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The present paper has as objective the evaluation of the nutritional aspects, fertilization effect and omission of nutrients in the plants grow of canela sassafras (Ocotea odorifera (Vell.) Rohwer), in a vegetation house for 24 months, consisting of 11 treatments and five repetitions, with seasonal collections, using the springer material. The treatments consisted of control (natural soil), complete fertilization (N, P, K, Ca, Mg, S, Zn and B), fertilization with individual nutrients omission (-N, -P, -K, -Ca, -Mg, -S, -B, -Zn) and organic fertilization (bovine manure). Natural fertility soil and plants of canela sassafras originally from natural regeneration dispossess in causality statistical delineation were utilized. The height, diameter length and biomass were evaluated. To the development in height of the canela sassafras, the more limited nutrient were sulphur and to the diameter length was the fertilization with macro and micronutrients, but there was no significant difference between the treatments. The roots dry mass reduced when used macro and micronutrients fertilization, and the dry mass of the aerial part with the omission of N and P. The organic fertilization demonstrated to be efficient, so much for the increment in height, as for the production of foliar mass. doi: 10.4336/2009.pfb.58.17 Avaliaram-se os aspectos nutricionais e o efeito da fertilização e da omissão de nutrientes no desenvolvimento de plântulas de canela sassafrás (Ocotea odorifera (Vell.) Rohwer), conduzido em casa de vegetação durante 24 meses, constando de 11 tratamentos e cinco repetições, com coletas sazonais, sendo utilizado o material obtido na primavera. Os tratamentos consistiram de controle (solo natural), adubação completa (N, P, K, Ca, Mg, S, Zn, B), adubação com omissão individual de nutrientes (-N, -P, -K, -Ca, -Mg, -S, -B, -Zn) e tratamento com adubação orgânica (esterco bovino curtido). Foram utilizados vasos com solo de baixa fertilidade natural e plântulas de canela sassafrás oriundas de regeneração natural dispostos em delineamento estatístico inteiramente casualizado. Foram avaliados desenvolvimento em altura, diâmetro do colo e biomassa. Para o crescimento em altura da canela sassafrás, o nutriente mais limitante foi o enxofre, e para o diâmetro do colo foi a fertilização com macro e micronutrientes, embora não tenha havido diferença significativa entre os tratamentos. A massa seca radicular foi reduzida quando da fertilização com macro e micronutrientes e a massa seca aérea quando se omitiu N e P. A adubação orgânica demonstrou ser eficiente, tanto para o incremento em altura, quanto para a produção de massa foliar. doi: 10.4336/2009.pfb.58.17

Orientador: Carlos Bruno Reissmann Coorientador: Sylvio Pellico Neto Inclui apêndice Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Federal do Paraná, Setor de Ciências Agrárias, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Engenharia Florestal. Defesa: Curitiba, 26/10/2007 Inclui bibliografia Área de concentração: Silvicultura

In jeder westlichen Demokratie gibt es Bevölkerungsgruppen, die fremdenfeindliche Einstellungsmuster aufweisen. Diese Einstellungsmuster basieren auf Ideologien der Ungleichheit und widersprechen daher dem demokratischen Gleichheitsprinzip und gefährden den sozialen Frieden. Sozialpsychologische wie soziologische Theorieansätze zur Erklärung fremdenfeindlicher Einstellungen richten den Fokus zumeist auf das Individuum und vernachlässigen gesamtgesellschaftliche wie politische Entwicklungen sowie die politischen Rahmenbedingungen, die das Zusammenleben zwischen unterschiedlichen Bevölkerungsgruppen regeln. Das Bedürfnis des Individuums, nach einem positiven Selbstkonzept sowie nach Orientierung im Zeitalter der Globalisierung wird als Ausgangspunkt für die Ethnisierung gesellschaftlicher Konflikte um Anerkennung und Ressourcen betrachtet. In diesen Erklärungsansätzen vernachlässigt wird der Einfluss politischer und institutioneller Rahmenbedingungen. Der Konzeption des demokratischen Nationalstaates inhärent ist jedoch die juristische wie politische Unterscheidung zwischen Bürgern und Ausländern. In dieser Unterscheidung wird dem Staatsvolk eine positive kollektive Identität als Träger demokratischer Herrschaft zugeschrieben. Sind die juristischen Regelungen der nationalen Zugehörigkeit, wie in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland, ethnisch konnotiert, dann spielen ethnische Merkmale auch für die gesellschaftliche Definition von sog. Fremdgruppen eine zentrale Rolle. Eine zentrale Grundannahme meines Dissertationsprojektes ist, dass es einen spezifischen Zusammenhang zwischen der staatlich-institutionellen Definition und der politischen Konstruktion nationaler Identität gibt und dass sich dies auch in den Einstellungsmustern der Bevölkerung widerspiegelt. In der Bundesrepublik Deutschland wurde bis zur Staatsangehörigkeitsrechtsreform 2000 Ausländern aus einem anderen Kulturkreis die deutsche Staatsangehörigkeit generationenübergreifend nur erschwert gewährt. Mit der Staatsangehörigkeit verbunden sind Rechte und Pflichten. Kennzeichnend für Deutschland ist, dass ethnische Minderheiten in der Regel Ausländer sind und nicht über zentrale politische Partizipationsmöglichkeiten wie das passive und aktive Wahlrecht auf Landes- und Bundesebene verfügen. So sind sie keine gleichwertigen Mitglieder im Diskurs über nationale Identität. Ethnische Merkmale für die Definition von Gruppenzugehörigkeiten spielen so eine bedeutende Rolle. Gesellschaftliche Konflikte um materielle Ressourcen werden so verstärkt als Konflikte zwischen ethnischen Gruppen interpretiert. Die Entstehung fremdenfeindlicher Einstellungsmuster ist damit nicht unabhängig von der politischen und juristisch-institutionellen Definition des Staatsvolkes. Ziel des Dissertationsprojektes ist es, die Verbindung zwischen institutionellen und politischen Rahmenbedingungen einerseits und der Ebene der individuellen Einstellungen andererseits herzustellen. Des Weiteren gilt es, den Einfluss der juristisch-institutionellen und politischen Bedingungen für die Entstehung fremdenfeindlicher Einstellungen offen zu legen. Der interkulturelle Vergleich dieser Bedingungen unter Einbeziehung Frankreichs und Großbritanniens soll die Zusammenhänge genauer klären. Die Entstehung fremdenfeindlicher Einstellungsmuster in der Bevölkerung - so die These - ist nicht unabhängig von der politischen Konstruktion sowie der staatlich-institutionellen Definition nationaler Identität. So gerät der demokratische Nationalstaat in die Pflicht, institutionelle Rahmenbedingungen zu überdenken, um der Entstehung fremdenfeindlicher Einstellungsmuster entgegenzuwirken. Das Dissertationsprojekt wird mögliche Perspektiven aufzeigen. Angesichts des fortschreitenden europäischen Integrationsprozesses wird die Frage nach einer möglichen europäischen Identität zunehmend an Bedeutung gewinnen. Der Kampf gegen fremdenfeindliche Einstellungsmuster ist so nicht nur ein nationaler, sondern auch zunehmend ein europäischer. In every western democracy, there are sections of the population showing hostility towards immigrants and ethnic minorities. These attitudes are based upon ideologies of inequality and are contrary to the ideals of the democratic constitution. They also affect the relationship between different ethnic groups in society. Sociological and socio psychological theoretical approaches dealing with xenophobia generally focus on the individual and almost completely ignore the role of constitutional and political conditions. Individual needs for a positive self-concept are regarded as a starting point for social conflicts about ethnic and national recognition and about material resources. However, the conception of the democratic nation state is based upon the political and institutional differentiation between citizens and non-citizens. In this context, a positive collective identity is ascribed to the citizens as bearers of democracy. If the rules and regulations of belonging are linked to ethnicity - as in Germany - then ethnic indications become important for the definition of the out-group. This sense of not belonging is linked to the notion of citizenship. One of the main assumptions of my PhD-project is the fact that there is a specific connection between the institutional definition and political construction of national identity and that this relation is also reflected by attitudes towards immigrants and ethnic minorities in society. Up until the reform of nationality-law in 2000, gaining citizenship was extremely difficult for immigrants with a different cultural background. Even the children and grandchildren of immigrants were mostly excluded from becoming German citizens. Citizenship is connected with the granting of rights and duties. One characteristic of Germany is the fact that members of ethnic minorities are generally non-citizens and, as a result, they do not have the right to vote in central elections. Thus, they are excluded from the political discourse about national identity. Consequently, the ethnic background is essential for defining group identity. Social conflicts about economic resources and national identity tend to be interpreted as conflicts between ethnic groups. The disadvantages of non-citizenship include limited means of fighting against discrimination. The development of hostile attitudes towards foreigners is determined by the political and institutional definition of citizenship. On the one hand, the PhD-project focuses on the connection between the institutional and the political definition of belonging to the nation and, on the other hand, it tries to explain the development of hostile attitudes against foreigners. By including an intercultural approach between Germany, France and Great Britain, I will discuss the role of the institutional and political framework in creating xenophobic attitudes. Democratic nations have the duty to fight against antidemocratic ways of thinking. If the institutional and political definition of national identity influences attitudes against foreigners and ethnic minorities - which I think is the case - then political leaders have to prevent this by changing institutional and political general conditions. Considering the ongoing of the European integration, the struggle against xenophobia is no longer only a national affair, but has developed into an all-European concern.

In jeder westlichen Demokratie gibt es Bevölkerungsgruppen, die fremdenfeindliche Einstellungsmuster aufweisen. Diese Einstellungsmuster basieren auf Ideologien der Ungleichheit und widersprechen daher dem demokratischen Gleichheitsprinzip und gefährden den sozialen Frieden. Sozialpsychologische wie soziologische Theorieansätze zur Erklärung fremdenfeindlicher Einstellungen richten den Fokus zumeist auf das Individuum und vernachlässigen gesamtgesellschaftliche wie politische Entwicklungen sowie die politischen Rahmenbedingungen, die das Zusammenleben zwischen unterschiedlichen Bevölkerungsgruppen regeln. Das Bedürfnis des Individuums, nach einem positiven Selbstkonzept sowie nach Orientierung im Zeitalter der Globalisierung wird als Ausgangspunkt für die Ethnisierung gesellschaftlicher Konflikte um Anerkennung und Ressourcen betrachtet. In diesen Erklärungsansätzen vernachlässigt wird der Einfluss politischer und institutioneller Rahmenbedingungen. Der Konzeption des demokratischen Nationalstaates inhärent ist jedoch die juristische wie politische Unterscheidung zwischen Bürgern und Ausländern. In dieser Unterscheidung wird dem Staatsvolk eine positive kollektive Identität als Träger demokratischer Herrschaft zugeschrieben. Sind die juristischen Regelungen der nationalen Zugehörigkeit, wie in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland, ethnisch konnotiert, dann spielen ethnische Merkmale auch für die gesellschaftliche Definition von sog. Fremdgruppen eine zentrale Rolle. Eine zentrale Grundannahme meines Dissertationsprojektes ist, dass es einen spezifischen Zusammenhang zwischen der staatlich-institutionellen Definition und der politischen Konstruktion nationaler Identität gibt und dass sich dies auch in den Einstellungsmustern der Bevölkerung widerspiegelt. In der Bundesrepublik Deutschland wurde bis zur Staatsangehörigkeitsrechtsreform 2000 Ausländern aus einem anderen Kulturkreis die deutsche Staatsangehörigkeit generationenübergreifend nur erschwert gewährt. Mit der Staatsangehörigkeit verbunden sind Rechte und Pflichten. Kennzeichnend für Deutschland ist, dass ethnische Minderheiten in der Regel Ausländer sind und nicht über zentrale politische Partizipationsmöglichkeiten wie das passive und aktive Wahlrecht auf Landes- und Bundesebene verfügen. So sind sie keine gleichwertigen Mitglieder im Diskurs über nationale Identität. Ethnische Merkmale für die Definition von Gruppenzugehörigkeiten spielen so eine bedeutende Rolle. Gesellschaftliche Konflikte um materielle Ressourcen werden so verstärkt als Konflikte zwischen ethnischen Gruppen interpretiert. Die Entstehung fremdenfeindlicher Einstellungsmuster ist damit nicht unabhängig von der politischen und juristisch-institutionellen Definition des Staatsvolkes. Ziel des Dissertationsprojektes ist es, die Verbindung zwischen institutionellen und politischen Rahmenbedingungen einerseits und der Ebene der individuellen Einstellungen andererseits herzustellen. Des Weiteren gilt es, den Einfluss der juristisch-institutionellen und politischen Bedingungen für die Entstehung fremdenfeindlicher Einstellungen offen zu legen. Der interkulturelle Vergleich dieser Bedingungen unter Einbeziehung Frankreichs und Großbritanniens soll die Zusammenhänge genauer klären. Die Entstehung fremdenfeindlicher Einstellungsmuster in der Bevölkerung - so die These - ist nicht unabhängig von der politischen Konstruktion sowie der staatlich-institutionellen Definition nationaler Identität. So gerät der demokratische Nationalstaat in die Pflicht, institutionelle Rahmenbedingungen zu überdenken, um der Entstehung fremdenfeindlicher Einstellungsmuster entgegenzuwirken. Das Dissertationsprojekt wird mögliche Perspektiven aufzeigen. Angesichts des fortschreitenden europäischen Integrationsprozesses wird die Frage nach einer möglichen europäischen Identität zunehmend an Bedeutung gewinnen. Der Kampf gegen fremdenfeindliche Einstellungsmuster ist so nicht nur ein nationaler, sondern auch zunehmend ein europäischer., In every western democracy, there are sections of the population showing hostility towards immigrants and ethnic minorities. These attitudes are based upon ideologies of inequality and are contrary to the ideals of the democratic constitution. They also affect the relationship between different ethnic groups in society. Sociological and socio psychological theoretical approaches dealing with xenophobia generally focus on the individual and almost completely ignore the role of constitutional and political conditions. Individual needs for a positive self-concept are regarded as a starting point for social conflicts about ethnic and national recognition and about material resources. However, the conception of the democratic nation state is based upon the political and institutional differentiation between citizens and non-citizens. In this context, a positive collective identity is ascribed to the citizens as bearers of democracy. If the rules and regulations of belonging are linked to ethnicity - as in Germany - then ethnic indications become important for the definition of the out-group. This sense of not belonging is linked to the notion of citizenship. One of the main assumptions of my PhD-project is the fact that there is a specific connection between the institutional definition and political construction of national identity and that this relation is also reflected by attitudes towards immigrants and ethnic minorities in society. Up until the reform of nationality-law in 2000, gaining citizenship was extremely difficult for immigrants with a different cultural background. Even the children and grandchildren of immigrants were mostly excluded from becoming German citizens. Citizenship is connected with the granting of rights and duties. One characteristic of Germany is the fact that members of ethnic minorities are generally non-citizens and, as a result, they do not have the right to vote in central elections. Thus, they are excluded from the political discourse about national identity. Consequently, the ethnic background is essential for defining group identity. Social conflicts about economic resources and national identity tend to be interpreted as conflicts between ethnic groups. The disadvantages of non-citizenship include limited means of fighting against discrimination. The development of hostile attitudes towards foreigners is determined by the political and institutional definition of citizenship. On the one hand, the PhD-project focuses on the connection between the institutional and the political definition of belonging to the nation and, on the other hand, it tries to explain the development of hostile attitudes against foreigners. By including an intercultural approach between Germany, France and Great Britain, I will discuss the role of the institutional and political framework in creating xenophobic attitudes. Democratic nations have the duty to fight against antidemocratic ways of thinking. If the institutional and political definition of national identity influences attitudes against foreigners and ethnic minorities - which I think is the case - then political leaders have to prevent this by changing institutional and political general conditions. Considering the ongoing of the European integration, the struggle against xenophobia is no longer only a national affair, but has developed into an all-European concern.

'The major objective of the research was to examine attitudes and values toward guest workers in Israel and Germany in a comparative perspective. The main objects of examinations are the social conditions which shape the normative system of beliefs, attitudes, stereotypes, prejudice and behaviour toward foreign workers and ethnic minorities. The research was cast within theoretical frameworks that focus on the emergence of prejudice, discrimination and ethnic antagonism in modern societies. Two alternative, but by no means contradictory, models were used. The first is social psychological and centres on such concepts as social distance, prejudice, authoritarianism, and ethnocentrism. The second approach focuses on group competition over resources and rewards in national markets. Data to test the hypotheses were taken from national representative samples of adult citizens in Israel and Germany, respectively. The data was analysed using a variety of multivariate statistical models. It was our aim to contribute to a better understanding of the Israeli and German societies and to the theoretical knowledge regarding the social conditions that affect the system of values, attitudes, and behaviour toward migrant workers and ethnic minorities in modern societies. The comparison between Germany and Israel was one special point of interest, because Germany has been employing guest workers for more than a quarter of a century whereas Israel only recently began to rely on foreign workers. The influence of guest worker communities on contemporary societies is one significant social and economic problem of modern states. The study tried to increase the understanding of these mechanisms and phenomena.' (author's abstract)

Orientador: Marcos Luiz de Paula Souza Dissertaçao (mestrado) -Universidade Federal do Paraná. Curso de Pós-Graduaçao em Agronomia / Ciencia do Solo Inclui bibliografia Acervo transferido da AG para CF 2001 Resumo: O trabalho objetivou a determinação da influência das características físicas e armazenarnento de água no crescimento da Araucar'ia angustifolia, no 29 Planalto Paranaense, em quatro unidades de solo: dois Litõlicos (Re-5, Re-4); um Cambissolo (Ca-7) e um Pozólico Vermelho Amarelho (PVa-5). Os resultados mostraram que o melhor desenvolvimento seguiu a seqüência Pva-5 > Ca-7 > Re-5 > Re-4, devido às condições físicas (porosidade total e aeração), e às condições climáticas e topográficas dos solos estudados. As unidades de solo foram caracterizadas quanto às suas propriedades físicas (granulométrica, densidade do solo e partículas, macro e microporosidade, e retenção de água às energias de -60 cm, -344 cm e-15.495 cm de coluna de água) além de ter sido medido, durante o período de um ano, o armazenamento de água e a porosidade de aeração até a profundidade de 125 cm. Os dados obtidos foram comparados ao crescimento em altura dos povoamentos de Araucaria com 15 anos de idade (índice de sítio). Os resultados evidenciaram a importancia das propriedades físicas no crescimento da espécie em especial da porodidade de aeração e profundidade, bem como a topografia dos solos. Abstract: The present study determined the influence of soil physical characteristics and water retention on the growth of Araucaria angustifolia. The study site was located on the 2nd Plateau of the State of Parana and included for soil units: two Litolic soils (Re-5, Re-4) one Cambisol (Ca-7) and one Red-Yellow Podzolic Soil(PVa-5) .The results demonstrate better development on the soil units PVA and Ca-1. The ranking in development was PVa-5> Ca-7 > Re-5 > Re-4 due to soil physical conditions (total porosity and aeration), and climatic and topographic conditions of the study site. The soil units were characterized in their physical aspects (particle size distribution, bulk and particle densities, macro and microporosity, and water retention of -60, -344, -15.495 cm H 20. Water storage and aeration porosity was monitored during one year to a depth up to 125 cm, depending on the soil unit. The datas were compared to tree heights of a 15-year old plantation (site index). The results are an evidence of the importance of soil physical characteristics on the growth of the species, specially of the aeration porosity, as well as soil depth and its landscape position.