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Jane Austen is celebrated for her wit and wittiness. She famously defended novels in Northanger Abbey, for example, on the basis that they display ‘the liveliest effusions of wit’. Critics have long been occupied with detailing the implications of Austen’s wit, but without due attention to Austen’s own explicit deployment of the word within her writing. Offering a re-evaluation of Austen’s use of ‘wit’, this article provides a much-needed examination of how the term is implemented by Austen in her fiction (from her juvenilia, and through her six major novels), contextualises wit’s meaning through its seventeenth-, eighteenth-, and nineteenth-century senses, and reveals that ‘wit’ did not necessarily have the positive connotations often presumed in modern suppositions. It transpires that, seemingly paradoxically, Austen routinely adopts the label ‘wit’ ironically to expose an absence of true wit, whilst concurrently avoiding the application of the word in moments displaying true wit. This article argues for the need to understand the crucial distinction between wit and true wit in Austen’s fiction.

This thesis focuses on Jane Austen’s surviving manuscripts: those of her extant letters, of her early fiction, gathered in three handmade books (commonly called ‘juvenilia’), of her later fiction, unpublished during her lifetime (commonly called ‘later manuscripts’), and the early draft of two chapters of Persuasion. These autograph manuscripts, because they have not passed through a full editorial process, display Jane Austen’s writing in its earliest stages, and permit an analysis of her writing process, and the development of her style. After a survey of the scientific, philosophical and literary texts that informed the understanding of Austen’s time, this thesis analyses occurrences of touch and the haptic in these writings, and argues that they are central to understanding her narrative and stylistic choices. Touch was an important element of her early writings and personal letters, which Austen gradually toned down in her fiction and correspondence, but which resurfaces in her final works, Persuasion and ‘Sanditon’. Early drafts usually contain numerous haptic events, which are erased or minimised in revisions and corrections. The reader needs to infer these deletions in order fully to understand Austen’s prose. This thesis argues that references to the haptic are essential to understanding Austen’s prose, because they are part of her writerly instinct, but only remain present in final drafts at critical moments, when they attain most narrative focus. It also argues that tactile and haptic instances inform Austen’s very style. The grammatical, semantic and figural structures that Jane Austen uses call on ambiguity and syntagmatic suspense, which elicit in the reader a physical reaction akin to touch. Austen’s style effects a mental dissonance or friction that stems from the seemingly irreconcilable elements she conjoins; these sensations are an integral part of the pleasure of the ideal reader, who is invited to be a participant in Jane Austen’s creative process.

This article considers how the child’s gaze in Napoleonic culture functions as a multifaceted tool in the moral and political history of the Napoleonic Wars. Drawing from Stahl’s framework of the ‘...

Transhistorical accounts of fanfiction often refer to the Brontës’ juvenilia, but such references are largely cursory even as they make a claim about the siblings’ Angria and Gondal writings that needs more careful consideration. This essay offers a more thorough examination of what it means to claim “the Brontës wrote fanfic”, analyzing their family- and site-specific mode of creative production and consumption in relation both to established definitions of contemporary fanfiction and to their own sources and environment. Archival research has enabled me to situate some of the Brontës’ earliest texts in their original tiny, hand-produced format alongside the print periodicals and physical books that the young authors read and transformed. I analyze how the siblings’ books mimic the multiplicity and flexibility of authorship modeled in their local newspaper and how their drawing, marginalia, and corrections accentuate the interactive nature of the printed book. Viewing the Brontë siblings as a family fandom enthusiastically devoted to the creation and appreciation of transformative works helps make visible a model of authorship they share with contemporary fanfiction: authorship not just as collaboration but as play and exchange among diverse materials, sources, activities, media, writers, and readers. Then, as now, this mode exists simultaneously with commercial authorship but is distinct from it, as the siblings recognized, altering their plots, practice, and presentation for their novels.

The purpose of thie paper is to present the use of some onomastics forms in the work “ Juvenilia” by Ndre Mjeda. Thus, this paper aims to reflect the anthroponyms, toponyms, hydronyms, and ethnonyms used in Mjeda's work. In this way, the findings and uses that emerge the to Mjeda, will be discussed, and the number of their uses will be shown, as well as in terms of language will be compared with today's standard Albanian. In the poems of this collection we find the names of states, cities, mountains, and rivers, we find the names of people, etc. Based on the collected material and the analysis that we will do, we will be able to answer which names of places, events and people are included in the creativity of Mjeda, in order to discover at least some of their wealth in the field of onomastics. Therefore, we can say that these onomastic features play the role of a historical document on the basis of which social developments in certain periods can be ascertained.

The aim of this article is to show that the Juvenilia collection of poems constitutes Ricardo Palma's literary beginning and that the title is a neologism created by Palma. Poetry was for Palma the impetus he needed to produce his magnificent narrative, reflected in his Peruvian Traditions. Juvenilia, as a poetic testimony of her youth, appears before her other literary productions. Romanticism is the school in which it is sustained, consequently, the subjective tone of Juvenilia is one of its characteristics, such as the use of meter and poetic language that enrich Palma's work. El objetivo del presente artículo es mostrar que el poemario Juvenilia constituye el inicio literario de Ricardo Palma y que el título es un neologismo creado por Palma. La poesía fue para Palma el impulso que necesitaba para producir su magnífica narrativa, reflejada en sus Tradiciones peruanas. Juvenilia, como testimonio poético de su juventud, aparece antes de sus demás producciones literarias. El romanticismo es la escuela en la que se sostiene, en consecuencia, el tono subjetivo de Juvenilia es una de sus características, como el uso de la métrica y del lenguaje poético que enriquecen la obra de Palma. O objetivo deste artigo é mostrar que a coletânea de poemas Juvenilia constitui o início literário de Ricardo Palma e que o título é um neologismo criado por Palma. A poesia era para Palma o ímpeto de que precisava para produzir sua magnífica narrativa, refletida em suas tradições peruanas. Juvenilia, como testemunho poético de sua juventude, aparece antes de suas outras produções literárias. O romantismo é a escola em que se sustenta. Consequentemente, o tom subjetivo de Juvenilia é uma de suas características, como o uso da métrica e da linguagem poética que enriquecem a obra de Palma.

This article argues that postwar Seventeen magazine, a publication deeply invested in enforcing heteronormativity and conventional models of girlhood and womanhood, was in fact a more complex and multivocal serial text whose editors actively sought out, cultivated, and published girls’ creative and intellectual work. Seventeen's teen-authored “Curl Up and Read” book review columns, published from 1958 through 1969, are examples of girls’ creative intellectual labor, introducing Seventeen's readers to fiction and nonfiction which ranged beyond the emerging “young-adult” literature of the period. Written by young people – including thirteen-year-old Eve Kosofsky (later Sedgwick) – who perceived Seventeen to be an important publication venue for critical work, the “Curl Up and Read” columns are literary products in their own right, not simply juvenilia. Seventeen provided these young authors the opportunity to publish their work in a forum which offered girl readers and writers opportunities for intellectual development and community.

Written in 1928, the year W. H. Auden graduated from the University of Oxford at age 21 and considered an example of his juvenilia, “Control of the Passes” or “The Secret Agent” as it was eventuall...

The article sets out to acquaint readers with early works by Truman Capote that have never been published in collections of his early prose. It concerns his school exercises, some of which appeared in The Trinity Times newspaper, as well as short stories penned before 1942 during his time at Greenwich High School. A brief abstract of these works gives an idea of the talent of the writer, who became aware of his vocation very early in life. The article discusses Capote’s other manuscripts discovered in American archives, including a draft ‘Article about a group of young people in Moscow’, referred to by Capote as ‘A Daughter of the Russian Revolution.’ This documentary piece describes the children of the Soviet elite whom Capote met during his visits to Moscow in 1956, 1958 and 1959. Among his other important finds, D. Zakharov mentions the manuscript of the short story Another Day in Paradise, dedicated to the writer Malcolm Lowry (Under the Volcano), whom Capote met in Sicily. The article raises the question of including the aforementioned works in the writer’s general bibliography, offering arguments in favour of their subsequent publication.

The subject of this article is the Symphonie – Scalenia [Symphonies – Unifications] series contained in the juvenilia volume of Karol Wojtyła’s poetry entitled Psałterz Dawidów (Księga Słowiańska) [The Psalter of David (The Slavonic Book)]. The author, focusing on the semantics of the term “symphony,” points to those literary traditions from which the concept of combining literary and musical genres can be derived, especially the romantic correspondance des arts. Following this lead, the article shows that the poem Mοuσικη [Music] can be understood as the literary equivalent of a sonata-allegro. Above all, however, the author is interested in the very idea of the “symphony” in Wojtyła’s approach, which evolved in the later writings of John Paul II on music. The Pope’s favouring of the art of sounds as a mystical “speech without words,” which enables the harmonious combination of the human and the divine, is here presented as the transformation of his youthful idea of a “symphony” as comprehended in mediatorial terms (“merging,” “reconciliation,” “connecting”).

The paper attempts to describe the memoir of Danuta Irena Bienkowska, which she wrote as a teenager in Iran (from October 1942 to the middle of January 1944), where she stayed with her mother in camps for the deported from Russia. Herwritings, by creating a general image of conditions and atmosphere in the camps in Teheran and Ahwaz, emphasise issues important to the writer – involvement in science, scouting, “social and emotional” life. Bienkowksa’s juvenilia, having the importance of a historical document, complement significantly the image of this lesser-known emigrant poet.

This article discusses Sylvia Plath’s overlooked juvenilia poems and contextualizes them in postwar American culture. The fairy tales were significant cultural products during the 1950s, that also continue to define the culture today through Disney’s adaptations. Plath loved Grimms’ tales; several of her poems show direct engagement with tales. The first half of my article looks at Plath’s juvenilia poems and their reimagination of fairy-tale narratives. For Plath, the fairy tales functioned as a way to retell her life events. Whilst, the second part of my research uses a psychoanalytical approach to link “momism” in postwar America with the evil witch figure. By close-reading “The Disquieting Muses” poem, I demonstrate Plath’s engagement with the ambiguous mother whose food, similar to the witch in “Hansel and Gretel”, function to deceive the children.

Sangam MacDuff comprehensively refutes still prevalent arguments that James Joyce’s “epiphanies” are mere juvenilia to show that they are central to Joyce’s literary style as it developed across hi...

I apologise in advance for writing egocentrically. It is not my usual mode. But I was a juvenile writer, and I am a published author; and since my scholarship is often about childhood writings, I have paid attention to the connections between the juvenilia and the mature writings of the same author. Only recently, I turned my attention to those connections in my own case. And I was somewhat surprised by what I discovered. At least my self-examination will have the merit of coming from the horse’s mouth. To what extent my findings may apply to other authors, I am still investigating.

Although William Lane only began publishing under the Minerva imprint in 1790, by the end of that decade he had—thanks to his ongoing publication of gothic romances written in imitation of Ann Radcliffe, his recruitment of unknown women authors, and his innovative marketing strategies—eclipsed the competition. Before the Minerva era began, however, one of Lane’s major competitors in the field of circulation-library formula fiction, Thomas Hookham, published several novels that were important to Jane Austen’s juvenilia, including the three this essay focuses on: Ann Radcliffe’s Castles of Athlin and Dunbayne (1789) and two by Eliza Nugent Bromley, Laura and Augustus (1784) and The History of Sir Charles Bentinck and Louisa Cavendish (178/1789?). In addition, because advertisements, catalogues, and other reading lists were important to readers and self-fashioning important to the aspiring young author, besides these primary texts I also consider associated paratexts. These include titles and dedications in Austen’s case and, in Hookham’s case, a list of “Books Printed by T. Hookham,” which appears inside Athlin and Dunbayne immediately following the title page, where any reader must notice it. Although we cannot know for sure, it is possible that this particular list directly influenced Austen’s (and the Austen family’s) choice of reading material in 1789 as well as Austen’s subsequent choice of satiric targets for “Love and Freindship.” In any case, the very possibility that she paid such close attention to Hookham’s list of “Books Printed” prompts a careful consideration of what the juvenilia may reveal about her reading process, her youthful understanding of circulation-library publishers’ marketing strategies and materials, and her response to the model of authorship they promoted. Taken together, these texts and paratexts strongly suggest that the teenaged Austen appreciated the practical use of lists like the one found in “Books Printed” and made good use of them as a reader who was committed to mastering generic conventions, but that she also parodied their rhetoric in her own titles and dedications; they suggest, moreover, that she appreciated the pleasurable recognition of the familiar enjoyed by readers of circulation-library publisher’s formulaic fiction but was skeptical about certain aspects of the reading and writing networks that such publishers’ marketing strategies were designed to produce. After all, one of the targets of her satire in “Love and Freindship” is quixotic young ladies who, like this epistolary novel’s narrator Laura, set out on the road of literary imitation and end up both disappointing and disappointed.

This paper demonstrates how the two ostensibly contradictory concepts of power assumption and autobiography can co-exist simultaneously in paracosmic juvenilia, that of Charlotte Brontë in particular. Many critics assert that marginalized or isolated children use their writings as vehicles with which to assume the kind of power denied to them as minors in reality, whereas others view juvenilia as autobiographical platforms through which children can articulate their experience of the world. However, these theories are not exclusive to juvenilia, nor is the concept of a paracosm, a term which originated in the study of childhood play. Drawing on the work of such critics as Stephen MacKeith, David Cohen, and Christine Alexander, this paper examines Brontë’s Glass Town and Angrian narratives in order to demonstrate that her paracosmic world both distorts and mirrors aspects of herself and to argue accordingly that Brontë’s juvenilia is neither strictly autobiographical nor a vehicle to assume the power denied to her in reality.

Keith Hanley and Caroline S. Hull, editors, John Ruskin’s Continental Tour 1835: The Written Records and Drawings (Oxford, Legenda, 2016), reviewed by Rob Breton; Victoria Ford Smith, Between Generations: Collaborative Authorship in the Golden Age of Children's Literature (University Press of Mississippi, 2017), reviewed by Katharine Kittridge; Leslie Robertson and Juliet McMaster, with Alexandra Allen, Jasmyn Bojakli, Adela Burke, Aaron Mazo, Nicholas Siennicki, and Heather Westhaver, editors, The Journals and Poems of Marjory Fleming (Juvenilia Press, 2018), reviewed by Peter Merchant.

This essay considers some of the work published by Anna Kingsford (1846-88) before she reached the age of twenty and by Richard Jefferies (1848-87) before he turned eighteen. It focuses on the year 1866, and explores some unexpected parallels between his writing and hers. What stand revealed are two oddly overlapping careers that were shaped by, but also both rose above, the not always favourable conditions under which in the later nineteenth century the young writer had to operate.

“Young England: Part One” pursues central questions for juvenilia studies: how did the turn-of-the-century juvenile tradition influence succeeding generations of Victorian writers, and what new questions does scholarly understanding of juvenile writing in Britain allow literary critics to ask now? The Romantic-era juvenile tradition gets reconstituted through its influence on the 1840s Tory splinter movement, Young England. I argue that this contradictory, conservative group of titled young writers paradoxically reveals how the marginalized juvenile tradition calls its writers into being—and asks us to revise our ideas of literary traditions and of history in general. The young Romantics Byron and Shelley symbolized youthful writing to Young Englanders, but so did another lesser-known juvenile writer, Percy Smythe, Sixth Lord Strangford. That Strangford was father to a prominent Young Englander: George Smythe, later Seventh Lord Strangford. In recovering both Strangfords’ literary juvenilia, Part One considers the rethinking of genealogy and succession within writing by young authors—arguing it underlies Young England as youth movement, especially its sense of history as ultimately inaccessible but vital nonetheless in its construction. Part Two (JJS 3.2, June 2020) will look more closely at how Young England’s shaping fantasy of history depends on youth. It focuses on the self-fashioning within its contradictions of one-time juvenile writer and Young England’s mentor, Benjamin Disraeli (later Prime Minister and Earl of Beaconsfield)—contradictions employing signifiers of youth that were generative of his virtuoso performance as writer, celebrity, and statesman.

This article traces enthusiastic language and tropes across the juvenilia of Elizabeth Barrett (later Browning) in order to establish her investment in the concept during her teens and early twenties. Barrett’s early autobiographical essays praise and emulate Romantic strong feeling, but they also address the conflated—and sometimes conflicted—forms of enthusiasm at the root of this tradition. After analyzing "My Own Character" (1818) and "Glimpses of My Life and Literary Character" (1820), the article reads Barrett’s first major volume of poetry, An Essay on Mind, with Other Poems (1826), as a logical extension of the principles found in these juvenile memoirs. As these texts show, Barrett's early poetics valued enthusiasm as necessary for writing poetry, and for establishing poetic identity.

The paper examines the ways in which juvenilia has been or can be "used" to help construct the image of the mature writer. Examining mostly the childhood writing of the Chartist Ernest Jones, I question the relationship between the early and mature writings, suggesting that determining this relationship should not be part of a campaign to promote an image of the mature man. In other words, the relationship between youthful writing and adult writing needs to be interpreted, not assumed.

Michael Sims’ book called The Story of Charlotte’s Web makes no mention of Opal Whiteley or her famous diary, published in 1920. Instead, Sims turns to the well-recognized connection between E.B. White's Charlotte's Web (1952) and his essay, "Death of a Pig," written some four years earlier. In the essay, White describes the loss of a pig whose life he had tried to save, and his description of the autobiographical origins of Charlotte's Web strongly suggests that his earlier experience with a pig who had died of natural causes is what convinced him that he “needed a way to save a pig’s life.” This essay argues, nevertheless, for another intertext for Charlotte’s Web, namely the diary of Opal Whiteley (1920), a seven-year-old girl who loved and lost a pig called Peter Paul Rubens.

This essay incorporates both images and text in order to examine how the concept of "juvenilia" applies to a visual artist. The author, a practising artist, revisits her own childhood drawings as a means of considering what it is to make images, to think and feel through picturing, and as a means of reflecting on her visual practice in relation to narrative, performance and archaeological process. Readers are offered here a paratext, that is, a text-with-image piece that draws out subject matter through pairings or clusters of text with text, image with image, or text with image.

The mystery surrounding Opal Whiteley’s diary, putatively written during the author’s childhood, has tended to obscure its status as a work of literary significance. This essay asks not wh...

Maria Edgeworth is well known for her didactic tales and her production of regionally accurate narratives. Much less is known, however, about her juvenilia and the influence this writing had on her adult work. In the following article, I examine numerous words identifiable in Maria Edgeworth’s juvenilia drama, The Double Disguise (1786), which antedate the Oxford English Dictionary (OED) quotations attributed to her adult work. Through examining the similarities in word choices and vocabulary between The Double Disguise and her later work, this article argues for the importance of juvenilia on the development of Edgeworth’s adult authorship.

Jane Austen’s novels invite various studies from different disciplines, and the eating motif catches critical attention. Furthermore, while cultural study reconstructs eighteenth-century recipes and dining habits, it also reminds readers that the consumption of food in Austen’s novels has literary and philosophical significance. This study examines Austen’s food allusions and eating passages in her novels, and it finds that from Juvenilia (1787-1793) to Persuasion (1818) Austen gradually develops her dietary philosophy on eating by giving food and food consumption ethical values, arguing that Austen’s treatment of eating and food in her novels corresponds to eighteenth-century philosophical ideas towards eating. The first part of the study focuses on eating and morality. The study examines eighteenth-century English philosophical ideas about eating from John Locke (1632-1704), Anthony Ashley Cooper The Third Earl of Shaftesbury (1671-1713), and David Hume (1711-1776), and it reviews recent studies on Austen’s food plots, emphasizing the importance of food imagery and allusions in the novels. The second part examines Austen’s food jokes in her juvenile writing, finding that in these earlier works she satirizes irrational dietary habits such as excessive eating and drinking. The final part of the study examines food passages and food consumers in her mature, complete novels. Here the suggestion is made that in Austen’s long novels food is given symbolic meaning and that moral significance is attributed to eating manners and food preferences. An analysis of food imagery and consumption in Austen’s works reveals that her preference for plain and modest food corresponds to the teaching of philosophers and moralists of her time and highlights the novelist’s preference for moral and decent characters.

Sylvia Plath used the moon in a variety of symbolic ways. In her earliest poems the author experimented with different representations and styles, as she still had not created her own imagery yet. The author's earliest poems are regarded as juvenilia, which appear in The Collected Poems (1981). They are her least explored and overall admired poe0c repertoire. Through the study of Plath's juvenilia together with The Unabridged Journals of Sylvia Plath (1982), her poetry will be categorised into subgroups in order understand Plath initial lunar imagery more profoundly. Sylvia Plath va fer ús de la lluna de diverses formes simbòliques. En els seus primers poemes, l'autora va experimentar amb diferents representacions i estils, ja que encara no havia elaborat la seva pròpia simbologia. Els primers poemes de l'autora es diuen Juvenilia i apareixen a The Collected Poems (1981). En general, són el seu repertori poètic menys explorat. A través de l'estudi de la Juvenilia de Plath juntament amb The Unbridged Journals of Sylvia Plath (1982), la seva poesia es categoritzarà en subgrups per comprendre més profundament el simbolisme inicial lunar de Plath. Sylvia Plath hizo uso de la luna de diversas formas simbólicas. En sus primeros poemas, la autora experimentó con diferentes representaciones y estilos, debido a que todavía no había elaborado su propia simbología. Los primeros poemas de la autora se llaman Juvenilia y aparecen en The Collected Poems (1981). En general, son su repertorio poético menos explorado. A través del estudio de la Juvenilia de Plath junto con The Unbridged Journals of Sylvia Plath (1982), su poesía se categorizará en subgrupos para comprender más profundamente el simbolismo inicial lunar de Plath.

This article deals with Fryderyk Chopin's juvenilia and the occasional verse dedicated to him by his his relatives and friends. Extraordinarily diverse in tone and nature (versified happy birthday and nameday messages, friendship book entries, humorous and partying verse), they offer unexpected insights into various aspects of the composer's biography and his participation in the literary culture of his epoch, especially the more private occasions and celebrations.

In 1858 EBB declared her son Pen “shall be a ‘citizen of the world’ after my own heart & ready for the millennium.”[i] Living in Italy for most of the fifteen years of her married life and passionately supporting Italian unification and independence in her mature poetry, Elizabeth Barrett Browning proudly regarded herself as “a citizen of the world.” But world citizenship is a perspective toward which EBB[ii] strove in her juvenilia long before she employed the phrase. Much of her childhood writing expresses her compulsion to address social and political issues and to transcend national prejudices in doing so. Recent critics have illuminated EBB’s gender and political views in fascinating detail. Marjorie Stone, to cite one example, has ably traced EBB’s commitment to “a poetry of the present and ‘the Real’” and her “turn towards human and contemporary subjects, away from the self-confessedly mystical and abstract subject matter of her 1838 volume….”[iii] We should recognize, however, that a strong political impulse surfaces in even her earliest writings and in her recollections of childhood. Her letters from early childhood demonstrate her precocious interest in power negotiations between nations, and also between individual citizens and governments. At age six, for example, she informed her mother and father that “the Rusians has beat the french killd 18.000 men and taken 14000 prisners”--an account which, though mistakenly attributing victory to the wrong side, documents her early interest in the Napoleonic wars (31 August 1812, BC 1: 9). More telling for consideration of her aesthetic-political theory, her earliest known poem—composed in the month she turned six—in four lines critiques the British government’s policy of impressing civilians (even Americans) to serve in the British navy.[iv] Entitled “On the Cruelty of Forcement to Man: Alluding to the Press Gang” (1812), it suggests in its final two lines the viewer’s--specifically the extremely young female poet’s--responsibility to grapple with the moral and ethical implications of this military practice: Ah! the poor lad in yonder boat, Forced from his wife, his friends, his home, Now gentle Maiden how can you, Look at the misery of his doom![v] Her last two lines pose a question that will shape her poetic career: How can you represent disturbing issues that demand your attention? Although her brief first poem does not resolve this conundrum, by expressing her query as an exclamation, she leaves no uncertainty that she must do so. [i] The Brownings’ Correspondence, 26 vols. to date, ed. Philip Kelley, et al. (Winfield, KS, and Waco, TX: Wedgestone Press, 1984- ), vol. 25, p. 98; hereafter cited parenthetically as BC. For discussion of EBB’s views on the cosmopolitan education of her son and its relationship to her poetic practice, see Beverly Taylor, “Elizabeth Barrett Browning and the Politics of Childhood,” Victorian Poetry 46 (2008): 405-27; and Christopher M. Keirstead, “‘He Shall Be a “Citizen of the World”’: Cosmopolitanism and the Education of Pen Browning,” Browning Society Notes 32 (2007): 74-82. EBB associated the concept “citizen” or “citizeness of the world” with both personal experience and international political concerns. In 1852 she wrote to her beloved distant kinsman and friend John Kenyon about her bitter estrangement from England, on the personal level fostered particularly by her father’s obdurate refusal to reconcile following her marriage, and on the political level, by England’s failure to support Italy’s independence: “I’m a citizeness of the world now, you see, and float loose” (BC 17: 70). [ii] To avoid the confusion of using her maiden name (Elizabeth Barrett Barrett) and her married name, throughout the essay I refer to Elizabeth Barrett Browning by the initials she frequently used to sign her manuscripts and letters. Both she and Robert Browning expressed pleasure that her initials and characteristic signature would not change with their marriage (BC 11: 248-49). [iii] Marjorie Stone, Elizabeth Barrett Browning (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 1995), pp. 27, 24-25. Yet even so magisterial a study as Isobel Armstrong’s Victorian Poetry: Poetry, Poetics and Politics (London: Routledge, 1993), while it ranges beyond the traditional canon to include many women and working-class writers, scarcely mentions EBB. [iv] What were you thinking about at age six? Britain’s practice of seizing sailors from merchant ships and forcing them to serve in the Royal Navy (“forcement” or “impressment”) constituted one cause the United States declared war on England in 1812, while England was still at war with France. The London Times discussed the problem of impressment. See, e.g., “Parliamentary Proceedings,” 26 June 1812; “American Papers,” 10 March 1812; as well as editorial comment calling impressment “the disgrace of England and of a civilized age” (“Upon Hearing Cuxhaven,” 3 October 1811). On naval impressment see Nicholas Rogers, The Press Gang: Naval Impressment and Its Opponents in Georgian Britain (London: Continuum, 2007), esp. pp. 134-38. [v] First published in H. Buxton Forman’s edition of EBB’s Hitherto Unpublished Poems and Stories with an Inedited Autobiography, vol. 1 (Boston: Bibliophile Society, 1914), p. 31; subsequently cited as HUP. Punctuation follows that of the manuscript copied into a notebook by EBB’s mother, in the Berg collection of the New York Public Library; see The Browning Collections: A Reconstruction with Other Memorabilia, compiled by Philip Kelley & Betty A. Coley (Winfield, KS: Armstrong Browning Library of Baylor University, The Browning Institute, Mansel Publishing, Wedgestone Press, 1984), D666. All quotations from EBB’s works follow The Works of Elizabeth Barrett Browning, 5 vols., vol. eds. Sandra Donaldson, Rita Patteson, Marjorie Stone, and Beverly Taylor (London: Pickering and Chatto, 2010); subsequently cited as WEBB. EBB’s juvenilia appear in vol. 5, this first poem on pp. 159-60. On this poem and other juvenilia, see Beverly Taylor, “Childhood Writings of Elizabeth Barrett Browning: ‘At four I first mounted Pegasus,’” The Child Writer from Austen to Woolf, ed. Christine Alexander and Juliet McMaster (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), pp. 138-53.

Part One of this essay argued that the new field of juvenilia studies provides the explanatory framework that allows us to read what Young England does signify, and to indicate how the term “Young” signified in its time. More specifically, the recovery by juvenilia studies of the cultural presence of young people in Britain in the generation before Young England—its recovery of an active juvenile tradition of writers, simultaneous with and related to Romanticism—puts into context the self-fashioning and reception of this next post-Romantic generation: ambitious Young Englanders George Smythe (1818–57), John Manners (1818–1906), and Andrew Baillie-Cochrane (1816–90) in particular. Friends from boyhood, schoolmates at Eton and Cambridge, born into families of rank or on their way to titles, they looked to other bold young nobles who had made a splash before them—George Gordon, Lord Byron (1788–1824) and Percy Shelley (1792–1822). Those Romantics’ prior precocious fame provided the justification for believing that Young Englanders could make a splash too, and gave them the script for how to do so. Part Two focuses on Benjamin Disraeli (1804–1881), their political mentor, who used this script explicitly in his Coningsby novels about Young England, fusing the movement’s personalities with the characters of their meteoric Romantic predecessors.

The pressure of family identity and politics affected more than one generation of Burneys. Beyond Frances Burney, and her intense relationship with her father Charles Burney, were other family members who also felt the pressure to “write & read & be literary.” These tendencies can be seen most clearly in the works of juvenilia preserved in the family archive. A commonplace book bound in vellum has been discovered that preserves more than one hundred poems, mostly original compositions written by family and friends. The activity of commonplacing reflects a community in which reading and writing are valued. Collected by the youngest sister of Frances Burney, they seem to have been copied after she married. The juvenile writings of her nieces and nephews preponderate, whose talents were encouraged, as they give versified expression to their deepest feelings and fears. Literary influences of the Romantic poets can be traced, as the young authors define themselves in relation to these materials. Reflecting a kind of self-fashioning, the commonplace book helps these young writers explore their sense of family identity through literary form. This compilation represents a collective expression of authorship which can inform us about reading and writing practices of women and their families in the eighteenth century.

In this multi-volume edition, the poetry of W.B. Yeats (1865–1939) is presented in full, with newly-established texts and detailed, wide-ranging commentary. Yeats began to write verse in the nineteenth century, and over time his own arrangements of poems repeatedly revised and rearranged both texts and canon. This edition of Yeats’s poetry presents all his verse, both published and unpublished, including a generous selection of textual variants from the many manuscript and printed sources. The edition also supplies the most extensive commentary on Yeats’s poetry to date, explaining specific references, and setting poems in their contexts; it also gives an account of the vast range of both literary and historical influences at work on the verse. The poems are presented in order of composition, and major revisions or rewritings of poems result in separate inclusions (in chronological sequence) for these writings as they were subsequently reconceived by the poet. This first volume collects Yeats’s poetry of the 1880s, from his ambitious and extensive juvenilia (including hitherto little-noticed dramatic poems) to his earliest published pieces, leading to his first substantial book of verse. The pastoral romance of classically-inflected early work like ‘The Island of Statues’ is succeeded in these years by the Irish mythic material that finds its largest canvas in the mini-epic ‘The Wanderings of Oisin’. In Yeats’s work through the 1880s, an adolescent poet’s youthful absorption in Romantic poetry is replaced by a commitment to esoteric religious speculation and Irish political nationalism. This edition allows readers to see Yeats’s emergence as a poet step by step in compelling detail in relation to his literary influences – including, significantly, the Anglo-Irish poetry of the nineteenth century. The commentary provides an extensive view of Yeats’s developing personal, cultural, and historical worlds as the poems gain in maturity and depth. From the first attempts at verse of a teenage boy to the fully accomplished writings of an original poet standing on the verge of popular success with poems such as ‘The Lake Isle of Innisfree’, Yeats’s poetry is displayed here in unprecedented fullness and detail.

This chapter explores how the material motivation of objects—their physical attributes and functions—contribute to humor and plot in Austen’s early burlesques and her later novels Sense and Sensibility (1811) and Emma (1815). On first glance, in the juvenilia conspicuous objects draw attention to narrative conventions, and in her later novels objects recede into the background as they quietly enhance the probability of the plot. However, when one more closely examines the plot-enhancing love tokens in these two novels—Lucy Steele’s hair ring and Jane Fairfax’s pianoforte—it becomes evident that these objects often share the genre-undermining potential of their juvenile counterparts, even if that potential is less explicit. Significantly, these objects’ suggestive counterfactual powers are at their most potent right when the novels are at their most generically conforming, namely in their marriage plot resolutions. The ambiguity of objects, their otherness to the human, the manner in which their meanings cannot be entirely circumscribed or controlled, allows the reader to entertain multiple plot possibilities at once. Although the majority of immediate questions may be resolved by the end of a work, these alternate possibilities remain in play, even if only as memories of a misunderstood thing.

Mid-eighteenth-century English writer and illustrator Thomas Chatterton was a stylistic chameleon with a keen interest in literary fame and commercial success. The emerging professional and publishing opportunities of Georgian England both engendered and were reflected in Chatterton’s protean stylistic experimentation. This thesis examines Chatterton’s stylistic mediation of this dynamic cultural economy, as expressed through his various textual, visual, and antiquarian ventures. It comprises a series of four case studies that explore Chatterton’s engagement with Georgian literary sociability and theatricality, material and visual cultures, literary professional networks, and emergent middle-class cultural economy. It adds to existing scholarship by offering a new conception of Chatterton’s style, both as he understood it himself and as it was constituted in the context of Georgian England’s convivial urban literary milieus. Essential to this recovery is a critical assessment of Chatterton’s lesser known illustrative works, as continuous with his precocious stylistic mirroring of the prevailing fashions of Georgian visual and bibliographic cultures. This mixture of archival and cultural historical analysis provides a more accurate reflection of Chatterton’s idiosyncratic experimentation with literary style as a performative means of professional self-promotion and reveals the broader social catalysts for his ever-changing array of genres, voices and modes. The significance of Chatterton’s protean style lies, this thesis argues, in its often poignant, yet compelling, expression of the anxieties and ambitious failures of the creative underclasses of the Georgian literary economy.

Margery Allingham is best known as the writer of the stories featuring Albert Campion, her upper-class detective, but her oeuvre includes some lesser-known juvenilia (mostly plays), as well as articles and book reviews published in national and local newspapers and journals, including Time and Tide. She also wrote three novels under the pseudonym Maxwell March.

In an article published thirteen years ago, I tried to break new ground by showing that the texts transmitted under the titleCataleptonas the work of Virgil can be seen to form an elaborately arranged and highly allusive book of verse written by a single author. This latter, I argued, was identical with the anonymous poet who, in an epilogue, represents the preceding poems as the juvenilia of the author later known for hisBucolics,GeorgicsandAeneidand, consequently, is himself speaking in the alleged early works asVirgil impersonator. This anonymous poet, however, cannot rightly be labelled a literary forger, since he repeatedly and quite unmistakably recalls each of Virgil's threeoperaas well as other texts written after the year 19b.c. Evidently, then, he is inviting his readers to take part in a literarylusus, one in which they are expected to be familiar not only with the texts ofBucolics,GeorgicsandAeneidbut also with the life of the man who wrote them. The fiction of a young Virgil is created, one who wrote his first poems—the verses referred to in the epilogue aselementaandrudis Calliope(Catal.18[15])—primarily under the influence of Catullus, the said poems being, with the exception ofCatal.12(9) and 16(13), epigrams. My interpretation has borne fruit, with Irene Peirano and Markus Stachon each devoting, in 2012 and 2014 respectively, a monograph to this approach and offering what are often very thorough analytical readings of the poems as the creations of aVirgil impersonator. However, neither of these two Latinists has considered one particular interpretative aspect, which I myself had only been able to introduce very briefly into my paper: the recognition that, as many more recent studies have now further corroborated, Roman poetry books were designed for linear, sequential reading, that they have, as it were, a story to tell. Peirano, moreover, disregards in her study the threePriapeapositioned in editions before the other fifteen epigrams and shown there with their own separate numbering. In the manuscripts, however, the titleCataleptonrefers without exception to a unit comprising the threePriapeaand the fifteen epigrams. The titlePriapea, found in the catalogue of the Murbach manuscripts and in some codices (for example the Graz fragment), is always attached solely to the poemQuid hoc noui est?In theVita Suetoniana-Donatiana(VSD), the termsCatalepton,PriapeaandEpigrammatawere evidently used as three different titles; the author (or his source) may not have seen thatCataleptonis the title of all the poems. Furthermore, I should like to point out that, counted together, ‘Virgil's’Priapeaand epigrams come to a total of seventeen poems and so match precisely both the total of seventeen books in the real Virgil's three works and the total number of Horace's epodes, of the poems, that is, which the not-so-real Virgil quite conspicuously evokes in his own penultimate poem (Catal.16[13]). More significantly, however, a sequential reading of thePriapea et Epigrammatacan in fact build a watertight case for taking the texts to be, as it were, a composite whole, and that is what I intend to argue in the rest of the article.

Building on studies by Diana Pavlac Glyer that illustrate collaboration among the Inklings, this short article argues that the letters of C. S. Lewis and Arthur Greeves provide evidence of similar practices in their correspondence between 1914 and 1919. Lewis and Greeves encouraged each other during their early writing careers and critiqued each other's works. Greeves also provided editorial assistance by sending Lewis the manuscripts of his poetry so that Lewis could prepare his poems for publication. The two further discussed working together to write an opera, although this work seems not to have come to fruition. The article thus develops Glyer's thesis by providing an additional example of a collaborative tendency in the working habits of an Inklings member. In addition, these findings suggest that Lewis was fortified by his relationships with others from the early stages of his writing career.

Uma análise metodologicamente correta da profundidade e escopo da influência de Schiller sobre o pensamento maduro de Peirce requer três passos: (i) uma análise preliminar das passagens que poderiam sustentar a hipótese de uma influência prolongada e, assim, poderá também indicar seus vetores sistemáticos. No caso de tal análise dar resultados positivos, tornar-se-ia (ii) necessário explorar as juvenilia que documentam a recepção inicial de Peirce de Schiller, para (iii) tentar identificar aquelas ideias que tornam inteligibilidade à re-emergência de Schiller no pensamento de Peirce após 1900. Com base nos resultados que nossa contextualização arquitetônica preliminar das reminiscências de Peirce de seu estudo juvenil das Cartas Estéticas resultaram em um artigo duplo. O presente artigo foca nos segundo e terceiro passos. Logo, nosso propósito é mostrar que a tríplice aparência das categorias de Schiller fazem em seu disfarce – ora como momentos de determinação lógica, ora como estados mentais coletivo e individual de mentes socializadas moldadas pelas relações de unidades psíquicas elementares, e ora como estágios de processos históricos – primeiro agindo como o catalizador para o entendimento inicial de Peirce das deficiências da categoriologia de Kant e, consequentemente, foi ‘fadado’ à re-emergência posterior em consideração a determinar desafios arquitetônicos que Peirce encontrou-se confrontado enquanto trabalhava no redesenho da cenoscopia das ciências filosóficas nos anos de 1900 a 1903. A influência de Schiller exercida sobre Peirce, portanto, origina em sua prefiguração do conceito de Peirce de categorialidade e a coerência dos usos arquitetônicos que ela permite, em especial, como um meio para a estratificação prescisiva dos componentes – fenomenal, normativa e metafísico-entelequial –da experiência comum e os modos de racionalidade ali incorporadas.

"The Burney family stood at the centre of cultural life of eighteenth- and nineteenth-century England, and excelled in several forms of artistic expression, especially in writing. Among the manuscripts preserved in the family archive are some collections of juvenilia produced by the children of Charles Rousseau and Esther Burney, Frances Burney’s elder sister. These literary projects helped the young authors to build confidence in their writing, refine their craft, and find a voice. This paper examines two: the first is an early example of a family-produced magazine that is patterned after one of the first-ever periodicals aimed at children. The second collection is a series of anthologies containing poems, plays, and stories written by Sophia Elizabeth Burney and dedicated to her novelist aunt. The plays seem designed to be performed in amateur theatricals; the stories contain images of female suffering, sharp satire on social pretentions, and a raucous (even violent) sense of humour that evoke the novels of Frances Burney. The newly discovered manuscripts reflect an environment that evidently encouraged creative play, self-expression, and artistic production. The study of these juvenile works yield insight into the creative world of the Burneys and, more generally, into the world of the child reader and writer in late eighteenth-century England.

This intimate exchange between real children and the stories we tell about them is at the fore of juvenilia studies, as scholars examining texts children produce must balance attention to the young person as author or artist with a critical awareness of systems of publication, reception, and analysis that are typically managed by adults. The focus of this paper is an investigation into the challenges of researching and writing about child-produced culture amid the often-overpowering constructs of childhood that surround it, taking two young artists as case studies: Daphne Allen, and Pamela Bianco, whose work can be challenging to access in ways that arise in part from the idiosyncrasies of their cultural moment, understood here as one that combined lingering Romanticism and burgeoning modernism. Analysis of the two child artists suggests that both were savvy and self-aware in negotiating, through their art, the discourses that surrounded them; it also presents methodologies that may be useful to other scholars in the field of juvenilia studies more broadly.

Pamela Brown published her novel The Swish of the Curtain in 1941 when she was only sixteen, and it has had remarkable staying power, outlasting the many books she published as an adult, and achieving adaptation on radio and television. The novel has also given its name to a chain of drama programs for children across England. Brown’s well-told tale of a group of stage-struck teenagers who luck into a theatre and proceed to stage successful productions has some autobiographical elements, as she draws on her own stage activities with her friends in Colchester (fictionalised as “Fenchester”). But, interestingly, she made the progress of her characters a model for herself, and proceeded to carve out a similar path towards Drama School, a career on stage, and authorship.

C. S. Lewis is not generally considered a political writer. However, the Boxen tales, written when Lewis was between the ages of six and fourteen, depict an adult world of political intrigue and stultifying small talk. This paper offers a reading of Boxen, alongside George Orwell’s political writing and Lewis’s own mature work, to argue that political commentary underpins much of Lewis’s writing—a commentary that begins in the Boxen stories but does not end there. If the Boxen stories depict political scheming and negligent leadership, the Narnia Chronicles describe a paracosm founded on the Greek polis, or the ideal state. The two worlds complement one another, and both are important to a full appreciation of Lewis’s political thought.