudecimiento delictivo en Brasil, asegurando la rentabilidad y la reproducción del capital. A política penal ganha novos contornos no Rio de Janeiro durante a pandemia do novo coronavírus. O Estado manifesta seu direcionamento ultraconservador e punitivista para gerir a crise de saúde pública no precário sistema prisional, reduzindo direitos e expandindo a economia carcerária. O objetivo desse texto é refletir sobre alguns elementos introduzidos e/ou reafirmados durante a pandemia no sistema prisional, como o aumento dos gastos de familiares, que com as visitas suspensas, entregam mais alimentos e dinheiro; o trabalho voluntário exercido pelas presas na produção em massa de máscaras e a cogitação do uso de contêineres e alteração das normas de arquitetura prisional. Como metodologia, o estudo é bibliográfico e documental, esses últimos produzidos pelo MEPCT/RJ, órgão que monitora e fiscaliza espaços de privação de liberdade no estado, e apresenta indícios para pensar as novas dinâmicas no cárcere, de forma qualitativa. Ao fim, identifica-se a instrumentalização da crise de saúde mundial para a agenda de recrudescimento penal no Brasil, garantindo lucratividade e reprodução do capital.

The incorporation of restorative justice (RJ) into penal policy is not a neutral process; it actually reshapes both the rationales and the functioning of RJ, possibly erasing its potential to be something 'other' and 'better' than criminal justice. Through a comparative analysis of policy on RJ in England and Wales, Norway and France, this paper claims that RJ's promise to provide a cooperative-transformative approach to social conflicts and harms, predicated on de-professionalisation, direct stakeholders' centrality and critique of punishment, is neutralised by the process of translating RJ into penal policy. The second part of the paper sketches out RJ as a critique of violence, outside any legal framework. Along these lines, it is possible to generate original insights into the current situation and future developments of RJ and, more broadly, into the corrosive dynamics of legal violence.

Based on an ethnographic survey in Custodial Institutions for Juveniles, this thesis aims to analyze a form of treatment of illegalisms through the scope of institutional experiences. Among other perspectives, the research focuses on the relationship between socio educational actors and juveniles, as a common experience in the context of professional practices and constrained environments. This work is based on a three years’ research achieved in a Custodial Education Facility (CEF) and in a Young Offender Institution (EPM). A review of official documents, observations and individual interviews are the main empirical sources. The sociological analysis reveals the tensions between the inside and outside, both in physical and symbolic sense, which influence the experience of actors. The institutions play a coercive role as much as they pursue an educational and pedagogical objective. This last principle is applied in order to ease coercion and to involve minors in their detention and their judicial process. To that end, the preservation of outward connections, the individualization of social care and the autonomy and empowerment of minors are at the center of interventions. However, results of the survey show how this process is scarcely reducing coercion. It may even create a form of control that also operates extramurally over minds, biographies, and juveniles’ environment.; Au moyen d’une enquête ethnographique en établissement fermé pour mineurs, ce travail propose une analyse d’une forme de traitement institutionnel des illégalismes au prisme des expériences institutionnelles des acteurs. La recherche se focalise notamment sur la relation entre intervenants socio-éducatifs et mineurs, en tant qu’expérience commune dans le cadre de pratiques professionnelles et d’un espace contraint. Ce travail s’appuie sur trois ans d’enquête menée dans un Centre éducatif fermé (CEF) et un Établissement pénitentiaire pour mineurs (EPM). La consultation de documentation, la poursuite d’une série d’observations et d’entretiens individuels constituent les principales sources de données empiriques. L’analyse sociologique révèle les tensions entre l’intérieur et l’extérieur des établissements, au sens physique comme symbolique, qui président aux vécus des acteurs du milieu fermé. Les établissements fermés pour mineur jouent un rôle de coercition tout autant qu’ils poursuivent un objectif éducatif et pédagogique. Ce dernier principe est appliqué afin de réduire la contrainte et impliquer les mineurs dans leur détention et leur parcours judiciaire. À cette fin, le maintien du lien à l’extérieur, l'individualisation de l’accompagnement, l'autonomie et la responsabilisation des mineurs sont au centre des interventions. Néanmoins, les résultats de l’enquête montrent que ce processus ne réduit guère la coercition. Il peut même créer une forme de contrôle opérant également extra-muros ; sur les esprits, les biographies, et l’environnement des mineurs.

В статье проанализированы особенности трудовой функции осужденных, отбывающих наказание в виде лишения свободы в учреждениях уголовно-исполнительной системы Российской Федерации. На сегодняшний день труд, как и прежде, занимает важнейшее место среди средств обращения с осужденными, однако все чаще возникают дискуссии по поводу недостаточного правового регулирования, начиная с момента привлечения осужденных к труду и заканчивая моментом окончания трудовых отношений. Автор приходит к выводу, что достижение целей ресоциализации осужденных неразрывно связано с деятельностью исправительных учреждений по созданию условий для приобретения (восстановления) осужденными профессиональных трудовых навыков и специальностей для их последующей адаптации в обществе, выработкой у них психологической и нравственной потребности трудиться. В настоящее время российская пенитенциарная система нуждается в переосмыслении принципов ее построения. При этом в сфере регулирования труда осужденных имеется ряд проблем, решение которых является первым шагом к реформированию российской уголовно-исполнительной системы. Автором использованы сравнительно-правовой, сравнительноисторический метод, методы анализа и синтеза. В статье рассмотрены принципы организации труда осужденных, закрепленные в национальном и международном законодательстве, а также специфика их реализации в контексте достижения целей уголовно-исполнительной политики. Выявлена специфика организации труда осужденных к лишению свободы в российских и зарубежных пенитенциарных учреждениях. Выявлены особенности привлеченияк организации труда осужденных к лишению свободы частных компаний, выполнение осужденными определенных работ в специально оборудованных мастерских вне исправительного учреждения, занятость осужденных на специально созданных фермах и другие инновации, используемые в зарубежных пенитенциарных системах, The article analyzes the features of the labor function of convicts serving sentences of imprisonment at the institutions of the penal system of the Russian Federation. Today, labor, as before, takes the most important place among the means of dealing with convicts, however, discussions are increasingly emerging about the lack of legal regulation, starting from the moment the convicts are recruited to work and ending with the end of the employment relationship. The author concludes that the achievement of the goals of re-socialization of convicts is inextricably linked with the activities of correctional institutions to create conditions for the convicts to acquire (restore) professional labor skills and specialties for their subsequent adaptation in society, developing their psychological and moral need to work. At present, the Russian penitentiary system needs to rethink the principles of its construction. At the same time, there is a number of problems in the labor regulation of convicts, the solution of which is the first step to reforming the Russian penal system. The author used the comparative legal, comparative historical method, methods of analysis and synthesis. The article discusses the principles of organization of the labor of convicts, enshrined in the national and international legislation, as well as the specifics of their implementation in the context of achieving the goals of the criminal executive policy. The specifics of organization of the labor of persons sentenced to imprisonment in Russian and foreign penitentiary institutions are revealed. The features of attracting private companies to organization of labor of prisoners sentenced to deprivation of liberty, the execution of certain works by convicts in specially equipped workshops outside the correctional facility, the employment of convicts on specially created farms and other innovations used in foreign prison systems are revealed., №2(51) (2020)

In 2008, Slovenia introduced the punishment of life imprisonment. Since then it can be imposed for certain crimes against humanity and for the (at least two) crimes of intentional homicide. The proposal for introducing life imprisonment was founded on two arguments: the introduction of life imprisonment being necessary to harmonise Slovenian law with the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court and to harmonise it with the majority of European countries. In public debate, both arguments were rejected as false, while opponents of life imprisonment cited reasons against introducing it (e.g., rehabilitation as a purpose of punishment, respect for human dignity, the inefficiency of severe sentences). In the public debate, also elements of penal populism could be noticed. Although most experts opposed the introduction of life imprisonment, it was adopted in the Slovenian Criminal Code. In 2016, the Ministry of Justice at first proposed abolishing it, but the final political decision was different. A proposal to abolish the life imprisonment was withdrawn from the 2016 amendment to the Criminal Code and the Parliament did not vote on the proposal at all. Although the punishment of life imprisonment has been now a part of Slovenian law for eleven years, it has not yet been imposed.

The author's attention is focused on the Animal Welfare Law in the Republic of Serbia and the effects of its ten-year application. In the paper, the author sets herself a goal to evaluate through analysis and critical consideration the individual solutions contained in this statutory text, their quality from the aspect of the protection of animals in relation to the corresponding solutions in the animal welfare acts of Germany, Switzerland, Austria, and Croatia. The author's goal is also to examine the effectiveness and practical applicability of the relevant provisions of this statutory text and, on the basis of researched practice of the Misdemeanour Court in Novi Sad, the Misdemeanour Court in Kragujevac, and the Misdemeanour Court in Niš for the last five years of its application. In the paper, the author advocates for amendments to individual solutions, contained in Serbian Animal Welfare Law, which are recognized by practice as insufficiently applicable; for deletion of any solutions directly confronting animal welfare protection, and for strengthening the supervisory and legal mechanism, in order to facilitate the application of this statutory text. In the author's opinion, setting up a Commission for Animal Welfare Protection, as well as the introduction of Commissioner for Animals at the level of each county in the territory of the Republic of Serbia, would contribute to the improvement of application of accompanying by-laws.

Une fièvre populiste semble actuellement se propager sur plusieurs démocraties occidentales. S’intéressant plus spécifiquement à l’inflexion du populisme dans le champ pénal, cet article offre un portrait des composantes constitutives d’une approche pénale à caractère populiste. De la manipulation de la volonté populaire jusqu’à la mésestime des experts et des connaissances acquises en passant par l’instrumentalisation de la victime, cet article détaille l’architecture singulière du populisme pénal. A populist fever seems to be spreading across several Western democracies. Focusing more specifically on the inflection of populism in the area of Criminal justice, this article provides an overview of the components of a populist penal approach. From the manipulation of the general public’s will, to the willful ignorance of expert opinion and extant knowledge, and the instrumentalization of victims’ rights discourses, this article details the unique architecture of penal populism.

The file attached to this record is the author's final peer reviewed version. The Publisher's final version can be found by following the DOI link Following a number of postponements, the long awaited and much needed female offender strategy for England and Wales was finally published in June 2018. The strategy reflects the strong agreement across the sector of the need for a ‘distinct’ or ‘gender-specific’ approach to respond to the vulnerabilities of women in the Criminal Justice System (CJS). Despite this, the strategy lacks clarity and offers little assurance that the direction taken will result in actual change and positive reform. It is vital that the government’s implementation of the female offender strategy provides and demonstrates a genuine commitment to appropriate provision for females in the CJS through ring-fenced permanent funding as well as top-down accountability.

The purpose of this research is to know the regulation of police discretion of Yogyakarta special region in criminal law enforcement and how to apply police discretion in criminal law enforcement in terms of penal policy aspect. The implementation of the special police discretion of the special region of Yogyakarta is guided by the provisions of written rules and unwritten rules that live in the community and is guided by the lines of criminal law policy. The application of the special area police discretion of Yogyakarta can be applied by investigators and investigators through restorative justice approaches in certain cases, the settlement in this way is a form of protection to both the perpetrator and the victim in order to reach a peace agreement.

Studi gagasan ini memiliki fokus terhadap pitutur luhur untuk pemberantasan korupsi di Indonesia. Penulisan gagasan ini menggunakan pendekatan kebijakan hukum pidana. Ditemukan fakta bahwa pemberantasan korupsi selama ini belum menemukan keberhasilan yang signifikan. Salah satu indikatornya adalah Indeks Persepsi Korupsi bangsa Indonesia yang belum membaik. Ternyata, penindakan yang eksesif yang dilakukan oleh KPK tidak banyak mengurangi tingkat korupsi. Mengenai hal ini, rencana aksi yang sekiranya layak “diperjuangkan” secara optimal adalah pemberantasan korupsi secara preventif, tanpa kemudian mengurangi sedikitpun upaya-upaya represif. Ambil contoh, misalnya, merevitaliasi pitutur luhur yang merupakan salah satu kearifan lokal budaya Jawa. Dalam perspektif kebijakan hukum pidana, usaha menjadikan pitutur luhur untuk pemberantasan korupsi di Indonesia dapat dimaknai sebagai pengejawantahan upaya strategis untuk memperbaiki kondisi-kondisi sosial yang menjadi penyebab lahirnya praktik korupsi. Oleh karena itu, usaha konkritisasi pitutur luhur untuk pemberantasan korupsi di Indonesia dapat dilakukan dengan berbagai cara strategis, misalnya melalui dunia pendidikan, seni dan budaya, serta kegiatan-kegiatan yang melibatkan partisipasi masyarakat secara luas.

The article contains a discussion of the views of trying to explain today recorded an alarming increase in the number of people deposited in prisons. View, these ideas show how flawed and shortsighted social policies pursued in many Western countries, instead of focusing on long-term, arduous it is true, but more effective activation programs of social assimilation of representatives of disadvantaged economically, focuses on ad hoc, mostly populist surgery. At the end of shows recently announced the views P.K. Enns of the inherent relationships incarceration rates with the shaped by media moods of the American public. At the end of shows recently announced the views P.K. Enns of the inherent relationships incarceration rates with the shaped by media moods of the American public.

This chapter critiques the ways in which penal arrangements remain prisoner-centric and fail to acknowledge a women's maternal status and familial responsibilities. Viewing these women in isolation from their maternal status fails to recognise how they are embedded in social and familial networks, relationships, and responsibilities, and generally perform a primary caregiving role to their dependent children. Not only does this have implications for female prisoners as they attempt to remain connected to motherhood, but it also has a substantial effect on the large number of innocent children and family members left behind during maternal imprisonment. Prisoners' children have been called the ‘hidden victims of imprisonment’ and the ‘orphans of justice’ because they, and their family members, are continually disregarded within the political and policy sphere, academic studies, and society more generally.

Criminal policy, as part of public policy, enjoys significant feature due to the fact that governments have different characteristics and their identity is formulated by diverse concepts and their establishment follows different goals. The Islamic Republic of Iran as a political system based on ‘Republicanism’ and ‘Islamite’ enjoys its specific criminal policy according to the two given components. These two components can have specific consequences which distinguish the regime of Iran from the others. While it is true that adoption of republicanism and Islamite as two basic components for political regime can force the government to follow the principles of democracy including the rule of law, civil society, and respect for equality and freedom which change the face of criminal policy, the question remains that how adoption of Islamite stressing on the respect for necessities of religion can impact on the criminal policy. In this article, we attempt to elucidate the two components of republicanism and Islamite alongside the modeling the criminal policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran based on aforementioned components from the theoretical standpoint.

Tema rada jest komparativna studija dviju kaznenih politika Hrvatske i SAD-a. Svrha ovog znanstvenog rada jest da opiše glavne značajke sudske politike i zatvorskog sustava u cilju utvrđivanja glavnih razlika između navedenih segmenata kaznenih politika dviju zemalja. Od metodologije su korištene kvalitativne metode prikupljanja i analize podataka. Rezultati istraživanja pokazali su značajne razlike u istraživanim segmentima. SAD ima izrazito stroge i duge kazne. Zatvorski sustav je pretrpan te stvara velike troškove državi. Hrvatska ima u usporedbi s SAD-om blaže i kraće kazne. No, česte izmjene zakona i izrazito veliki broj neriješenih slučajeva rezultirale su nepovjerenjem prema hrvatskom pravosuđu. Hrvatska trenutno nema problem prenapučenosti zatvorskog sustava s obzirom na provođenje sve većeg broja alternativnih sankcija u zamjenu za kazne zatvora. Uočena je neučinkovitost kaznenih politika u pojedinim segmentima u oba slučaja., The subject of this master's thesis is a comparison of two penal policies of - Croatia and the USA. The purpose of this paper is to describe the main segments of judicial policy and the prison system. The goal is to determine the differences between those two penal policy segments of the two countries. The methodology used in this paper are qualitative methods of collection and analysis of data. The results of this study shows strong differences in those segments. The USA has severe and long-term sentences. The prison system is overcrowded and it has caused big costs for the country. In comparison with the USA, Croatia has less severe and shorter sentences. However, frequent law changes and a large number of unsolved cases have resulted in distrust of the Croatian judiciary. Croatia currently does not have a problem with the overcrowded prison system. The number of alternative sanctions in exchange for imprisonment is being increased. The ineffectiveness of penal policies in some segments in both cases can be observed.

RESUMO Este artigo analisa as tendências qualitativas e quantitativas na punição formal na Colômbia em quatro dos códigos penais aprovados entre 1830 e 1940. O objetivo é explorar o poder explicativo de teorias sociais sobre as penas previstas nas leis, sendo elas: a) a de Durkheim, que atribui a maior severidade das punições ao predomínio da solidariedade mecânica e à maior concentração do poder político; b) a marxista, baseada na concepção do direito penal como ideologia da classe dominante; e c) as de Merton e Elias, que destacam a conexão existente entre a severidade das penas previstas na lei e as violências reais. Se conclui que o sistema penal busca impor ideias de ordem social que se configuram sobretudo através da política, mas que também recebem influências morais, religiosas e econômicas. ABSTRACT This article analyzes the qualitative and quantitative trends in formal punishment in Colombia in four of the penal codes approved between 1830 and 1940. The aim is to explore the explanatory power of social theories about the punishments prescribed by the laws, namely: a) Durkheim’s, which attributes the greater severity of punishments to the predominance of mechanical solidarity and the greater concentration of political power; b) the Marxist, based on the conception of criminal law as the ideology of the ruling class; and c) those of Merton and Elias, who highlight the connection between the severity of the punishments prescribed by the law and the actual violence. It is concluded that the penal system seeks to impose ideas of social order that are configured mainly through politics but also suffer moral, religious and economic influences. RÉSUMÉ Cet article analyse les tendances qualitatives et quantitatives des sanctions formelles en Colombie dans quatre des codes pénaux approuvés entre 1830 et 1940. L’objectif est d’explorer le pouvoir explicatif des théories sociales sur les sanctions prévues par la loi, à savoir: a) celle de Durkheim, qui attribue la plus grande sévérité des peines à la prédominance de la solidarité mécanique et à la plus grande concentration du pouvoir politique; b) le Marxiste, basé sur la conception du droit pénal comme idéologie de la classe dirigeante; et c) celles de Merton et Elias, qui mettent en évidence le lien entre la sévérité des peines prévues par la loi et la violence réelle. Il est conclu que le système pénal cherche à imposer des idées sociales qui sont configurées principalement par le biais de la politique, mais qui reçoivent également des influences morales, religieuses et économiques. RESUMEN Este artículo analiza las tendencias cualitativas y cuantitativas en la sanción formal en Colombia en cuatro de los códigos penales aprobados entre 1830 y 1940. El objetivo es explorar el poder explicativo de teorías sociales sobre las penas previstas en las leyes, siendo estas: a) la de Durkheim, que atribuye la mayor severidad de las sanciones al predominio de la solidaridad mecánica y la mayor concentración del poder político; b) la marxista, basada en la concepción del derecho penal como ideología de la clase dominante; y c) las de Merton y Elias, que destacan la conexión existente entre la severidad de las penas previstas en la ley y las violencias reales. Se concluye que el sistema penal busca imponer ideas de orden social que se configuran principalmente a través de la política, pero que también reciben influencias morales, religiosas y económicas.

Kriminologi se dolgo časa niso ukvarjali s kriminaliteto žensk. Najpogosteje so manko opravičevali z dejstvom, da je uradno zabeležena kriminaliteta žensk izredno nizka. Nezanimanje se je povečalo tudi zaradi prevlade moških v raziskovalnih postopkih. V zadnjem dvajsetletju pa smo priča zaporniškemu paradoksu, saj je Zahod preplavil »trend« naraščanja zaprtih žensk. Tudi v Sloveniji je zaznati visoko povečanje inkarceracije žensk. Glavni namen diplomskega dela je osvetliti področje kriminalitete, kaznovanja in izvrševanja kazenskih sankcij s poudarkom na kaznovanju žensk. Obseg kriminalitete žensk je v primerjavi z moško še vedno majhen. Kazniva dejanja, ki jih storijo ženske so praviloma nenasilna in redko izstopajo. V največji meri se gibajo znotraj področja premoženjskega kriminala. Delo skuša poiskati odgovor na vprašanje, zakaj prihaja do povečanja deleža inkarceracije žensk in kateri dejavniki so botrovali, da se je kaznovalna politika v Sloveniji zaostrila. Slednja v glavnem prinaša daljše kazni, manj alternativnih ukrepov in več zapornih kazni. Formalno družbeno nadzorstvo, ki obravnava storilko kaznivega dejanja, se trudi, da bi v kazenskem postopku žensko prevzgojili v pasivno in ubogljivo osebo. Sodobni družbeni razvoj prinaša ugodne pogoje za razvoj ženske kriminalitete, saj prinaša nove potrebe in želje, vendar brez celovite možnosti za njihovo uresničevanje. Criminologists have not dealt with crimes committed by women in a long time. The lack of research on these crimes was frequently justified by the fact that official crime statistics counting crimes committed by women are extremely low. This gap in the research was extended due to the overwhelming power of men in guiding research in this area. In the last two decade, however, we have witnessed a prison paradox because the West has reversed the trend of growth in the number of incarcerated women. Slovenia has been among the countries with a high rate of female incarceration. This thesis highlights the area of punishment and enforcement of criminal sanctions, with a focus on how women are punished. In most cases, women commit non-violent crimes such as theft, writing bad checks, vulgarity, and property crimes. This study seeks to understand why the incarceration rate of women has increased in Slovenia and to determine the factors that have contributed to the increasingly punitive measures against convicted females. As penalties have increased, the use of alternative measures have decreased and more females have been sent to prison. Formal social supervision of the convicted individual attempts to rehabilitate and reintegrate them into society. Modern social developments support refined criminal justice modes for female convicts, but, as yet, they have not been realized.

In combating and preventing criminality in general, one of the segments is a penal policy. However, prescribing the strict penalties by increasing a special minimum and maximum will not reduce criminality. In particular, it will not be achieved by prescribing the prohibition of mitigation on imprisonment sentence for the most serious crimes. Namely, the causes of criminality need to be treated, such as: economic, social, political, population migration, unemployment and others. Etiology deals with this as a branch of criminology. The criminality is a 'disease of society' and to treat the disease, its causes need to be considered. This work is an attempt to draw attention to the essence of the problem because it is often considered 'populistically' as an increase of criminality and 'lenient sentences' imposed by the courts, which is contrary to doctrinaire principles and jurisprudence.

In Finland, a post-war expansion of the welfare state was associated with a decline in the use of imprisonment. The 1990s marked the beginning of a more ambivalent era in Finnish criminal justice. How does this turning point appear in public discourse on crime by political decision-makers? All parliamentary questions and members' initiatives 1975 to 2010 were examined with a keyword-based quantitative search, and further content analysis was conducted on data made up of 1,589 written parliamentary questions about crime control from 1970 to 2010. The relative prevalence of criminal policy issues rose significantly in the early 1990s. During the same period, the political initiative has moved towards the right and the views of the left seem to have moved closer to the right concurrently. Although stances have become tougher, expressions of leniency were in the minority before the 1990s too, which stresses the significance of the general level of political attention itself. Developments regarding specific types of crime are discussed. In Finland, a post-war expansion of the welfare state was associated with a decline in the use of imprisonment. The 1990s marked the beginning of a more ambivalent era in Finnish criminal justice. How does this turning point appear in the public discourse on crime by political decision-makers? All parliamentary questions and members’ initiatives from 1975 to 2010 were examined with a keyword-based quantitative search, and further content analysis was conducted on data made up of 1589 written parliamentary questions about crime control from 1970 to 2010. The relative prevalence of criminal policy issues rose significantly in the early 1990s. During the same period, the political initiative moved towards the right and the views of the left seemed to move closer to the right concurrently. Although stances became tougher, expressions of leniency were in the minority before the 1990s too, which stresses the significance of the general level of political attention itself. Developments regarding specific types of crime are discussed.

Autor analizira ratifikaciju Istanbulske konvencije u Hrvatskoj 2018. Nakon uvodnog prikaza temeljnih teorijskih i metodologijskih postavki, prvi dio članka analizira tekst Konvencije. Drugi dio članka analizira njezinu političku recepciju u hrvatskoj javnosti uoči, tijekom i nakon ratifikacije. Pritom se diskursi koji su se sučeljavali i surađivali uspostavljaju induktivno, na osnovi uočavanja ponavljajućih sličnosti i razlika u istupima različitih aktera u javnim medijima. Nakon analize diskurzivnih okvira rasprave, prikazuju se institucionalni i izvaninstitucionalni aspekti procesa ratifikacije koji se odigrao unutar tih okvira. Naglasak se stavlja na sklapanje diskurzivne koalicije zastupnika dominantnog diskursa o nasilju nad ženama i diskursa o obiteljskoj tradiciji koji je, uz interpretativnu izjavu, omogućio ratifikaciju Konvencije., The author analyzes the case of ratification of the Istanbul convention in Croatia in 2018. After introductory explanations of the basic theoretical and methodological conditions of the analysis, the first part of the article analyzes the text of the convention. The second part of the article analyzes its political reception in Croatian public at the time before, during and after its ratification. In doing so, it inductively establishes the discourses that both clashed and collaborated, on the basis of repetitive similarities and differences in the utterances that different actors made in the public media. After the discursive framework of the debate is analyzed, the institutional and non-institutional aspects of the ratification process that took place within these framework are presented. Emphasis is placed on the formation of a discursive coalition between advocates of the dominant discourse on violence against women and the discourse on family tradition that, with the interpretive statement, enabled the ratification of the convention.

International audience; Since 1993, crime in the United States has fallen to historic lows, seeming to legitimize the country’s mix of welfare reform and mass incarceration. The Upper Limit explains how this unusual mix came about, examining how, beginning in the 1970s, declining living standards for the poor have defined social and penal policy in the United States, making welfare more restrictive and punishment harsher. François Bonnet shows how low-wage work sets the upper limit of social and penal policy, where welfare must be less attractive than low-wage work and criminal life must be less attractive than welfare. In essence, the living standards of the lowest class of workers in a society determine the upper limit for the generosity of welfare and for the humanity of punishment in that society. The Upper Limit explores the local consequences of this punitive adjustment in East New York, a Brooklyn neighborhood where crime fell in the 1990s. Bonnet argues that no meaningful penal reform can happen unless living standards and the minimum wage rise again. Enlightening and provocative, The Upper Limit provides a comprehensive theory of the evolution of social and penal policy.

Since 1993, crime has fallen in the United States to historical lows, providing extraordinary legitimacy to the country’s peculiar mix of welfare and punishment, with ever stingier social programs for the poor and the highest rates of incarceration in the world. The Upper Limit sets out to explain why. It provides a comprehensive theory of the evolution of social and penal policy which can be summarized thus: welfare has to be less attractive than low-wage work, and punishment has to make criminal life less attractive than welfare. Low-wage work sets the upper limit of social and penal policy. Declining living standards for the poor since the 1970s have lowered the upper limit in the United States. The Upper Limit explores how these transformations and the ensuing crime drop have affected the lives of the poor in a formerly high-crime Brooklyn neighborhood, East New York. It explains the dark logic behind police brutality, the trials of prisoner reentry and the inhumanity of New York’s homeless shelters.

Rad se bavi područjem koje je u Hrvatskoj akademski neistraženo, genealogijom japanske kaznene politike od razdoblja Tokugawa do suvremenosti. Obrađuje se djelovanje suverene moći pod vladavinom šogunata i rađanje zatvora u Meiji Japanu, putem djela Michela Foucaulta, poglavito njegove knjige Nadzor i kazna. Foucaultovom biopolitikom objašnjavaju se radni logori i rasistički diskurs u Pacifičkom ratu. Istražuje se i porijeklo prisilnog rada u specifično ratnim uvjetima. Pokazuje se da kažnjavanje prisilnim radom ima jedno od središnjih mjesta u japanskoj kaznenoj politici i da je obilježeno nastajanjem posebnog tipa moći vezane za modernu, biomoći. Foucaultovim terminima se prikazuje disciplinarno društvo ere Shōwa, s naglaskom na kriminološke diskurse i delinkvenciju. Rad problematizira jedno posebno važno pitanje kaznene politike, smrtnu kaznu u suvremenom Japanu. Fokus je na razlozima zašto se održala i načinu njena izvršenja, s naglaskom na pitanje legitimacije. Interpretacijom japanskih novovalnih filmova, koji tematski prate obrađivana razdobolja, prikazuje se djelovanje različitih tipova moći, obrađenih u ovom radu. Time se želi se ukazati na polemičke kulturne tekstove koji problematiziraju važna pitanja kaznene politike Japana., This thesis deals with an area of study academically unexplored in Croatia, the genealogy of Japanese penal policy from the Tokugawa period to the contemporary times. It elaborates the functioning of sovereign power under the rule of the shogunate and the birth of prison in Meiji Japan, through the work of Michel Foucault, most particularly his book Discipline and Punish. Labor camps and racist discourse in the Pacific War are explained by Foucault’s biopolitics. The origin of punishment with forced labor in the specific conditions of war is also discussed. It is shown that punishment with forced labor holds one of the central places in the Japanese penal policy and that it is marked by the emergence of a specific type of power associated with modernity, biopower. Shōwa era’s disciplinary society is demonstrated in Foucauldian terms, with an emphasis on criminological discourses and delinquency. The thesis discusses an important aspect of penal policy, the death penalty in Japan. The focus is on the reasons why it is retained and the means of its execution, with an emphasis on the problem of legitimacy. By interpreting films of the Japanese New Wave, which thematically follow the discussed eras, the functioning of different types of power discussed in this thesis is demonstrated. The intention is to point to the polemic cultural texts which discuss important aspects of Japan’s penal policy.

The file attached to this record is the author's final peer reviewed version. The Publisher's final version can be found by following the DOI link. Despite a growing body of international work describing the negative consequences of imprisonment for children and families, few studies have explored the accessibility and functionality of prison telephones. Mother-child contact has recurrently been identified as an important mechanism to alleviate and manage some of the emotional and practical adversities which accompany maternal imprisonment, and telephone contact has the potential to provide regular, perhaps even daily, contact for these separated family members. Responding to the knowledge gap, this article qualitatively explores the narratives of fifteen mothers in prison with first-hand experience of using prison telephones to communicate with their children. Thematic data analysis revealed four critical obstacles and challenges with prison telephone facilities for Reconnecting in the first weeks, in the Cost of calling, in Telephoning privileges, and Inconsistencies across prisons. Contrary to legal and policy guidelines, the findings illuminate how institutional barriers seriously affect mother-child communications, and recommendations are made.

Pričujoče delo se loteva proučevanja zaporne kazni v sodobni (post)moderni družbi, po preobratu iz pretežno utilitarnega, na rehabilitacijo usmerjenega obdobja, v neoklasicistično doktrino reda in zakonitosti. Raziskovanje je usmerjeno na proučevanje vzrokov in posledic desetletja trajajoče hegemonije pravičniške doktrine. Diskrepanco med teorijo in prakso ter njene implikacije, ki se v prvi vrsti odražajo v več desetletij trajajoči krizi kaznovalnega sistema, soočimo na primeru Združenih držav Amerike. Negativne implikacije niso skoncentrirane le na ZDA, pač pa se je sistem delovanja, z vsemi svojimi učinki razširil domala po vsem svetu. Iz tega razloga je na drugi strani pozornost namenjena Finski, ki je svoj kazenski sistem, utemeljen prav tako na neoklasicistični doktrini, uspela ne le ohraniti stabilnega, pač pa ga je nadgradila v izjemno blago različico, ki privlači pozornost teoretikov in praktikov iz vsega sveta. Kot sodoben sistem kaznovanja in izvrševanja kazenskih sankcij, se pojavlja kot primer dobre prakse. V okvir sodobnega modela zaporne kazni je umeščena tudi rehabilitacija kot pravica, ki učinkuje zoper klasično kazen, ker nevtralizira škodljive učinke zaporne kazni ter restorativna pravičnost, ki rešuje nekatere zagate modernega kazenskega prava. The present work discusses prison sentencing in contemporary postmodern society after the reversion from a mainly utilitarian and rehabilitation-oriented approach to a neoclassical doctrine of law and order. This work is focussed on studying the causes and consequences of the decades-long hegemony of the »just deserts« doctrine. In the discrepancy between theory and practice and its implications, which have been reflected in a crisis of the penal system lasting several decades, we are particularly confronted by the case of the USA. However, the negative implications of the system are not concentrated only in the USA but are present with all its effects almost all over the globe. In contrast, our attention is then turned to the case of Finland, which, although has its own penalty system also grounded in the neoclassical doctrine, it has succeeded in not only maintaining a stable system but has evolved a “soft” variation which has attracted the attention of academics, theorists and experts worldwide. As a modern and future-oriented system of punishment and the enforcement of sentences, Finland appears as an example of good practice. In this framework of a contemporary model of imprisonment, is placed the rehabilitation as a right which acts against the effects of classical punishment because neutralises the harmful consequences of imprisonment and restorative justice which solves some of the quandaries of modern criminal law.