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Grammaticalization is commonly understood as a regular and essentially directional process. This generalization appears to be agreed upon in some form or other across many different schools of linguistics, even if it has not gone unchallenged. But there are different views on what exactly is regular. Taking the development from movement-based verbs to future tenses as an example, the present paper argues that neither contextual features nor inferential mechanisms, analogy, or constructional form seem to provide a sufficient basis for explaining the evolution of grammatical categories. The paper is based on the one hand on findings made in ⁠ǃ⁠Xun, a Southwest African language of the Kx’a family, formerly classified as “Northern Khoisan”, and on the other hand on a comparison of this language with observations made in the Germanic languages English, Dutch, and Swedish.

Bernd Heine, Tania Kouteva/Kuteva and Gunther Kaltenböck The present paper compares the two modes of processing proposed by Van Lancker Sidtis (2009) in her dual process model and the two domains of discourse organization distinguished in the framework of Discourse Grammar (Heine et al. 2013; Kaltenböck et al. 2011). These two frameworks were developed on different kinds of data. In the dual process model it is observations on patients with left or right hemisphere damage that marked the starting point of analysis. Central to the dual process model is the distinction between novel speech (or novel language, or newly created language, or propositional speech) and formulaic speech (or formulaic expressions or automatic speech). Easily identified instances of formulaic speech are swear words, interjections, pause fillers, discourse elements, non-literal lexical meanings for idioms, proverbs. Unlike the dual process model, in the Discourse Grammar model it is linguistic discontinuities that provided the basis of analysis. Discourse grammar in this model is understood as all the linguistic resources that are available for constructing spoken and written (and signed) texts. We argue that Discourse Grammar can be divided into two distinct domains, namely Sentence Grammar and Thetical Grammar. Whereas Sentence Grammar has been at the centre of interest in mainstream linguistics, Thetical Grammar encompasses linguistic phenomena – such as formulae of social exchange, imperatives, vocatives, interjections, including hesitation markers and pause fillers and what is traditionally known as “parenthetical” constructions – that pose a problem to orthodox grammatical analysis. We show that the findings made within the two frameworks are largely compatible with one another: both models converge on claiming that there is a significant correlation between linguistic categorization and hemisphere-based brain activity. In the dual process model it is hypothesized that there is a significant correlation between certain kinds of speech phenomena and brain lateralization. More precisely, on the basis of substantial neurolinguistic research it is argued that novel speech is represented in the left hemisphere, whereas formulaic speech is modulated by a subcortical right hemisphere circuit. Within the framework of Discourse Grammar (Heine et al. 2013) it is argued that there is a similar correlation between two domains of grammar, namely Sentence Grammar and Thetical Grammar: Aphasic patients and other persons with left hemisphere damage appear to draw mainly on linguistic expressions within the domain of Thetical Grammar; persons with right hemisphere damage, by contrast, use primarily Sentence Grammar as their main domain of structuring speech (Heine et al. 2014). While arriving at similar conclusions, there are a few differences between these two frameworks. In particular, the dual process model relies on the distinction between novel and formulaic speech as its main parameter, while in the framework of Discourse Grammar it is distinctions in the functions and the syntactic and prosodic independence of linguistic units that are most central. The present paper argues that such differences can be accounted for with reference to the differential role played by the situation of discourse in linguistic communication.

In Khalkha Mongolian, the so-called “Completive” or “Intensive” marker -čix- is found in 12% of finite predicates (in a 6-hour corpus of free conversation). Its meaning is usually described as stressing the completion of an action (e.g. ÖMYSMSDSMKBSG 1964: 490). In the aspecto-temporal domain, -čix- denotes the attainment of actional boundaries and may disambiguate predicates in which such attainment is optional. For instance, it is incompatible with progressive marking and forces past-referring interpretations of perfective markers (1), resultative interpretations of resultative-continuative markers, and future-referring interpretations for the non-past forms of inceptive-stative verbs (2). (1) a. av-čix-laa. b. av-laa. take-COMPL-IM.DIR.PST take-IM.DIR.PST ‘[SUBJ] took it.’ ‘[SUBJ] is about to take it.’ / ‘[SUBJ] took it.’ (2) a. med-čix-ne. b. med-ne. come.to.know+know-COMPL-NPST come.to.know+know-NPST ‘[SUBJ] will come to know.’ ‘[SUBJ] knows.’ However, actional meanings don’t exhaust the semantic range of -čix-. Meanings such as unexpectedness, suddenness, forcefulness (Svantesson 2003: 168), inadvertent or dissatisfactory execution (Brosig 2014: 46-51 on closely related Khorchin Mongolian) or carelessness (informants) have been suggested, but not demonstrated. Similar notions have been reported for the Turkic auxiliary verbs tašla-/kamiš- ‘throw away’ and ïːδ- ‘send away, release’ (Johanson & Csató 2018: 154). which are comparable since -čix- is connected with -ž orxi- [-CVB + ‘abandon’] (Luvsanvandan 1968: 143) by a cross-linguistically attested grammaticalization path for completive aspect (Kuteva et al. 2019: 252-253). Judging from Khalkha corpus data, it appears evident that marking the attainment of actional boundaries cannot account for the wide distribution of -čix-. With the Perfect Participle in -sAn, the Completive mostly shows up in contexts in which the speaker lacks full control, either with inherently uncontrollable actions (3) or with events that the speaker can partially influence (4). This usage is also frequent with other markers such as habituals (5). (3) šönö-d=öö bür arv-an xed bol-čix-son bai-san. night-DAT=RPOSS complete ten-ATTR how.many become-COMPL-PRF.PTCP AUX-IM.PRS ‘At night, it had even turned ten something [minus degrees].’ (4) aaan. + ooon. + aan, odoo oilgo-čix-son. INTERJ INTERJ INTERJ now understand-COMPL.PRF.PTCP ‘Ahhh. Ohhh. Well, now I understood.’ (5) yaay, bi barag borc-iig tüüxii-geer=nʲ id-čix-deg bai-san=yum=šd. INTERJ 1SG almost dried.beef-ACC raw-INS=3POSS eat-COMPL-HAB.PTCP AUX-PRF.PTCP=ASS=DP ‘Ick, I used to eat the dried beef stripes almost raw [since I so much liked soup with beef stripes, I didn’t care to wait for them to soften up back then].’ In this presentation, then, using corpus data confirmed by multiple informants, we will explore 1. the extent to which -čix- is required to facilitate an aspectual interpretation or rather helps to express notions related to reduced agency such as lack of anticipation, control, volitionality or care 2. whether the form always takes the perspective of the speaker or might also relate to the control etc. of the subject or another participant 3. how -čix- correlates with aspectual and evidential suffixes which reflect the speaker’s perspective, and to what extent it fulfills a role that in several Southern Mongolic languages (e.g Fried 2018) is fulfilled by evidential markers. Bibliography Brosig, Benjamin. 2014. The tense-aspect system of Khorchin Mongolian. In: Pirkko Suihkonen & Lindsay Whaley (eds.), Typology of languages of Europe and Northern and Central Asia. Amsterdam: Benjamins: 3-65. Fried, Robert. 2018. Egophoricity in Mangghuer: Insights from pragmatic uses of the subjective/objective distinction. In: Simeon Floyd, Elisabeth Norcliffe & Lila San Roque (eds.), Egophoricity. Amsterdam: Benjamins: 197–224. Johanson, Lars & Eva Csató. 2018. Grammaticalisation in Turkic. In: Bernd Heine & Heiko Narrog (eds.), Grammaticalisation from a typological perspective. Oxford: Oxford University Press: 146-165. Kuteva, Tania, Bernd Heine, Bo Hong, Haiping Long, Heiko Narrog & Seongha Rhee. 2019. World lexicon of grammaticalization. 2nd edition. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Luvsanvandan, Š. 1968. Orčin cagiin mongol xelnii bütec: Mongol xelnii üg, nöxcöl xoyor nʲ [The structure of contemporary Mongolian: the words and suffixes of Mongolian. Ulaanbaatar: Šinžlex uxaanii akademi. Öbür mongγul-un yeke surγaγuli-yin mongγul sudulul-un degedü surγaγuli-yin mongγul kele bicig sudulqu γajar [Institute for Mongolian language and script at the faculty of Mongolian studies of Inner Mongolia University]. 1964. Odu üy-e-yin mongγul kele [Modern Mongolian]. Kökeqota: Öbür mongγul-un arad-un keblel-ün qoriy-a. Svantesson, Jan-Olof. 2003. Khalkha. In: Juha Janhunen (ed.), The Mongolic languages. London: Routledge: 154–176.

1. map 2. Introduction (by Comrie, Bernard) 3. part i. Diachrony, typology, and theory 4. Toward a diachronic typology of relative clause (by Givon, T.) 5. The evolution of language and elaborateness of grammar: The case of relative clauses in creole languages (by Kuteva, Tania) 6. Some issues in the linking between syntax and semantics in relative clauses (by Van Valin Jr., Robert D.) 7. Part II. Uto-Aztecan 8. Relative clauses and nominalizations in Yaqui (by Gonzalez, Albert Alvarez) 9. On relative clauses and related constructions in Yaqui (by Guerrero, Lilian) 10. From demonstrative to relative marker to clause linker: Relative clause formation in Pima Bajo (by Estrada-Fernandez, Zarina) 11. Functional underpinnings of diachrony in relative clause formation: The nominalization-relativization connection in Northern Paiute (by Thornes, Tim) 12. Part III. Elsewhere in the Americas 13. Clauses as noun modifiers in Toba (Guaycuruan) (by Carpio, Maria Belen) 14. Between headed and headless relative clauses (by Epps, Patience) 15. Relative clauses in Seri (by Marlett, Stephen A.) 16. Relative clauses in Gaviao of Rondonia (by Moore, Denny) 17. Relative clauses in Yucatec Maya: Light heads vs. Null domain (by Gutierrez-Bravo, Rodrigo) 18. Questionable relatives (by Mithun, Marianne) 19. Language and language family index 20. Name index 21. Subject index

1. Address list 2. Preface 3. Introduction: New perspectives on grammaticalization (by Lopez-Couso, Maria Jose) 4. Grammaticalization and the areal factor: The perspective of East and mainland Southeast Asian languages (by Bisang, Walter) 5. On the grammaticalization of 'come' and 'go' into markers of textual connectivity (by Bourdin, Philippe) 6. Grammaticalization, typology and semantics: Expanding the agenda (by Frajzyngier, Zygmunt) 7. Mismatch: Grammar distortion and grammaticalization (by Gaeta, Livio) 8. Areal convergence in grammaticalization processes (by Giacalone Ramat, Anna) 9. The grammaticalization of nominalizers in Japanese and Korean: A contrastive study (by Horie, Kaoru) 10. On the frills of grammaticalization (by Kuteva, Tania) 11. Nominalizations in Bodic languages (by Noonan, Michael) 12. On the rise and fall of Korean nominalizers (by Rhee, Seongha) 13. The grammaticalization of clausal nominalizers in Burmese (by Simpson, Andrew) 14. The grammaticalization cline of cardinal numerals and numeral systems (by von Mengden, Ferdinand) 15. The development of nominalizers in East Asian and Tibeto-Burman languages (by Yap, Foong Ha) 16. Index of names 17. Index of languages 18. Index of subjects

1. Introduction (by Voeltz, F.K. Erhard) 2. Future tense and aspect marking in Southern Bantu (by Batibo, Herman M.) 3. The marking of directional deixis in Somali: How typological idiosyncratic is it? (by Bourdin, Philippe) 4. A typology of subject and object markers in African languages (by Creissels, Denis) 5. Head marking, dependent marking and constituent order in the Nilotic area (by Dimmendaal, Gerrit J.) 6. Agent phrases in Bantu passives (by Fleisch, Axel) 7. Grammaticalization of switch reference: Motivation and means (by Frajzyngier, Zygmunt) 8. Complex predicates based on generic auxiliaries as an areal feature in Northeast Africa (by Guldemann, Tom) 9. The OHO constraint (by Hayward, Richard J.) 10. The word in Luganda. (by Hyman, Larry M.) 11. Case in Africa: On categorial misbehavior (by Konig, Christa) 12. The typology of relative clause formation in African languages (by Kuteva, Tania) 13. Deictic categories in particles and demonstratives in three Gur languages (by Lebikaza, Kezie Koyenzi) 14. Preprefix or not - that is the question: The case of Kwangali, Kwanyama and Ndonga (by Legere, Karsten) 15. Nonverbal and verbal negations in Kabyle (Berber): A typological perspective (by Mettouchi, Amina) 16. Grammaticalization chains of the verb Kare 'to give' in Kabba (by Moser, Rosmarie) 17. Selectors in Cushitic (by Mous, Maarten) 18. How Bantu is Kiyansi?: A re-examination of its verbal inflections (by Mufwene, Salikoko S.) 19. Diathesis alternation in some Gur languages (by Reineke, Brigitte) 20. Structure and function of incorporation processes in compounding (by Riehl, Claudia Maria) 21. Toward a typological perspective for Emai's BE constructions. (by Schaefer, Ronald P.) 22. Intrinsic focus and focus control in two varieties of Hausa (by Wolff, H. Ekkehard) 23. Language index 24. Name index 25. Subject index

1. Acknowledgments 2. Introduction (by Hiraga, Masako K.) 3. Part I: Cultural Patterns, language and cognition 4. Foxy chicks and Playboy bunnies: A case study in metaphorical lexicalization (by Hines, Caitlin) 5. The domain of ancestral spirits in Bantu noun classification (by Palmer, Gary B.) 6. DEFERENCE as DISTANCE: Metaphorical base of honorific verb construction in Japanese (by Hiraga, Masako K.) 7. Spatial conceptualization of time in Chinese (by Yu, Ning) 8. Part II: Psycholinguistic and Neurolinguistic approaches 9. An "intersubjective" method for cognitive-semantic research on polysemy: The case of get (by Raukko, Jarno) 10. Prepositional semantics and the fragile link between space and time (by Rice, Sally) 11. Computability as a limiting cognitive constraint: Complexity concerns in metaphor comprehension about which cognitive linguists should be aware (by Veale, Tony) 12. Metaphor vs. conflation in the acquisition of polysemy: The case of see (by Johnson, Christopher) 13. Acquisition of the Finnish conditional verb forms in formulaic utterances (by Kauppinen, Anneli) 14. Cognitive compositionality: An activation and evaluation hypothesis (by Strohner, Hans) 15. Perceptual simulation in conceptual tasks (by Barsalou, Lawrence W.) 16. Dynamic conceptualization and the substitution of nouns and verbs in aphasia (by Kellogg, M. Kimberly) 17. Neuroscientific evidence against Wierzbicka's analysis of the meanings of basic color terms (by Kemmerer, David) 18. Part III: Typological issues 19. Specification in grammar (by Kuteva, Tania) 20. The typology of 1st person marking and its cognitive background (by Helmbrecht, Johannes) 21. Emergent grammatical relations: Subjecthood in Kapampangan (by Morris, William C.) 22. The story of "break": Cognitive categories of objects and the system of verbs (by Fujii, Yoko) 23. Index 24. List of Contributors