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We analyze sectoral labor reallocation and the reversal of urbanization in the United States during the Great Depression. The widespread movement to farms, which serves as a form of migratory insurance during the crisis, is largely toward farms with low levels of mechanization. In contrast, the mechanized agricultural sector sheds workers, many of whom reallocate into low-productivity or subsistence farming. The crisis perverts the normal process of structural change in which workers displaced by farm equipment are released into more productive occupations, suggesting that macroeconomic fluctuations are an important factor determining the labor market consequences of technological change.

The article analyzes the effect of creating a single EAEU labor market on the financial well-being of households in countries that mainly send migrants, exemplified by the Republic of Armenia. Based on data of the Integrated Living Conditions Survey (ILCS) 2012-2017 and using the difference-in-differences method, the study has identified a significant causal relationship between the country’s accession to the EAEU and reduced income gap between households with migrants in Russia and households with migrants in other countries and regions or without migrants at all. Thus, after Armenia’s accession to the EAEU, income of the households sending migrants to Russia became 6-11% higher than the one of the households sending migrants to other countries, despite the fact that until 2015 there was hardly any difference in income; the income gap with the households without migrants decreased from 6% in 2012-2014 to 2% in 2015-2016. The confirmed positive impact of Armenia’s accession to the EAEU makes it possible to consider it a tool for reducing poverty in the Republic of Armenia as well as recommend to continue development and harmonization of the labor migration policy of the EAUE member states.

Labor migration remains one of the most topical issues of our times. The country's economic and political crises have led to large-scale involuntary resettlement of population, decline in gross output and intensified labor migration. Under the conditions of limited financial security, rural population has largely relied on employment abroad in the effort to solve social problems. The purpose of the article is statistical analysis of labor migration of the rural population of Ukraine. In the process of the research the following economic and statistical methods were used as well as abstract-logical, monographic, sociometric, balancing methods. The article examines the current state of migration flows, analyzes the dynamics of the rural population of Ukraine, its natural and migratory movement in 2010 – 2019, a number of theoretical principles of modern migration waves were studied and 4 groups of factors that cause the rapid growth of this phenomenon were determined: social, economic, political and environmental. Based on a sociological survey and the responses received from respondents, it was found that the main reasons that force Ukrainian people to labor migration.

Objective/Context: Historians have long acknowledged the importance of merchant diasporas and trade networks in Indian Ocean history but paid little attention to merchant capital’s role in transoceanic labor migration in and beyond this part of the globe. Research on slave trading in the Indian Ocean during the seventeenth, eighteenth, and nineteenth centuries highlights the need to pay closer attention to the complexities of economic life in this oceanic world. Methodology: This article surveys relevant historiography and draws on archival research in the India Office Records in London and the Mauritius National Archives in Coromandel. Originality: This article illustrates some of the ways in which Asian and European merchant capital shaped colonial social and economic life. Conclusions: A deeper understanding of the social, economic, and political complexities inherent in Indian Ocean history is contingent upon situating the specialized case studies that characterize this field of study in more fully developed local, regional, pan-regional, and comparative contexts. Objetivo/Contexto: Los historiadores han reconocido durante mucho tiempo la importancia de las diásporas mercantiles y las redes comerciales en la historia del Océano Índico, pero han prestado poca atención al papel del capital mercantil en la migración de mano de obra transoceánica dentro y fuera de esta parte del mundo. La investigación sobre el comercio de esclavos en el Océano Índico durante los siglos xvii, xviii y xix destaca la necesidad de prestar más atención a las complejidades de la vida económica en este mundo oceánico. Metodología: Este artículo examina la historiografía relevante y se basa en la investigación documental de los India Office Records en Londres y los Archivos Nacionales de Mauricio, en Coromandel. Originalidad: Se ilustran algunas de las formas en que el capital mercantil asiático y europeo dio forma a la vida social y económica colonial. Conclusiones: Una comprensión más profunda de las complejidades sociales, económicas y políticas inherentes a la historia del Océano Índico depende de situar los estudios de casos especializados que caracterizan este campo de estudio en contextos locales, regionales, panregionales y comparativos más desarrollados. Objetivo/Contexto: há muito que os historiadores reconhecem a importância das diásporas mercantis e das redes comerciais na história do Oceano Índico, mas prestaram pouca atenção ao papel da capital mercantil na migração de mão de obra transoceânica dentro e fora do globo. A investigação sobre o comércio de escravos no Oceano Índico durante os séculos 17, 18 e 19 sublinha a necessidade de prestar mais atenção às complexidades da vida econômica nesse mundo oceânico. Metodologia: este artigo analisa a historiografia relevante e baseia-se na pesquisa documental dos India Office Records em Londres e nos Arquivos Nacionais de Maurício, em Coromandel. Originalidade: este artigo ilustra algumas das maneiras pelas quais o capital mercantil asiático e europeu moldou a vida social e econômica colonial. Conclusões: uma compreensão mais profunda das complexidades sociais, econômicas e políticas inerentes à história do Oceano Índico depende da colocação dos estudos de caso especializados que caracterizam esta área de estudo em contextos locais, regionais, pan-regionais e comparativos mais desenvolvidos.

The artificial intelligence as a tool to guide foreigner employment policies? The global migration is one of the most significant challenges facing global society today. Exactly the same statement can be applied to the phenomena related to the development of artificial intelligence. Therefore there is no doubt that the areas where migration and artificial intelligence meet, require the attention of researchers. The analysis of this article will focus on the phenomenon of labour migration in the context of creating the policy of employing foreigners by means of, or with the use of, artificial intelligence. In view of the current lack of any integrated national migration policy, it is possible to attempt to determine the directions of its creation in the future, taking into account artificial intelligence tools, the proper regulation of which poses a particular challenge, in view of the threat against human rights violations.

Der Artikel analysiert die geopolitische und strategische Dynamik der Kooperation zwischen der Volksrepublik Mosambik und der Deutschen Demokratischen Republik (DDR) im Bereich Erziehung und Ausbildung im Kontext des Staats- und Freundschaftsvertrags vom Februar 1979. Wichtiger Teil dieses Abkommens war die Gründung der Schule der Freundschaft in Staßfurt bei Magdeburg. Der Beitrag diskutiert, inwieweit die heutige Staatspartei FRELIMO (Frente de Libertação de Moçambique) und der damalige Präsident Samora Machel ihre Vision verwirklichen konnten, durch die Schaffung des "Neuen Menschen" eine marxistisch-leninistisch geprägte sozialistische Gesellschaft und einen Einparteienstaat unter FRELIMO zu etablieren. Teil dieses Projekts war es, das politische und ideologische Modell der DDR zu übernehmen und gleichzeitig die enormen Staatschulden bei der DDR zu bezahlen. Ein starkes Interesse der deutschen Seite war neben dem Bestreben nach internationaler Anerkennung die wirtschaftliche Zusammenarbeit, welche die Lieferung von Rohstoffen und von Arbeitskräften beinhaltete. Mit den politisch-ideologischen Veränderungen in Mosambik aufgrund zahlreicher interner und externer Einflussfaktoren sowie mit Machels Tod 1986 verlor das Projekt seine Bedeutung. So gab es keinen Plan für die Integration der zurückgekehrten Absolvent*innen aus der DDR. Die meisten wurden direkt zum Militär eingezogen und endeten später frustriert in der Arbeitslosigkeit. Letztendlich ist Machels Projekt gescheitert. This article analyses the geo-political and strategic dynamics of co-operation in the field of education between the People's Republic of Mozambique and the German Democratic Republic (GDR). It focuses specifically on the Friendship and Co-operation Agreement of February 1979, which led to the creation of the Friendship School in Staßfurt. In this context, the paper discusses to what extent President Samora Machel’s vision of creating a Marxist-Leninist socialist society and establishing a one-party-state under FRELIMO's (Frente de Libertação de Moçambique) rule included the formation of elite 'New Men' through international education in the GDR. Part of Machel’s socialist project included adopting the political ideological model of the GDR and paying Mozambique's enormous debt to the GDR. In the context of the Cold War, the GDR was highly interested in economic co-operation with Mozambique, which included the supply of raw materials and manpower, and enjoyed the international appreciation. Yet, as a result of internal and external factors, which led to political-ideological transformation in Mozambique, and Machel’s death, the socialist project lost its significance. As there was no plan for the reintegration of the Mozambique graduates from the GDR, most of them were drafted directly into the army and later ended up frustrated and unemployment. Machel’s vision finally collapsed.

Rassismus in der DDR und den neuen deutschen Bundesländern wurde und wird noch immer überwiegend durch einen analytischen Fokus auf die weiße, ostdeutsche Mehrheitsgesellschaft erforscht. Im Vordergrund dieses Artikels stehen hier jedoch die oral histories mosambikanischer und angolanischer Vertragsarbeiter*innen, die zwischen 1978 und 1990 in der DDR arbeiteten, lebten und liebten, sowie ihrer in Ostdeutschland geborenen mixed-race-Kinder. Obwohl alltägliches rassistisches Wissen, Staatsinteressen und die Solidaritätsdoktrin binationale Beziehungen zwischen Vertragsarbeiter*innen und DDR-Bürger*innen einschränkten, lebten sie ihre Beziehungen selbstbestimmt, nutzten Handlungsspielräume in ihrem Interesse aus und maßen ihren Beziehungen subjektive Bedeutung innerhalb ihrer eigenen, intersektionalen Wissenshorizonte bei. Die Widerstandsstrategien der zweiten Generation schließen die Suche nach dem mosambikanischen Elternteil und die Neuverhandlung der Beziehungen mit ostdeutschen Familienmitgliedern ein. Gemeinsam beleuchten die Erinnerungen beider Generationen die Wirkungsweisen rassistischen Wissens vor und nach 1990 aus einem konkreten, nicht-weißen Fokus und werfen dabei neue Fragen und Herausforderungen für die DDR-Rassismusforschung auf. Research on East German racism before and after 1990 continues to focus on the experiences of the white majority. This paper focuses on the oral histories of Mozambican and Angolan worker trainees who came to the German Democratic Republic (GDR) between 1978-1990 to work, live, and love, and those of the mixed-race children who emerged from their relationships to East German women. The racial knowledge pervading social interactions, state interests, and socialist notions of solidarity, limited the ability of the workers to freely live in mixed-race relationships, but never fully determined their experiences. Instead, Mozambican and Angolan worker-trainees exerted some degree of agency, pursued individual agendas, and resisted their racially constructed positions, in part through engaging in mixed-race relationships. While their children experienced racialised stereotypes much earlier in their biographies, they too were able to challenge and resist East German racist knowledge. Their strategies often took them on journeys searching for their Mozambican parent and of challenging close East German family members. Together, the oral histories of both generations before and after 1990 illuminate the complex ways in which racist knowledge operates and bring up new questions and challenges to existing research on racism in (East) Germany.

The adoption of the Law of Ukraine dated February 17, 2022 "On Administrative Procedure" № 2073-IX laid the foundation for the further development of a modern European state. The mentioned Law introduces universal rules of interaction between citizens, businesses and the state. Taking into account the European integration course of Ukraine, various types of administrative procedures require improvement, among which the procedure for granting work permits for foreigners requires special attention, taking into account the positive experience of legal regulation of administrative relations to ensure the right to work for foreigners in European countries. Тhe following scientists paid attention to issues related to the employment of foreigners for work in Ukraine M.O. Day, P.I. Vasylenko, O.I. Kiselyova, D.I. Gaigara, O.E. Lutsenko, O.P. Radchuk, E.V. Stilchenko, however, insufficient attention has been paid to the study of the administrative procedure for granting work permits for foreigners in foreign countries. The administrative procedure for granting a work permit for foreigners in the Czech Republic attracts special attention, therefore, consideration of the legal regulation of this procedure and its stages in the specified country is the goal of our study. The article analyzes the issue of the administrative procedure for issuing a work permit for foreigners. The legal regulation, the stages of the administrative procedure of granting a work permit in the Czech Republic are analyzed. The requirements for obtaining a work permit for foreigners in the Czech Republic are summarized. It is determined that a work permit for foreigners in the Czech Republic can be issued only on the condition that the foreigner is legally staying in the country and is issued a corresponding residence permit. It is determined that a work permit for foreigners in the Czech Republic can be issued only on the condition that the foreigner is legally staying in the country and is issued a corresponding residence permit. It is emphasized that the legal regulation of relations in the field of employment of foreigners in the Czech Republic is regulated by the law, which establishes the legal status of foreigners in this country, a number of other laws, the norms of which in one way or another affect the regulation of this status, and a number of by-laws developed by the relevant ministries and departments entrusted with the functions of directly granting residence and work permits to foreign citizens., З прийняттям Закону України від 17 лютого 2022 року «Про адміністративну процедуру» № 2073-ІХ закладено фундамент для подальшої розбудови сучасної європейської держави. Зазначений Закон запроваджує універсальні правила взаємодії між громадянами, бізнесом та державою. Враховуючи євроінтеграційний курс України, на сьогодні вимагають удосконалення різні види адміністративних процедур, серед яких особливої уваги потребує процедура надання дозволу на роботу для іноземців, з урахуванням позитивного досвіду правового регулювання адміністративних відносин з забезпечення права на працю для іноземців європейських країн. У статті досліджено питання адміністративної процедури надання дозволу на роботу для іноземців. Проаналізовано особливості правового регулювання, стадії адміністративної процедури надання дозволу на роботу в Чеській Республіці. Узагальнено вимоги для отримання дозволу на роботу для іноземців в Чехії. Визначено, що дозвіл на роботу для іноземців в Чеській Республіці може бути виданий виключно за умови легального перебування іноземця в країні та видачі йому відповідного дозволу на перебування. Акцентовано, що правове регулювання відносин у сфері працевлаштування іноземців в Чеській Республіці врегульовується законом, в якому закріплюється правовий статус іноземців в цій країні, рядом інших законів, норми яких тим чи інших чином впливають на врегулювання цього статусу, та рядом підзаконних актів, розроблених відповідними міністерствами та відомствами, на які покладаються функції з безпосереднього надання дозволу на проживання та роботу іноземних громадян. Підкреслено необхідність впровадження позитивного досвіду Чеської Республіки правового регулювання адміністративних відносин з забезпечення права на працю для іноземців.

The article draws attention to the social uncertainty and challenges caused by the digitalization of production and everyday life, mainly for residents of Europe, North America and the countries of the Far East. It is noted that the phenomenon of chronic worker fatigue is one of the consequences of the rapid pace of digitalization, in which the stakeholders are, first of all, big business, computer hardware and software manufacturers, robotics developers and their investors. Chronic fatigue or emotional burnout of an employee, as another name for this phenomenon, may in the near future become one of the significant threats to the sustainable development of not only individual countries, but also modern society as a whole. The purpose of this article is, first, to analyze the origins of the phenomenon of emotional burnout of workers that society faced at the beginning of the 21st century and to find out the impact of digitalization in the modern manufacturing sector on the disappearance of professions that were popular in previous years. It also considers as one of the objectives of the study the connection between increasing the level of competitiveness in the labor market, primarily in the countries of Eastern and Central Europe, and the emergence of new social priorities due to digitalization. The objective of the study is to analyze the impact of digitalization on the symbolic production and exchange of society, production and everyday life etc. It will be carried out taking into account the latest situation that has arisen due to the demographic factor, namely the phenomenon of "aging of nations" in European countries, North America and some countries of the Far East. Based on the method of comparative analysis, it has been established that with Industry 4 and the rapid pace of digitalization, in the near future, professions and jobs associated with template intellectual work that do not require creative or critical thinking will be in danger of disappearing. On the other hand, contemporaries should expect a social demand from workers in the creative industries, artistic practices, and psychologists, in addition to the demand for developers of robotics, computer hardware and software, specialists in cybersecurity, information systems and technologies. It is argued that in Ukraine, digitalization will have its own "face" due to the very difficult demographic situation, which has deepened because of the Russian-Ukrainian war. In particular, we are talking about not only social challenges, difficulties for medium and small businesses, but also the phenomenon of "emotional burnout" or chronic overwork of employees. It was noted that already today the burden of all social challenges and problems is mainly "on the shoulders" of persons whose age is from "45+", as the main share of the working population., У статті привернуто увагу до соціальної невизначеності та викликів, які спричинені діджиталізацією виробництва та повсякденного життя мешканців країн Європи, Північної Америки і країн Далекого Сходу. Звернуто увагу, що феномен хронічної втоми працівника є одним із наслідків швидких темпів діджиталізації, у яких зацікавленою стороною є, насамперед, великий бізнес, виробники комп’ютерної техніки та програмного забезпечення, розробники робототехніки й їхні інвестори та ін. Хронічна втома або емоційне вигорання працівника, як інша назва цього явища, вже у недалекій перспективі може стати однією зі значних загроз сталого розвитку не лише окремих країн, а й сучасного суспільства у цілому. Метою цієї статті є, насамперед, аналіз витоків феномена емоційного вигорання працівників, з яким зіштовхнувся соціум на початку ХХІ століття та з’ясування впливу діджиталізації у сучасній виробничій сфері на зникнення популярних у попередні роки професій. Також у ній розглядається, як одне із завдань дослідження, зв'язок підвищення рівня конкурентності на ринку праці, насамперед у країнах Східної та Центральної Європи, і появою нових соціальних пріоритетів внаслідок діджиталізації. Завданням дослідження є також аналіз впливу діджіталізації на символічне виробництво та обмін суспільства, виробництво й побут та ін. Здійснюватися він буде із врахуванням новітньої ситуації, яка виникла через демографічний чинник, а саме явище "старіння націй" в європейських країнах, Північній Америці та деяких країнах Далекого Сходу. На основі методу порівняльного аналізу встановлено, що при швидких темпах діджиталізації в найближчій перспективі під загрозою зникнення будуть професії і робочі місця, пов’язані з шаблонною інтелектуальною роботою, для якої не є потрібним творче чи критичне мислення. З іншого боку, сучасникам варто очікувати соціальний запит на працівників креативних індустрій, художніх практик, психологів, окрім попиту на розробників робототехніки, комп’ютерної техніки та програмного забезпечення, фахівців із кібербезпеки, інформаційних систем та технологій. Стверджується, що в Україні діджиталізація матиме власне "обличчя" через дуже складну демографічну ситуацію, яка поглибилась внаслідок російсько-української війни. Зокрема, мова йде не тільки про соціальні виклики, складнощі для середнього і малого бізнесу, але й явище "емоційного вигорання" або хронічної перевтоми працівників. Наголошено, вже сьогодні тягар усіх соціальних викликів і негараздів знаходиться переважно "на плечах" осіб, вік яких від "45+", як основної частки працездатного населення України.

Este estudio se ha realizado parcialmente en el marco del proyecto de investigación B-SEJ-418-UGR20 financiado por el FEDER/Junta de Andalucía-Consejería de Transformación Económica, Industria, Conocimiento y Universidades., The workplace is currently one of the main places of discrimination for socially vulnerable groups such as immigrant work‐ ers, who are often required to take on highly stigmatized, menial jobs under supervisors who subject them to daily mis‐ treatment and racism. This study adopted a qualitative approach to 42 semi‐structured interviews of Ecuadorian immi‐ grant workers residing in Spain to explore the processes of discrimination these laborers feel in their everyday workplaces. The findings clearly indicate that immigrant workers can be victims of daily discrimination, which is evidenced by the higher degree of scrutiny and lower levels of trust they suffer compared to their Spanish counterparts, and by their super‐ visors’ lack of compliance with contractual agreements. As these immigrants are obliged to take on less qualified jobs, they suffer from a lack of recognition and a sense of being undervalued. This analysis also gathered evidence of intervie‐ wees’ daily humiliations imparted by their supervisors—and even, at times, by work colleagues—in the form of racial slurs, verbal abuse, and unequal treatment, leaving them feeling powerless and helpless. Most of our respondents in fact find themselves in a predicament they do not know how to confront and cannot reject. All of these factors lead to feelings of humiliation and lack of independence

The article examines the legal regulation of labor mobility of workers in Ukraine as one of the conditions for the development and functioning of social and labor relations in today's conditions. It is noted that the labor market, as an integral part of the country's economic system, mirrors most of the political and socio-economic processes taking place in the state, and focuses on the most acute problems: high unemployment, increasing structural disparities in employment, uncontrolled outflow of labor force abroad , changes in the quality of the workforce and work motivation, a drop in the level of income of the population. These problems become a significant factor in the deepening of crisis phenomena, hold back structural changes, and their solution creates prerequisites for social and economic growth. In the conditions of martial law in Ukraine, the problem of labor mobility of workers, which forms the basis of ensuring the balance of the labor market, is an integral component of which territorial movements of the population in search of a new place of work are of particular importance. It is noted that today there is a global migratory mobility of the population and large migratory movements of labor resources mainly outside the country, which clearly reflects the situation that has developed in the country on the labor market. The reasons for the activation of labor mobility are: unemployment; inconsistency of employees' wages with their education and qualifications; lack of career growth; impossibility of professional development; competitiveness in the labor market; martial law in the country. It was concluded that in order to increase the level of employment in wartime and the period of economic recovery of the country, it is very important to ensure the mobility of the labor force, which will contribute to strengthening its adaptability, increasing competitiveness, as well as the efficiency of use. In order to preserve the labor force and minimize the process of its washing out of Ukraine, including the outflow of youth, workers with formed qualifications and professional skills, an important task is to create jobs at modernized, restored and newly created enterprises., У статті досліджено правове регулювання трудової мобільності працівників в Україні як однієї з умов розвитку та функціонування соціально-трудових відносин в умовах сьогодення. Зазначено, що ринок праці, як складова частина економічної системи країни, дзеркально відображає більшість політичних і соціально-економічних процесів, що відбуваються у державі, та фокусує в собі найгостріші проблеми: високий рівень безробіття, посилення структурних диспропорцій зайнятості, неконтрольований відтік робочої сили за кордон, зміни якості робочої сили і мотивації праці, падіння рівня доходів населення. Зазначені проблеми стають істотним фактором поглиблення кризових явищ, стримують структурні зміни, а їх вирішення створює передумови для соціального і економічного зростання. В умовах воєнного стану особливого значення в Україні набула проблема трудової мобільності працівників, яка становить основу забезпечення збалансованості ринку праці, невід'ємною складовою якої виступають територіальні переміщення населення для пошуку нового місця роботи. Зазначено, що сьогодні відбувається глобальна міграційна мобільність населення і великі міграційні переміщення трудових ресурсів в основному за межі країни, що яскраво віддзеркалює ту ситуацію, що склалась у країні на ринку праці. Причинами активізації трудової мобільності є: безробіття; невідповідність заробітної плати працівників їх освіті та кваліфікації; відсутність кар’єрного зростання; неможливість підвищення кваліфікації; конкурентоспроможність на ринку праці; воєнний стан у країні. Зроблено висновок, що для підвищення рівня зайнятості у воєнний час і період економічного відновлення країни дуже важливим є забезпечення мобільності робочої сили, що сприятиме зміцненню її адаптивності, підвищенню конкурентоспроможності, а також ефективності використання. З метою збереження робочої сили та мінімізації процесу її вимивання з України, в тому числі відпливу молоді, працівників зі сформованими кваліфікаційними та професійними навичками, важливим завданням є створення робочих місць на модернізованих, відновлених та новостворених підприємствах.

The work is devoted to the study of the impact of migration processes of Ukrainians to Poland on the development of the two countries. Based on the study of scientific sources and the authors' own research, the reasons of Ukrainian migration on the Polish vector are summarized in the form of Ishikawadiagram. The reasons for the migration of Ukrainians to Poland are classified by economic, political, social and professional aspects. The current state of migration of Ukrainians to Poland is analyzed using official Polish statistics, sociological research, as well as a survey of Ukrainian migrants conducted bythe authors. Two main aspects of migration processes in the Ukrainian-Polish direction are identified: migration with the purpose of employment and education. An annual growth of the number of Ukrainians obtaining a work permit in Poland; employment of Ukrainian migrants in various spheres of thePolish economy; rejuvenation of Ukrainian migration; increasing popularity of Polish universities among Ukrainian graduates; increasing share of people who want to integrate into Polish society was detected. The impact of migration processes on the economic development of Ukraine and Poland hasbeen assessed. Both positive and negative consequences for both countries are highlighted. Positive impact for Ukraine is an increase in money transfers, reduction of unemployment, return of part of the labor force with new knowledge and experience; while positive income for Poland is GDP growth, acceleration of economic development, filling vacancies, stimulation of consumer demand, reduction of the average market rates of wages, supporting the development of educational institutions. Ukrainian economy is negatively affected in the form of a slowdown in economic development, loss of valuable labor potential, sectoral asymmetries in the labor market, additional government spending on training new professionals, etc.; while in the Polish economy, the probability of unemployment rate growth increases, competition increases between migrants and the local population, who start looking for work in another country, conflicts may arise, etc. Measures aimed at improving the regulation of migration processes to deter emigration and return of migrants, which are consolidated by the areas of change in the country, stimulating business, stimulating workers, are justified., Стаття присвячена дослідженню впливу міграційних процесів українців до Польщі на розвиток двох країн. На основі опрацювання наукових джерел та власних досліджень авторів узагальнено причини української міграції на польському векторі у вигляді причинно-наслідкової діаграми Ісікави. Проаналізовано сучасний стан міграції українців до Польщі з використанням даних офіційної статистики Польщі, соціологічних досліджень, а також опитування українських мігрантів, здійсненого авторами. Проведено оцінювання впливу міграційних процесів на економічний розвиток України та Польщі. Виокремлено як позитивні, так і негативні наслідки для обох країн. Обґрунтовано заходи, направлені на вдосконалення регулювання міграційних процесів щодо стримування еміграції та повернення мігрантів, які об’єднано за напрямами змін у країні, стимулювання бізнесу, стимулювання працівників.

The mass domestic migration of laborers from rural to urban areas is one of the most visible and significant aspects of “the rise of China.” Examining personal experiences can help us to describe and understand this phenomenon. As Arthur Kleinman (2006) has observed, life histories and personal voices demonstrate how people live a moral life amidst uncertainty and danger, and how they interpret what really matters to them. While recounting retired guojia ganbu Deik Bok's life history and narratives, I discuss and elaborate on one individual's experience of uncertainty and morality through China's vicissitudes from the 1950s through the 2010s. I argue that this person's experiences tell an important story about minorities in China through the socialist and reform periods, and specifically about the shifts in economic decisions and subjectivities that accompanied the rise of labor mobility. This ethnography builds on my friendship with Deik Bok that began in 1997 and was maintained through the many years I conducted ethnographic studies in Hmub villages in the highlands of southeastern Guizhou. Deik Bok represents a lively and vivid social actor of a particular time and place participating in China's labor migration and social transformation since the 1950s, and his story provides a nuanced view of the transformation of China's minority areas.

A brief analysis of the Tambov region’s labor market and the factors, determining its digital transformation, are presented. The attractiveness of large cities as a destination for labor resources is constantly increasing due to high demand and wages in the labor market. In recent decades, the region has been losing significantly labor resources and worsening its economic situation and competitiveness in the ranking of regions. Qualitative transformation of regional socio-economic development by identifying key conditions for training digital economy personnel in the region, improving the system of investment and innovation activities for the development of labor resources, building a system for monitoring population employment and individual development trajectories and a system for regulating the employment of graduates in order to respond in a timely manner on migration flows, will have prevented migration from the region and will have stimulated economic growth.

The availability and quality of the labor force are considered as ones of the main aspects of labor market regulation, its parameters largely depend on the growth rate of the economy and the growth of people’s well-being. The goal of the research is to identify the patterns of the labor market development of the post-Soviet countries based on the analysis of retrospective time series. These general scientific methods as historical and comparison, as well as statistical tools were used for that goal achievement. The application of a set of scientific methods to the main indicators of the labor market of post-Soviet countries revealed the following patterns: The huge increase in the number of people employed in the national economy which occurred before 1991, had been interrupted by the transformation of economies. As a result, a few Central Asian countries only were able to maintain the growth due to the high fertility and low mortality. Also, the unemployment rate showed low values at the initial stage of the development of the economic systems in the post-Soviet countries. In spite of that, in the 2000s its average value in the aggregate was significantly higher than the global average, as well as due to the lack of decent work in some countries of the post-Soviet space, there was a significant emigration which indicates the need to revise the economic policies of these republics. The obtained results and methodological approaches will be useful to researchers in the field of the labor market in the countries of the post- Soviet space, as well as specialists of the Ministry of Labor and Social Protection of the Russian Federation to formulate policies on the labor migration from the former Soviet republics.

The COVID-19 pandemic has severely curtailed international migration through border closures and forced millions of people to return home to their homelands. The harsh measures taken by the countries of the world to prevent the spread of the COVID-19 pandemic provoked a severe crisis in the world economy and affected all areas of people's daily lives, regardless of their social status and status. The main restrictions affected migration mobility and politics due to the fact that the main goal of states has become the minimization of personal contacts of the population to control the further spread of the virus by closing borders and stopping or reducing transportation by all modes of transport. These actions led to significant changes in global migration processes, as many countries closed their borders without the possibility for migrants and their populations to leave them or return to their homeland. The ineffectiveness of many areas of the economy, where migrants worked, led to mass dismissals and, as a result, to a lack of funds both for returning home and for living in the country of residence. The crisis of the COVID-19 pandemic has highlighted the crucial role that social protection plays in overcoming severe social and economic crises, as well as the importance of introducing a minimum level of social protection for all, including migrant workers. The pandemic and its economic effects carry risks of stigmatization and discrimination against migrant workers in both destination and origin countries. Countries should systematically monitor cases of discrimination and hate speech against migrant workers. The governments of the countries should also take care of systematically informing citizens about the positive aspects of labor migration. For countries, it can be an emphasis on the role of labor migrants in critically important areas, such as agricultural industry, logistics, transport, medicine, and critical services., Пандемія COVID-19 серйозно обмежила міжнародну міграцію через закриття кордонів та змусила мільйони людей повернутися додому на батьківщину. Жорсткі заходи, вжиті країнами світу щодо недопущення поширення пандемії COVID-19, спровокували сильну кризу у світовій економіці та зачепили всі сфери повсякденного життя людей незалежно від їх соціального стану та статусу. Основні обмеження торкнулися міграційної мобільності та політики у зв'язку з тим, що головною метою держав стала мінімізація особистих контактів населення для контролю за подальшим поширенням вірусу через закриття кордонів та зупинення або скорочення перевезень усіма видами транспорту. Ці дії призвели до істотних змін світових міграційних процесів, оскільки багато країн закрили свої кордони без можливості для мігрантів та свого населення виїхати з них або повернутися до себе на батьківщину. Недієвість багатьох сфер економіки, де працювали мігранти, призвів до масових звільнень і, як наслідок, до нестачі коштів як на повернення додому, так і на проживання в країні пребування. Криза пандемії COVID-19 підкреслила вирішальну роль, яку відіграє соціальний захист у подоланні серйозних суспільних та економічних криз, а також важливість запровадження мінімального рівня соціального захисту для всіх, включаючи трудових мігрантів. Пандемія та її економічні ефекти несуть ризики стигматизації і дискримінації щодо трудових мігрантів як у країнах призначення, так і в країнах походження. Країни повинні здійснювати системний моніторинг щодо випадків дискримінації та мови ненависті щодо трудових мігрантів. Уряди країн також мають подбати про системне інформування громадян про позитивні аспекти трудової міграції. Для країн це може бути підкреслення ролі трудових мігрантів у критично важливих сферах, таких як аграрна промисловість, логістика, транспорт, медицина, критичні послуги.

A characteristic feature of the development of the international community and the world economy in recent decades is the consolidation of each national economy’s respective place and role in the international division of labor, which largely depends on the level of development in the country and the conditions for using the labor potential. The formation and use of labor potential is carried out under the influence of a wide range of socio-economic, national-cultural, historical-educational and other factors that have specific effects at different stages of the economic cycle. The specified factors have special manifestations in the crisis periods of the development cycle, which have the nature of both direct economic recession and other manifestations of the economic crisis, and are related to the indirect influence of other crisis phenomena in the political, national-cultural, religious and other spheres. The purpose of this work is to consider the impact on the demographic situation in the country as a whole, as well as on the formation and development of its labor potential, migration processes occurring in the conditions of the military-political and economic crisis in Ukraine. The article examines the essence of the labor potential, its levels and features of the components that make it up, as well as the influence of migration processes on the quantitative and qualitative characteristics of the labor potential. The peculiarities of the causes of existing migration processes in Ukraine in the conditions of economic crisis, political upheavals and war, as well as the consequences of internal and external migration from the point of view of its impact on the formation of labor potential are given. Certain courses of action regarding the restoration of the labor potential on the way to overcoming the effects of the crisis in the post-war period are proposed.

This study examines the impact of foreign direct investment in forestry, a prominent phenomenon in China, on forestry industry structure upgrading, using comprehensive economic theory and the panel data of 27 provinces from 2003 to 2019 in China. We used fixed and moderating effect models, and regional heterogeneity tests were conducted. Our results indicate that, at the national level, foreign direct investment in forestry and labor migration promotes forestry industry structural upgrading. In addition, our results indicate that labor migration as a moderating variable weakly promotes forestry industry structural upgrading via foreign direct investment in forestry, and these effects have regional heterogeneity. Finally, different control variables also have influence on forestry industry structural upgrading, such as the number of forestry stations. Based on these empirical results, we provide an explanation and give policy implications, such as developing secondary and tertiary forestry industries, building forestry infrastructure, and improving the efficiency of forestry foreign investment utilization to promote the optimization of the forestry industry structure in China.

Effectively improving employment stability is the key to accelerating the sustainable development of Chinese-style labor migration. Based on a household questionnaire survey, combined with the characteristics of labor migrants, this study uses SEM to analyze the factors that affect the employment stability of labor migrants. The results show that the data fit the model well, and all the hypotheses proposed in this study are supported. The factors affecting the employment stability of labor migrants are threefold: relocation satisfaction is the premise, relocation adaptability is the key, and subjective human capital-dedicated status is the foundation. Observed variables that have a significant impact on latent variables are also explored. The main survey results show that labor migrants have high relocation satisfaction and relocation adaptability, and subjective human capital and employment status are relatively low. According to the research results, measures are put forward to further improve the employment stability of labor migrants.

Целью исследования выступает уточнение состава факторов трудовой миграции с учетом влияния внешнеторговых отношений на состояние экономики государств-доноров. В соответствии с целью сформулированы и решены следующие задачи: проанализированы четыре теоретико-методических подхода к исследованию трудовой миграции, включающие неоклассические подходы, основанные на принципах общего и частичного рыночного равновесия, статистический анализ факторов экономического роста и сопоставление показателей уровня жизни и занятости мигрантов и работников-резидентов; выявлено противоречивое влияние внешней торговли на динамику миграционных потоков в рамках региональных межгосударственных сообществ; доказана необходимость учета фактора времени при моделировании поведения претендента на миграцию. Сделан вывод о необходимости стимулирования экономического развития стран-доноров с использованием инструментария государственного регулирования с целью ограничения миграционных потоков., The aim of the study is to clarify the composition of labor migration factors, taking into account the impact of foreign trade relations on the state of the economy of donor states. In accordance with the goal, the following tasks were formulated and solved: four theoretical and methodological approaches to the study of labor migration were analyzed, including neoclassical approaches based on the principles of general and partial market equilibrium, a statistical analysis of economic growth factors and a comparison of indicators of the standard of living and employment of migrants and workers - residents; the contradictory influence of foreign trade on the dynamics of migration flows within the framework of regional interstate communities was revealed; the necessity of taking into account the time factor in modeling the behavior of a candidate for migration is proved. It is concluded that it is necessary to stimulate the economic development of donor countries using state regulation tools in order to limit migration flows., Экономика и предпринимательство, Выпуск 5 (154) 2023, Pages 187-190

Рассмотрен потенциал и проблемы белорусского рынка труда, а также методы решения некоторых из них. Дана характеристика спроса и предложения на труд, рассмотрены основные тенденции и перспективы. The article discusses the potential and problems of the Belarusian labor market, as well as methods for solving some of them. The characteristics of supply and demand for labor are given, the main trends and prospects are considered.

Die Außen- und Handelsbeziehungen Brasiliens zu Subsahara-Afrika (SSA) gehen bis auf den portugiesischen Sklavenhandel zurück. Von den 9,5 Millionen Menschen, die zwischen dem 16. und 19. Jahrhundert in Afrika gefangen genommen und in die Neue Welt gebracht wurden, landeten fast 4 Millionen in Rio de Janeiro, d.h. zehnmal mehr als alle Sklaven, die in die Vereinigten Staaten geschickt wurden. Noch heute sehen sich etwa 51 % der Bevölkerung Brasiliens als schwarz oder gemischt. Rassenungleichheit ist in vielerlei Hinsicht nach wie vor tief verwurzelt, insbesondere in Bezug auf die anhaltende Ungleichheit. Dennoch wurden Unterdrückung und Marginalisierung schwarzer Brasilianer in den modernen brasilianisch-afrikanischen Beziehungen weitgehend ausgeblendet. Stattdessen durchdrang ein ausgeprägter Nationalismus das politische Leben Brasiliens. Es bestimmte auch seine Außen- und Handelsbeziehungen und definierte, wie die Brasilianer die Chancen afrikanischer Unabhängigkeitsbewegungen nutzten. Erst Brasiliens Präsident Lula da Silva bekannte sich während seiner ersten Amtszeit als Präsident von 2003 bis 2011 zu den gemeinsamen historischen Wurzeln. Tatsächlich verdankte er seine Wahl der überwältigenden Unterstützung der Afrobrasilianer. Die Handelsbeziehungen in der ersten Hälfte des 20. Jahrhunderts beschränkten sich weitgehend auf Südafrika, auf das 90 % des afrikanischen Handels Brasiliens entfielen. Brasilias Außen- und Handelspolitik konzentrierte sich in den 1960er und 1970er Jahren auf Nigeria, einen wichtigen Öllieferanten, sowie die fünf ehemaligen portugiesischen afrikanischen Kolonien (PALOP) und das 1996 gegründete Lusophone Commonwealth (CPLP). Der Handel mit Westafrika blieb, mit Ausnahme von Nigeria (34 % des afrikanischen Handels Brasiliens), recht bescheiden. Dennoch spielten Ghana und Senegal in den frühen Stadien der afrikanischen Unabhängigkeit eine entscheidende Rolle bei der Gestaltung der brasilianisch-afrikanischen Beziehungen. Da Brasilien mittlerweile über beträchtliche eigene Energie- und Rohstoffressourcen verfügt, ist sein Ansatz im afrikanischen Handel weniger rohstoffgetrieben als der chinesischer oder europäischer Investoren, sondern orientiert sich an Ressourcendiversifizierung, nachhaltiger Entwicklung und Kooperation zur Erschließung dieser Ressourcen, z.B. Bioethanolanlagen in Ghana. Daher sehen afrikanische Regierungen ihre Beziehungen zu Brasilien eher auf gegenseitiger Partnerschaft gegründet. Korrupte politische afrikanische Eliten selbst drängten jedoch die brasilianische Regierung und Unternehmen oft zu informellen politischen und geschäftlichen Praktiken, mit umstrittenen und korrupten Investitionen in Rohstoffgewinnung, Infrastruktur und Landraub. Abgesehen davon versuchte Brasilien, eine Nische für brasilianische Managementdienstleistungen, Wissens- und Technologietransfer zu schaffen, der angeblich hervorragend für tropische Märkte geeignet war. Brazil's foreign and trade relations with Sub-Sahara Africa (SSA) date back to the Portuguese slave trade. Of the 9.5 million people captured in Africa and brought to the New World between the 16th and 19th centuries, nearly 4 million landed in Rio de Janeiro, i.e. ten times more than all those sent to the United States. Still today, about 51 % of the population see themselves as black or mixed. Racial inequality remains deeply engrained in many respects, notably concerning persistent inequality. Nonetheless, oppression and marginalization of black Brazilians have been largely ignored in modern Brazilian-African relations. Instead, a pronounced nationalism suffused Brazil's political life. It guided Brazil's foreign and trade relations and defined how Brazilians interpreted the opportunities of African independence movements. Only Brazil’s President Lula da Silva acknowledged the common historical roots during his first time as president from 2003 to 2011. In fact, his election was driven by the overwhelming support of Afro-Brazilians. Trade relations in the first half of the 20th century were largely limited to South Africa, which accounted for 90 % of Brazil's African trade. Brasilia's foreign and trade policy since the 1960s focussed on Nigeria, an important oil supplier, and the five Portuguese-speaking former Portuguese African colonies (PALOP) and the Lusophone Commonwealth (CPLP), founded in 1996. Up to date, Brazilian's trade relations in West Africa, apart from Nigeria (34 % of Brazil’s African trade) remained fairly modest. Nevertheless, Ghana and Senegal played a decisive role in shaping Brazil-African relations in the early stages of African independence since the 1960s. Because Brazil has meanwhile considerable energy and commodity resources of its own, its approach concerning African trade is less commodity driven than the Chinese or European, but orientated at resource diversification, sustainable development and cooperation to develop these resources, e.g. bioethanol plants in Ghana and other African countries. Therefore, African governments see a greater sense of mutual partnership and reciprocity in their relationship with Brazil. However, corrupt political African elites themselves urged the Brazilian government and companies often into informal political and business norms, with controversial and corrupt investment in commodity extraction, infrastructure and land-grabbing. Apart from that, Brazil tried to create a niche for Brazilian management services, knowledge and technology transfer, suited supposedly exceptionally well for tropical markets. Les relations étrangères et commerciales du Brésil avec l'Afrique subsaharienne (ASS) remontent à la traite négrière portugaise. Sur les 9,5 millions de personnes capturées en Afrique entre le XVIe et le XIXe siècle et amenées dans le Nouveau Monde, près de 4 millions se sont retrouvées à Rio de Janeiro, soit dix fois plus que tout les esclaves envoyés aux États-Unis. Aujourd'hui encore, environ 51 % de la population brésilienne se considère comme noire ou métisse. L'inégalité raciale reste ancrée à bien des égards, en particulier en ce qui concerne l'inégalité persistante. Néanmoins, l'oppression et la marginalisation des Brésiliens noirs ont été largement ignorées dans les relations modernes entre le Brésil et l'Afrique. Au lieu de cela, un nationalisme fort a imprégné la vie politique brésilienne. Il a également déterminé ses relations extérieures et commerciales et défini comment les Brésiliens ont saisi les opportunités présentées par les mouvements d'indépendance africains. Seul le président brésilien Lula da Silva, au cours de son premier mandat présidentiel de 2003 à 2011, a reconnu leurs racines historiques communes. En fait, il doit son élection au soutien écrasant des Afro-Brésiliens. Les relations commerciales de la première moitié du XXe siècle se limitaient en grande partie à l'Afrique du Sud, qui représentait 90 % du commerce africain du Brésil. La politique étrangère et commerciale de Brasilia dans les années 1960 et 1970 s'est concentrée sur le Nigeria, un important fournisseur de pétrole, ainsi que sur les cinq anciennes colonies africaines portugaises (PALOP) et la Communauté lusophone (CPLP), créée en 1996. Le commerce avec l'Afrique de l'Ouest est resté assez modeste, à l'exception du Nigeria (34 % du commerce africain du Brésil). Néanmoins, le Ghana et le Sénégal ont joué un rôle crucial dans l'élaboration des relations entre le Brésil et l'Afrique dans les premiers stades de l'indépendance africaine. Étant donné que le Brésil dispose désormais de ressources considérables en énergie et en matières premières, son approche du commerce africain est moins axée sur les matières premières que celle des investisseurs chinois ou européens, mais orientée vers la diversification des ressources, le développement durable et la coopération pour développer ces ressources, par ex. usines de bioéthanol au Ghana. Par conséquent, les gouvernements africains considèrent leurs relations avec le Brésil comme davantage basées sur un partenariat mutuel. Cependant, les élites politiques africaines corrompues elles-mêmes ont souvent fait pression sur le gouvernement brésilien et les entreprises d’appliquer des pratiques politiques et commerciales informelles, avec des investissements controversés et corrompus, p.ex. concernant l'extraction des ressources, les infrastructures et l'accaparement des terres. En dehors de cela, le Brésil s'efforçait de se tailler un créneau pour les services de gestion brésiliens, le transfert de connaissances et de technologie qui était, disait-on, spécialement adapté aux marchés tropicaux.

Бедность — явление, которое требует многостороннего анализа и беспристрастного рассмотрения. Это особенно важно в свете борьбы с этим социальным недугом, искоренение которого в КНР стало одной из приоритетных целей последних лет. В марте 2021 года Китай официально объявил об окончательной победе над абсолютной бедностью. Однако каковы китайские критерии определения относительной и абсолютной бедности? Авторы статьи сравнивают их с международной классификацией, проводят анализ того, как изменение порога бедности влияло на успехи борьбы с этим явлением в течение многих лет. Одной из острых проблем остается опасность возникновения новых «очагов» бедности и возврата к ней по ряду причин, таких как патерналистские настроения, инертность и лень населения, неприспособленность к условиям рынка, болезни и хронические недуги, стихийные бедствия, увеличение расходов на обучение детей, старость. Пандемия коронавируса стала мощным ударом по бедному населению, многие граждане, едва вырвавшиеся из этого состояния, вернулись к нищенскому существованию именно под воздействием эпидемии. Авторы отмечают, что после 2020 года структура бедности в КНР начала трансформироваться. На смену долгосрочной первичной абсолютной нищете в сельских районах страны пришла относительная и вторичная бедность, для которой характерны черты региональных, городских и сельских различий. Борьба с ней остается важным направлением государственной политик КНР., Poverty as a phenomenon requires wide-ranging analysis and impartial consideration. It is of particular importance in the light of the struggle with this social problem in China where poverty reduction has a special priority status for some years. In March 2021 China declared the complete victory over the absolute poverty. But what the Chinese criteria for the definition of absolute and relative poverty are? The authors of the article compares these criteria with international classification, make analysis of the way the poverty level influenced the success of reducing poverty during a long period of time. One of the urgent problems is still the risk of emergence of the new poverty spots and returning to poverty due to some reasons such as paternalistic mood, inaction (inactivity), laziness of the population, unpracticalness to the market environment, illnesses and chronic diseases, natural disasters, education spending rise and old age. COVID pandemia became a hard blow on poor people. Many of Chinese citizens who has just broken away from poverty again fall into want due to the epidemy. The authors point out that after 2020 the structure of poverty started transforming. The long term absolute misery of rural regions was replaced by relative and secondary poverty with its regional, urban and rural differences. Fighting poverty is still one of the most important state policy strands in China.

Der Fachkräftemangel in Deutschland nimmt vor allem in den Bereichen Soziales und Erziehung, Gesundheit und Pflege, Bau und Handwerk, Informationstechnologie und den Berufen rund um Mathematik, Informatik, Naturwissenschaften und Technik (MINT) stark zu. Gleichzeitig wächst der Bedarf an geringer qualifizierten Arbeitskräften, etwa bei Helfer­tätigkeiten und haushaltsnahen Dienstleistungen. Zwar machen Zuzüge aus EU-Staaten nach wie vor den größten Teil der Arbeitsmigration aus, doch dieses Zuwanderungspotenzial nimmt auf­grund der in diesen Staaten ähnlichen Alterung und Schrumpfung der Bevölkerung ab. Die Anwerbung von Arbeitskräften aus Drittstaaten, darunter auch aus Partnerländern der deutschen Entwicklungs­zusammenarbeit, wird daher zu einer strategischen Zukunftsfrage. Trotz aller Reformen in jüngerer Zeit ist die Arbeitskräftegewinnung aus Drittstaaten immer noch unzureichend, und entwicklungspolitische Erwägungen werden bislang nicht genügend beachtet, um nachhaltige Wirkungen entfalten zu können. Erforderlich ist eine stärkere Einbettung der deutschen Arbeitskräfte­gewinnung in entwicklungsorientierte, faire Partnerschaften mit Her­kunftsländern, bei denen deren Interessen berücksichtigt und die Rechte von Arbeitsmigrantinnen und ‑migranten geachtet werden. Da viele Industrieländer inzwischen um Arbeitskräfte werben, könnte Deutsch­land daraus ein Wettbewerbsvorteil erwachsen. Die Bundesregierung sollte die vielen Erfahrungen aus Pilotprojekten zur Fachkräftegewinnung für größere Anwerbeprogramme nutzen und mit einer systematischen Zusammenarbeit aller relevanten Ministerien (Gesamtregierungsansatz) und unter Beteiligung von Zivilgesellschaft und Privatwirtschaft die Weichen für eine entwicklungsorientierte Arbeits­kräftegewinnung stellen. Die Bundesregierung sollte sich noch stärker als bisher in den einschlä­gigen globalen Prozessen und Foren engagieren und sich dabei für faire Anwerbung einsetzen. (Autorenreferat)

Die Außen- und Handelsbeziehungen Brasiliens zu Subsahara-Afrika (SSA) gehen bis auf den portugiesischen Sklavenhandel zurück. Von den 9,5 Millionen Menschen, die zwischen dem 16. und 19. Jahrhundert in Afrika gefangen genommen und in die Neue Welt gebracht wurden, landeten fast 4 Millionen in Rio de Janeiro, d.h. zehnmal mehr als alle Sklaven, die in die Vereinigten Staaten geschickt wurden. Noch heute sehen sich etwa 51 % der Bevölkerung Brasiliens als schwarz oder gemischt. Rassenungleichheit ist in vielerlei Hinsicht nach wie vor tief verwurzelt, insbesondere in Bezug auf die anhaltende Ungleichheit. Dennoch wurden Unterdrückung und Marginalisierung schwarzer Brasilianer in den modernen brasilianisch-afrikanischen Beziehungen weitgehend ausgeblendet. Stattdessen durchdrang ein ausgeprägter Nationalismus das politische Leben Brasiliens. Es bestimmte auch seine Außen- und Handelsbeziehungen und definierte, wie die Brasilianer die Chancen afrikanischer Unabhängigkeitsbewegungen nutzten. Erst Brasiliens Präsident Lula da Silva bekannte sich während seiner ersten Amtszeit als Präsident von 2003 bis 2011 zu den gemeinsamen historischen Wurzeln. Tatsächlich verdankte er seine Wahl der überwältigenden Unterstützung der Afrobrasilianer. Die Handelsbeziehungen in der ersten Hälfte des 20. Jahrhunderts beschränkten sich weitgehend auf Südafrika, auf das 90 % des afrikanischen Handels Brasiliens entfielen. Brasilias Außen- und Handelspolitik konzentrierte sich in den 1960er und 1970er Jahren auf Nigeria, einen wichtigen Öllieferanten, sowie die fünf ehemaligen portugiesischen afrikanischen Kolonien (PALOP) und das 1996 gegründete Lusophone Commonwealth (CPLP). Der Handel mit Westafrika blieb, mit Ausnahme von Nigeria (34 % des afrikanischen Handels Brasiliens), recht bescheiden. Dennoch spielten Ghana und Senegal in den frühen Stadien der afrikanischen Unabhängigkeit eine entscheidende Rolle bei der Gestaltung der brasilianisch-afrikanischen Beziehungen. Da Brasilien mittlerweile über beträchtliche eigene Energie- und Rohstoffressourcen verfügt, ist sein Ansatz im afrikanischen Handel weniger rohstoffgetrieben als der chinesischer oder europäischer Investoren, sondern orientiert sich an Ressourcendiversifizierung, nachhaltiger Entwicklung und Kooperation zur Erschließung dieser Ressourcen, z.B. Bioethanolanlagen in Ghana. Daher sehen afrikanische Regierungen ihre Beziehungen zu Brasilien eher auf gegenseitiger Partnerschaft gegründet. Korrupte politische afrikanische Eliten selbst drängten jedoch die brasilianische Regierung und Unternehmen oft zu informellen politischen und geschäftlichen Praktiken, mit umstrittenen und korrupten Investitionen in Rohstoffgewinnung, Infrastruktur und Landraub. Abgesehen davon versuchte Brasilien, eine Nische für brasilianische Managementdienstleistungen, Wissens- und Technologietransfer zu schaffen, der angeblich hervorragend für tropische Märkte geeignet war. Brazil's foreign and trade relations with Sub-Sahara Africa (SSA) date back to the Portuguese slave trade. Of the 9.5 million people captured in Africa and brought to the New World between the 16th and 19th centuries, nearly 4 million landed in Rio de Janeiro, i.e. ten times more than all those sent to the United States. Still today, about 51 % of the population see themselves as black or mixed. Racial inequality remains deeply engrained in many respects, notably concerning persistent inequality. Nonetheless, oppression and marginalization of black Brazilians have been largely ignored in modern Brazilian-African relations. Instead, a pronounced nationalism suffused Brazil's political life. It guided Brazil's foreign and trade relations and defined how Brazilians interpreted the opportunities of African independence movements. Only Brazil’s President Lula da Silva acknowledged the common historical roots during his first time as president from 2003 to 2011. In fact, his election was driven by the overwhelming support of Afro-Brazilians. Trade relations in the first half of the 20th century were largely limited to South Africa, which accounted for 90 % of Brazil's African trade. Brasilia's foreign and trade policy since the 1960s focussed on Nigeria, an important oil supplier, and the five Portuguese-speaking former Portuguese African colonies (PALOP) and the Lusophone Commonwealth (CPLP), founded in 1996. Up to date, Brazilian's trade relations in West Africa, apart from Nigeria (34 % of Brazil’s African trade) remained fairly modest. Nevertheless, Ghana and Senegal played a decisive role in shaping Brazil-African relations in the early stages of African independence since the 1960s. Because Brazil has meanwhile considerable energy and commodity resources of its own, its approach concerning African trade is less commodity driven than the Chinese or European, but orientated at resource diversification, sustainable development and cooperation to develop these resources, e.g. bioethanol plants in Ghana and other African countries. Therefore, African governments see a greater sense of mutual partnership and reciprocity in their relationship with Brazil. However, corrupt political African elites themselves urged the Brazilian government and companies often into informal political and business norms, with controversial and corrupt investment in commodity extraction, infrastructure and land-grabbing. Apart from that, Brazil tried to create a niche for Brazilian management services, knowledge and technology transfer, suited supposedly exceptionally well for tropical markets. Les relations étrangères et commerciales du Brésil avec l'Afrique subsaharienne (ASS) remontent à la traite négrière portugaise. Sur les 9,5 millions de personnes capturées en Afrique entre le XVIe et le XIXe siècle et amenées dans le Nouveau Monde, près de 4 millions se sont retrouvées à Rio de Janeiro, soit dix fois plus que tout les esclaves envoyés aux États-Unis. Aujourd'hui encore, environ 51 % de la population brésilienne se considère comme noire ou métisse. L'inégalité raciale reste ancrée à bien des égards, en particulier en ce qui concerne l'inégalité persistante. Néanmoins, l'oppression et la marginalisation des Brésiliens noirs ont été largement ignorées dans les relations modernes entre le Brésil et l'Afrique. Au lieu de cela, un nationalisme fort a imprégné la vie politique brésilienne. Il a également déterminé ses relations extérieures et commerciales et défini comment les Brésiliens ont saisi les opportunités présentées par les mouvements d'indépendance africains. Seul le président brésilien Lula da Silva, au cours de son premier mandat présidentiel de 2003 à 2011, a reconnu leurs racines historiques communes. En fait, il doit son élection au soutien écrasant des Afro-Brésiliens. Les relations commerciales de la première moitié du XXe siècle se limitaient en grande partie à l'Afrique du Sud, qui représentait 90 % du commerce africain du Brésil. La politique étrangère et commerciale de Brasilia dans les années 1960 et 1970 s'est concentrée sur le Nigeria, un important fournisseur de pétrole, ainsi que sur les cinq anciennes colonies africaines portugaises (PALOP) et la Communauté lusophone (CPLP), créée en 1996. Le commerce avec l'Afrique de l'Ouest est resté assez modeste, à l'exception du Nigeria (34 % du commerce africain du Brésil). Néanmoins, le Ghana et le Sénégal ont joué un rôle crucial dans l'élaboration des relations entre le Brésil et l'Afrique dans les premiers stades de l'indépendance africaine. Étant donné que le Brésil dispose désormais de ressources considérables en énergie et en matières premières, son approche du commerce africain est moins axée sur les matières premières que celle des investisseurs chinois ou européens, mais orientée vers la diversification des ressources, le développement durable et la coopération pour développer ces ressources, par ex. usines de bioéthanol au Ghana. Par conséquent, les gouvernements africains considèrent leurs relations avec le Brésil comme davantage basées sur un partenariat mutuel. Cependant, les élites politiques africaines corrompues elles-mêmes ont souvent fait pression sur le gouvernement brésilien et les entreprises d’appliquer des pratiques politiques et commerciales informelles, avec des investissements controversés et corrompus, p.ex. concernant l'extraction des ressources, les infrastructures et l'accaparement des terres. En dehors de cela, le Brésil s'efforçait de se tailler un créneau pour les services de gestion brésiliens, le transfert de connaissances et de technologie qui était, disait-on, spécialement adapté aux marchés tropicaux.

Представлены результаты социологического исследования проблем, побуждающих молодых игроков-хоккеистов переехать из России в лиги Северной Америки и Европы для продолжения спортивной карьеры. Рассмотрены и классифицированы основные причины, влияющие на трудовую миграцию хоккеистов в зарубежные лиги. Разработаны предложения по предотвращению оттока талантливых игроков за рубеж., The results of a sociological study on the problems that encourage young hockey players to move from Russia to the leagues of North America and Europe in order to continue their sports career are presented. The main reasons influencing the labor migration of hockey players to foreign leagues are considered and classified. Proposals have been developed to prevent the outflow of talented players abroad.

Миграционная привлекательность Санкт-Петербурга по сравнению с другими регионами Российской Федерации, принимающими мигрантов, традиционно является одной из самых высоких в России. В Санкт-Петербург ежегодно прибывает все больше жителей из других регионов Российской Федерации и из-за рубежа. В связи с этим вопросы социокультурной адаптации иностранных граждан на сегодняшний день актуальны. Генеральной целью Стратегии социально-экономического развития Санкт-Петербурга на период до 2035 года является обеспечение стабильного улучшения качества жизни горожан и повышение глобальной конкурентоспособности Санкт-Петербурга на основе реализации национальных приоритетов развития, обеспечения устойчивого экономического роста и использования результатов инновационно-технологической деятельности. Согласно Стратегии основными благоприятными факторами, способствующими повышению уровня общественного согласия и безопасности в Санкт-Петербурге, могут стать: повышение уровня межнационального согласия и качества коммуникаций между людьми различных национальностей и вероисповеданий, в том числе прибывающих с трудовыми целями в Санкт-Петербург из других регионов Российской Федерации и стран ближнего зарубежья., The migration attractiveness of St. Petersburg, compared to other regions of the Russian Federation that receive migrants, is traditionally one of the highest in Russia. Every year more and more residents from other regions of the Russian Federation and from abroad arrive in St. Petersburg. In this regard, the issues of socio-cultural adaptation of foreign citizens are relevant today. The general goal of the Strategy for the Social and Economic Development of St. Petersburg for the period up to 2035 is to ensure a stable improvement in the quality of life of citizens and increase the global competitiveness of St. Petersburg based on the implementation of national development priorities, ensuring sustainable economic growth and using the results of innovative and technological activities. According to the Strategy, the main favorable factors contributing to an increase in the level of public harmony and security in St. Petersburg can be: an increase in the level of interethnic harmony and the quality of communications between people of different nationalities and religions, including those arriving in St. Petersburg for work purposes from other regions of the Russian Federation and neighboring countries

The aim of the article is to attempt to identify the state of, and prospects for, the development of the common policy of the European Union regarding legal migration from third countries. The subject of interest is, above all, legal economic migration, which is crucial from the perspective of certain demographic processes taking place in the EU, the changes and needs of the Community’s labour market, and the challenges posed by the digital transformation. The adopted hypothesis assumes that, within the framework of EU migration and asylum policy, policy as regards legal economic migration is still an underdeveloped area and remains in the hands of individual Member States. Initiatives undertaken in this area remain overshadowed by the main focus of the common migration and asylum policy, namely the development of a common asylum system and the prevention of irregular migration. Policy regarding legal economic migration in the near future will mainly be created by Member States and play out on the domestic stage due to the lack of direct motivation for its development at the Community level. In this case, the strength of particular stakeholders’ interests is not balanced out by any direct and easily identifi able benefits to be gained from the adopted common solutions.

The article considers some indicators of the widespread social phenomenon in Russia - labor migration, which, according to the data for 2019, involves about 2.9 million Russians, or 4% of the employed population. These are internal labor migrants who temporarily work outside their regions. This type of labor migration of Russians has common features with temporary employment in the United States, Canada, and Australia (long distance commuting - LDC), fly-in/fly-out - FIFO). The empirical basis of the article consists of the statistical data (results of the labor force survey by the Federal State Statistics Service for 2011-2019) and the results of sociological research conducted in the region with a high level of shift employment - the Republic of Bashkortostan - in 2015-2019. The statistical data prove regional differences in the Russian shift employment: the majority (72%) of internal labor migrants live in a third of the regions with high and medium levels of temporary labor migration; in some regions, the level of temporary labor migration decreases. The sociological data show different involvement in shift employment depending on place of residence, gender and age, marital status and level of education. The same social-territorial and social-demographic features are evident at the national level. At the federal level, internal labor migration, as a tool for social-economic development, helps to solve the problem of labor shortage in certain areas and sectors of economy; therefore, such labor migration is supported by legal acts. At the regional level, it decreases the labor and demographic potential of the regions that provide labor migrants. To preserve the economic and demographic potential and to strengthen the competitiveness of such regions, we need to develop regional labor markets and labor mobility within regions.

This article explores how Kyrgyz labor migrants in Russia view their host country’s government and its influence in Kyrgyzstan, including through the Eurasian Economic Union. Results suggest that migrants have nuanced, pragmatic pro-Russian views. They understand Kyrgyzstan’s dependency on Russia and admire the efficiency of Russia’s government. Yet, they also disapprove of its high levels of corruption and of its disregard for individual rights. Our work contributes to the literature on the diffusion of norms through migration; it also sheds light on Russia’s soft power in Central Asia at a time when rivalry with China is growing in the region.

The article analyzes methodological approaches to assessing the impact of factors of international labor migration on the socio-economic development of the country. The analysis of the state and dynamics of changes in indicators of international labor migration in the Republic of Belarus is carried out on the basis of the use of official statistical data of the competent authorities. Conclusions are made about the influence of the parameters of international labor migration on the national labor market of Belarus in modern conditions.

The migrant families who build India’s cities do so to meet practical and ritual aspirations rooted in the village, undergoing spatial and temporal fragmentation to maintain rural longevity and the possibilities of ritual time. This article contributes an alternative position to linear-framed presumptions of migration and urbanity, illustrating instead how everyday experiences of dislocation can be productive through labor, timespace, and imagination; bridging the gulf between residence on urban construction sites in Bengaluru, southern India, and desired village homes. However, lived experiences of dislocation remain stratified by gender and class, leading to highly conjugated experiences of precarity, mobility, and possibility. Despite the urban ambivalence felt by women and girls as a result, a shared experience of dislocation enables entire families to undertake the grueling yet regenerative work of circular migration, ensuring the continuation and renewal of village life and ritual time through its incompleteness.

International migration occurs because population growth does not match the job opportunities and availability. This issue has increased labor migration abroad. International migration as a workforce is dominated by female migrant workers or Tenaga Kerja Wanita (TKW). Women in their development want to actualize themselves by having transitional roles as workers who actively earn money for their families. During this time, news and research are still around the protection and problems TKI / TKW has experienced. Only a few studies have focused on the TKI / TKW’s success during their work. This research is qualitative using the textual study method by analyzing secondary data from various related literature and former TKW interviews. Empirical data showed that the factors leading to Hong Kong’s success were caused by the Hong Kong and Indonesian governments’ policies. They protected the workers’ rights and support to self-actualize, and female workers began to join the organization. Thus, women had more insight, freedom, and confidence to work in Hong Kong.

Over the last decades, the globalization of the food and agriculture sector has fueled international labor migration to rural areas in Southern Europe. Portugal is no exception to this trend, as the intensification of foreign investment in agriculture combined with a declining and ageing workforce created a demand for flexible immigrant labor. The Eastern European and Asian immigrant workers who answered the industry’s call were confronted with poor working conditions and lacking access to public services. In this article, we zoom in on the governance challenge that the presence of precarious immigrant workers (PIWs) poses to rural municipalities in the south of Portugal. The burgeoning literature on local integration policies mainly focuses on how cities deal with the challenge posed by international labor migration. This article draws on a detailed case study of the municipality of Odemira to argue that more attention needs to be paid to emerging local migration regimes in non-urban localities. By adopting a regime-theoretical approach, we study how power relations between the local government, civil society, and the private sector play out around the question of immigrant reception. Our study suggests that immigration policies in rural localities are increasingly being developed through cooperation and coproduction between public and private actors. First, we demonstrate how the presence of PIWs is perceived as a policy “problem” by each actor. Second, we outline how a governing coalition formed around the shared concern to improve arrival infrastructures, stimulate integration, mediate socio-cultural impact, and accommodate business interests. We conclude by critically questioning the impact that emerging local migration regimes have on the rights and social position of PIWs in rural contexts.

The article considers the distant family as a social institution of education, formation and development of personality. The current state of solving the problem of socio-psychological and legal work with children from distant families is analyzed. The sample of the study is described in detail by family type, sex, absence of father / mother and duration of absence. The peculiarities of the functioning of the emotional sphere of adolescents from distant families (anxiety, aggression, hostility), low level of socio-psychological adaptation, low level of emotional well-being in the family have been experimentally determined. The relationship between the degree of socio-psychological adaptation of the adolescent’s personality and emotional states is proved. The dependence of gender differences in the functioning of the family and the emotional sphere of adolescents has been established. The types of groups of adolescents from distant families are determined, in particular: anxious, aggressive-anxious, hostile-anxious, aggressive-hostile, absence of manifestation of negative signs. A structural and functional model of social and psychological support of remote families has been developed, which provides for work with adolescents and their parents with the use of special technologies to ensure the effectiveness of conditions that form harmonious family relationships.

This article considers the pension provision of workers of the Eurasian Economic Union member states based on an analysis of the EAEU legislation and a comparative analysis of the domestic pension legislation of the EAEU member states in order to identify the features of their citizens’ social protection in the event of disability. The article discusses the procedure for organizing pensions provision with the application of an Agreement on Pension Provisions for Workers of the EAEU member states of 20 December 2019.

Quarantine measures in connection with the coronavirus pandemic have been accompanied by the closure of cross-border communications and restrictions on the activities of enterprises in most sectors of the economy Labour migrants and their family members staying in Russia have found themselves in a difficult situation The reduction in employment, primarily in areas where migrants work, has made foreign citizens one of the most vulnerable social groups The first layer of questions discussed in the article is related to the assessment of the situation of migrants in Russia In what types of economic activity has the decline in employment become particularly painful for migrants? What is their financial situation? How ready are they to leave Russia if transport links are restored? What are their immediate and long-term plans related to work and life in Russia? The second focus of the study is on potential migrants who were unable to enter Russia after international transport links were severed What is their economic situation at home? How quickly will they go to Russia when restrictions on international travel are removed? What are their short - and long-term plans for staying in Russia? This article is based on an online survey of 2,695 foreign citizens (including 1,304 migrants in Russia and 1,391 outside Russia), as well as a telephone survey of 300 migrant workers in the Moscow megalopolis conducted in the first half of June 2020 Введение карантинных мер в связи с пандемией коронавируса сопровождалось перекрытием трансграничных коммуникаций и ограничением деятельности предприятий в большинстве отраслей экономики Трудовые мигранты и члены их семей, пребывающие на территории России, оказались в сложном положении Сокращение занятости в первую очередь в тех сферах, где работают мигранты, сделало иностранных граждан одной из наиболее уязвимых социальных групп Первый пласт вопросов, рассматриваемых в статье, связан с оценкой ситуации, в которой оказались мигранты, находящиеся в России В каких видах экономической активности сокращение занятости стало особенно болезненным для мигрантов? Каково их материальное положение? Насколько они готовы покинуть Россию в случае восстановления транспортных коммуникаций? Каковы их ближайшие и отдаленные планы, связанные с трудовой деятельностью и жизнью в России? Во втором фокусе исследования находятся потенциальные мигранты, которые не смогли въехать в Россию после разрыва международных транспортных связей Каково их экономическое положение на родине? Как быстро они собираются выехать в Россию в случае снятия ограничений на международные поездки? Каковы их краткосрочные и долгосрочные планы, связанные с пребыванием в России? Поиску ответов на эти вопросы посвящена настоящая статья, базирующаяся на онлайн-опросе 2695 иностранных граждан (в том числе 1304 мигрантов, находящихся на территории России, и 1391 - за ее пределами), а также телефонном опросе 300 трудовых мигрантов в Московском мегаполисе, проведенных в первой половине июня 2020 г

Introduction. A critical situation in the agricultural sector of Kalmykia, largely destroyed infrastructure, unemployment, and low wages are the factors that contribute to the increase of migration of the population in the rural areas of the Republic. One of the destinations for migrants, besides Moscow and Saint-Petersburg, is Far North and territories equated to it. The present article’s aim is to examine the character of this migration and the migrants’ life in the northern lands. Data and research methods. The study employs the method of structured in-depth interview; the respondents found by way of ”snow-balling”. There are 20 interviews in all, recorded in March-April 2021. Results. The analysis of the interviews indicates that the people migrate to the Far North to solve their financial problems, to get jobs, to make careers, and to earn their ”northern” pensions. Most of them are quite successful: flats are bought, houses are being built, and there is money to help their relatives. They may adapt well to the new environments but very often at the expense of their health. The interviewees often have plans to go back to Kalmykia but only when they are retired or after their work in the Far North they may move to Moscow and Podmoskov´e to live and work there. Importantly, the migrants from Kalmykia are usually those who have a good command of their mother tongue. Their complaints are that they have no opportunity to realize their professional ambitions and be useful to their home villages and places. Notably, migrants have Kalmyk associations that organize besides holiday feasts some educational activities (teaching mother tongue and Kalmyk dances), and support the elderly and the young.

Recent studies suggest that the hiring of migrants in the food processing industry has increased the migrant population outside large cities among affluent migrant-receiving countries. This study examines how the U.S. meatpacking industry and the Japanese seafood processing industry, in particular, have developed a dependence on migrants; it does so to identify whether and how a common—thus cross-nationally generalizable—process may account for migration outside large cities. A comparative historical analysis revealed that, with significant national differences between the United States and Japan, including in the legal and institutional contexts of migration, there is little commonality in the processes through which the industries have come to depend on migrants. Yet, there is a similarity in the development of mass production. Such production necessitates an undisrupted availability of full-time as well as low-wage workforce, and migrants on both sides of the Pacific are employed to ensure this availability. Thus, while urban-centered migration studies often emphasize the growth of low-wage services or small-batch manufacturing as an economic driver of migration, this study argues that, outside large cities, a different pattern of industrial transformation is associated with labor migration.

Die Geschichte des türkisch-deutschen Migrant*innentheaters ist fast so alt wie die der türkischen Arbeitsmigration in die BRD. Von Beginn an befanden sich unter den Ankömmlingen nämlich auch Künstler*innen, die frühzeitig nach artistischen Ausdrucksmöglichkeiten suchten. Bald entstanden so erste Bühnenprojekte fernab der öffentlich subventionierten Theaterlandschaft, und über die Jahrzehnte entwickelte sich eine vitale Kultur, die weitgehend unbemerkt von der breiteren deutschen Öffentlichkeit stattfand. Der Autor präsentiert die Vorgeschichte des zeitgenössischen postmigrantischen Theaters in Deutschland und liefert damit eine unentbehrliche Grundlage für dessen weitere Betrachtung.

The study contains data analysis on living conditions, information about COVID-19, housing conditions, health status and practice of testing labor migrants from Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan in Russia for HIV and tuberculosis (TB) in the context of the pandemic by gender and country of citizenship. The empirical basis of estimates was made up of data from the 2020 survey of 900 labor migrants from Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan living in Russia. The data analysis showed that the COVID-19 pandemic has worsened situation of the majority families of labor migrants from Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan in Russia with wage reduction and psychological stress becoming the most significant difficulties (especially for female labor migrants). The Internet and online social networks were the main sources of information about COVID-19. Less than half of legally employed labor migrants from Kyrgyzstan used Compulsory health insurance (CHI) certificate, and they were less likely to undergo fluorographic examinations and HIV testing compared to labor migrants from Tajikistan and Uzbekistan (especially men). Most of the labor migrants from Central Asia in Russia did not pay enough attention to prevention and health maintenance and even deteriorated their health overextending themselves in Russia, as in the pre-COVID-19 period. Health problems either have developed or worsened, including due to unfavorable housing conditions. The study shows the need for improving access to and quality of medical services for labor migrants from Central Asia in Russia and modernizing mechanisms for informing migrants, including through digital environment and social networks. Monitoring of future changes in migration policy with due regard to new experience in migration management during the pandemic seems promising.

UDC 331.556.4; JEL Classification: J 61 Nesterenko V., Sidelnikova V. INTERNATIONAL LABOR MIGRATION AS A SIGNIFICANT MODERN ASPECT OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE NATIONAL ECONOMY OF UKRAINE Purpose. Determination of the causes and consequences of the activation of international labor migration processes in Ukraine. Methodology of research. During the research, the methods of analysis and synthesis, the method of logical analysis were used. The information resources of the research are electronic information resources and materials of periodicals. Results. Speaking about the current development of the world economy, one cannot fail to note the significant acceleration of international migration processes, the greater part of which is caused by labor migration. The study of the essence of labor migration processes in Ukraine should begin with the identification of the reasons for such movement of the working population. All reasons can be conditionally divided into three groups: humanitarian, socio-economic, macroeconomic. The negative consequences of the migration of the able-bodied population from the territory of Ukraine include the following: depopulation of the population of Ukraine, limitation of opportunities for its reproduction.; decrease in the level of human capital in the national economy of Ukraine, especially intellectual, scientific, highly professional; the dependence of the national economy on the infusion of funds by labor migrants; loss of qualifications by employees engaged in less skilled work abroad than they were engaged in in Ukraine; loss of budget funds for the training of personnel who are not involved in their professional activities in the economy of Ukraine; loss of sources of funding for social insurance funds while preserving the implementation of minimum social guarantees for labor migrants in the future; problems of reverse adaptation of labor migrants upon returning home; demographic consequences, etc. The following can be attributed to certain positive effects: a decrease in the level of unemployment in the middle of the country; increase in the level of wages in certain industries and the economy of the country as a whole; stabilization of the hryvnia exchange rate; increase in household consumption; reduction of general social tension in the country; increasing the level of social development of households. Originality. The list of reasons for the intensification of international labor migration and its negative and positive consequences for the economy of Ukraine has been specified. Practical value. The proposed conclusions can be used in the state and regional administration for the formation of an effective system of management of migration processes., УДК 331.556.4; JEL Classification: J 61 Нестеренко В.Ю., Сідельнікова В.К. міжнародна трудова міграція як визначний сучасний аспект розвитку національної економіки україни Мета. Визначення причин та наслідків активізації міжнародних трудових міграційних процесів в Україні. Методика дослідження. В ході дослідження використовувалися методи аналізу і синтезу, метод логічного аналізу. Інформаційними ресурсами дослідження є електронні інформаційні ресурси і матеріали періодичних видань. Результати. Говорячи про сучасний розвиток світової економіки, не можна не відзначити значне прискорення міжнародних міграційних процесів, все більша частина яких обумовлена саме трудовою міграцією. Дослідження сутності трудових міграційних процесів в Україні слід починати з виявлення причин такого переміщення працездатного населення. Всі причини можна умовно поділити на три групи: гуманітарні, соціально-економічні, макроекономічні. До негативних наслідків міграції працездатного населення з території України можна віднести наступні: депопуляція населення України, обмеження можливостей для її відтворення.; зниження рівня людського капіталу в національній економіці України, особливо інтелектуального, наукового, високопрофесійного; залежність національної економіки від вливання коштів трудовими мігрантами; втрата кваліфікації працівниками, які займаються за кордоном менш кваліфікованою працею, ніж займалися в Україні; втрати бюджетних коштів на підготовку кадрів, які не задіяні у своїй професійній діяльності в економіці України; втрата джерел наповнення коштами фондів соціального страхування зі збереженням здійснення мінімальних соціальних гарантій трудовим мігрантам в майбутньому; проблеми зворотної адаптації трудових мігрантів при поверненні додому; демографічні наслідки, тощо. До певних позитивних наслідків можна віднести наступні: зменшення рівня безробіття в середині країни; зростання рівня заробітних плат в окремих галузях та економіці країни в цілому; стабілізація валютного курсу гривні; підвищення рівня споживання домогосподарствами; зниження загального соціального напруження в країні; підвищення рівня соціального розвитку домогосподарств. Наукова новизна. Уточнено перелік причин активізації міжнародної трудової міграції та негативні і позитивні її наслідки для економіки України. Практична значущість. Запропоновані висновки можуть бути використані у державному та регіональному управлінні для формування ефективної системи управління міграційними процесами.

Low fertility rates and an aging society, growing long-term care needs, and workforce shortages in professional, industrial, and care sectors are emerging issues in South Korea and Taiwan. Both governments have pursued economic/industrial growth as productive welfare capitalism and enacted preferred selective migration policies to recruit white-collar migrant workers (MWs) as mobile elites, but they have also adopted regulations and limitations on blue-collar MWs through unfree labor relations, precarious employment, and temporary legal status to provide supplemental labor. In order to demonstrate how multiple policy regulations from a national level affect MWs’ precarity of labor in their receiving countries, which in turn affect MWs’ im/mobilities, this article presents the growing trends of transnational MWs, regardless of them being high- or low-skilled MWs, and it evaluates four dimensions of labor migration policies—MWs’ working and employment conditions, social protection, union rights and political participation, and access to permanent residency in both countries. We found that the rights and working conditions of low-skilled MWs in Korea and Taiwan are improving slowly, but still lag behind those of high-skilled MWs which also affects their public health and well-being. The significant difference identified here is that MWs in Taiwan can organize labor unions, which is strictly prohibited in Korea; pension protection also differs between the nations. Additionally, an application for permanent residency is easier for high-skilled migrant workers compared with low-skilled MWs and both the Korean and Taiwanese immigration policies differentiate the entry and resident status for low-skilled and professional MWs from dissimilar class backgrounds. Policy recommendations for both countries are also discussed.

Urbanization in China has involved not only the large-scale transfer of population from rural to urban areas through processes of labor migration and land dispossession, but also the re-designation...

The article highlights the Chinese labor migration to Asian Russia at the end of the XIX century on the basis of the regional printed media of the considered period. The reader’s attention is focused on the ratio of positive and negative aspects of the impact of labor migrants from China on the development of capitalist production in the region and the labor market formation. As a result, the author comes to the conclusion that the urgency of the «Chinese issue» in the region is related directly to the increase in the number of labor migrants from the Celestial Empire, whose legal and economic situation required early comprehensive actions from the Russian authorities, postponing the implementation of which, the latter only increased the level of confrontation not only between Russian and Chinese workers, but also provoked dissatisfaction against the authorities themselves.

Utilizing data from the China Education Panel Survey, we investigated the effects of parental migration and its duration on children’s mental health in rural China. We obtained a sample of 3830 rural children, comprising 2769 children who lived with both parents, 512 children whose one parent had migrated, and 549 children whose both parents had migrated. The results of multiple regression and propensity score matching showed that absence of both parents was negatively correlated to children’s mental health, with the migration of one parent having little effect. The negative effects related to parental labor migration became more apparent when we considered the duration of parents’ migration. Compared with children whose parents were not absent, children who had been left behind for less than one year and those who had been left behind for more than one year both displayed poorer mental health. These findings urge us to infer that family arrangements have an important influence on children’s psychological health. The findings also showed girls’ mental health more likely to be affected than that of boys, which implied a gender difference in the impacts of parental migration. Research and policy implications are discussed.

Background. Citizens of Ukraine are one of the largest groups of seasonal workers in the European Union. At the same time, Ukrainian migrant workers often suffer violations of their rights abroad. In this aspect, Ukraine has an urgent task to protect the rights of Ukrainian seasonal migrant workers abroad. For European Union, despite the economic crisis that has led to higher unemployment, there is an urgent need for seasonal workers in the EU Member States, due to the fact that seasonal work is generally not attractive for the EU labor market. The aim of the article is to determine the features of protection of the rights of Ukrainian seasonal migrant workers in the European Union. Materials and methods. The research is carried out on the basis of general and special research methods, in particular, such as: discourse and content analysis, system analysis method, induction and deduction method, historical-legal method, formal-legal method, comparative-legal method, and others. Results. Seasonal work is one of the types of temporary employment, which is limited to a certain period of time. In the European Union, seasonal work is not attractive to citizens of the European Union. In this regard, it should be noted that the Member States of the European Union have a long practice of attracting seasonal migrant workers to their labor market, which was especially intensified in the post-war period, characterized by labor shortages on the European continent, which led to this policy development. Today, with the onset of the global pandemic COVID-19 and the starting of lockdown, the European Union still needs seasonal migrant workers, especially in the agricultural sector, to perform seasonal work. In this area, the EU has developed supranational legislation, which was analyzed in the article. Conclusion. Given that Ukrainians are one of the largest groups of seasonal workers in the European Union, it is important for Ukraine to protect its citizens abroad, which, in particular, can be strengthened by signing bilateral agreements with EU Member States on employment and social protection of Ukrainian citizens; agreements on mutual employment of employees; agreementson employment and cooperation in the field of labor migration, etc. Keywords: labor migration; seasonal migration; the right to equal treatment; Seasonal Workers Directive; bilateral agreements on labor migration.