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This thesis addresses existing discourse surrounding the potential incorporation of insurgency or guerrilla warfare into an asymmetric defense concept for Taiwan. Its central research question is whether insurgency is a viable model of resistance in Taiwan. This study begins by reviewing the existing discourse surrounding this topic. It examines the current advocacy for insurgency or asymmetric warfare, arguments against insurgency both in Taiwan and more generally, and identifies areas where this discourse in underdeveloped. It next reviews disparate academic definitions of insurgency and synthesizes the existing advocacy into a proposed definition and typology of insurgency in Taiwan. This thesis then draws upon frameworks for the analysis of insurgency and social science theory to develop a model for forecasting the potential for insurgency generation and sustainment in a society and applies this model to contemporary Taiwan.

After regaining independence in 1918, Poland faced many fundamental and strategic challenges. One of them was the issue of border crossings on the German-Polish border in Silesia. It was a region dominated by modern heavy industry, to which both the modern states laid claim. The course of the border was to be decided by a plebiscite, but the parties to the conflict resorted to violence and military means. In a complicated international situation and without the possibility of open military intervention, Poland effectively used the strategic tool of special operations - known more widely today as unconventional warfare. Thanks to their skillful application, the German military advantage was effectively eliminated and strategic goals were achieved. Poles effectively cut lines of communication, making it impossible to support pro-German organizations in Silesia, and successfully organized insurgent forces that achieved the goals important for Poland’s development policy. This paper tells the story of a special mission unit called the Destruction Group ‘Wawelberg’ and its use as a tool for implementing the state policy of unconventional warfare during the Third Silesian Uprising.

This paper discusses the binomial hybris and revolution. In particular, the question of whether the excessive dominants’ arrogance, who have too much both in material and symbolic terms, is sufficient to explain the deflagration of an insurgency and the interruption of a legal order. The question will be addressed by interweaving the reflections of authors who have discussed this topic with a material collected by the author through a legal-political ethnography conducted in Chile during the revolt that broke out in October 2019 and led to a new constituent phase. Categories and definitions used in this text are partly borrowed from the course devoted to political change and revolution taught by Norberto Bobbio in the 1978/79 academic year and from Michelangelo Bovero’s lectures that took place in that course. But they are placed in dialogue with revolutionary visions and practices rooted in the Latin American continent, in particular with Paulo Freire’s thought and with the so called Mapuche «cosmovision». From this comparison, the author comes to hypothesize: a. the relevance of the intimate (epistemic and emotional) dimension of revolutions; b. the priority in the etiology of insurgencies of the subjective cause, understood as the opening of the «possibles» due to the cracking of the epistemic violence exerted by the structure of domination in charge; c. the desire for radical change as an effect rather than a cause of insurgencies; d. the non-opposition between the «accelerated time» typical of revolutionary phenomena and the slow and hardly perceptible preparatory phase of latency.

What is it like to see like a guerrilla? This article studies hundreds of kilometers of roads and paths that the Colombian Revolutionary Armed Forces built -or helped build- in order to understand the logic of rebel mobility and logistics, and to shed light on how rebels see and intervene a territory in the context of a prolonged asymmetrical conflict. Departing from the tradition that sees infrastructure as a univocal tool of state power, this article supports recent scholarship in stressing that infrastructure is a means to the creation of political orders used not only by states but also by insurgent actors. Yet given that the FARC did not only use the infrastructure built by others, but also actively built and sponsored it, the case offers a unique opportunity to observe how the logistic needs of such insurgency shapes a distinctive geography and materiality of transportation. We argue that the organizational development, the strategic goals, and the tactical innovation of the FARC forced the rebel group to find methods of long-distance transportation. This was achieved through two innovations: the mobility corridors and the situation maps. These in turn resulted in an infrastructure network that had the following characteristics: 1) it was web-like instead of hierarchical, 2) it connected peripheral areas from within rather than following a center-periphery logic, 3) it was often short-lived instead of permanent, 4) it was irregular instead of straight, and finally, 5) it emerged after territorial control was secured and not before. We find that the infrastructural project of the rebel group had the dual effect of making the territory more legible and penetrable for the insurgents, while also making it more hostile and opaque for the state.

Resumen Este artículo describió, desde la historiografia, cómo se cubrieron noticias relacionadas con la insurgencia y publicadas en la prensa periódica colombiana durante la década de 1960, con el objetivo de debatir si esta era un peligro para la estabilidad del Estado. Para realizar la investigación se revisaron dos diarios nacionales defensores del orden social imperante: El Colombiano de Medellín y El Tiempo de Bogotá. El período de revisión fue desde el 1 de enero de 1960 hasta el 31 de diciembre de 1971. El propósito de la periodicidad fue investigar la década completa y analizar también el cubrimiento de lo ocurrido en el paro nacional colombiano de 1971. Se estudió la capacidad que tuvo la insurgencia, de acuerdo con los hechos que en prensa son acunados a ella, de incidir en el debate de la época, es decir, su "grado" de poderio para generar peligro en la vida pública. Se concluyó que, aunque hay muchas menciones a la insurgencia y su peligrosidad, los hechos cubiertos son de baja capacidad y están desconectados de una lógica tanto militar como operativa, por lo que no se considera que la insurgencia en la época tenga las condiciones de poder que en los medios se le atribuyeron, pues en términos reales no constituyó un peligro para la estabilidad del Estado. Abstract This article describes, from historiography, how news related to insurgency were covered and published in Colombian newspapers during the 1960s, with the aim of debating if this was a danger to the stability of the State. Two national newspapers, defenders of the prevailing social order, were reviewed: El Colombiano from Medellin and El Tiempo from Bogota. The review period was from January 1, 1960 to December 31, 1971; the aim was to investigate the entire decade and analyze the coverage of the 1971 general strike. The ability the insurgents had, according to the facts that the press attributed to them, to influence the debate of the period, which was the "level" of power they had to generate danger to the public was studied. It is concluded that, although there are many mentions of insurgency and its dangers, the events covered required a low level of capacity and are disconnected from both a military and operational logic, so it is not considered that the insurgents at the time had the conditions of power reported in the media, as they were not a danger to the stability of the State. Resumo Este artigo descreve, desde a historiografia, como se deu cobertura a e foram publicadas as notícias relacionadas com a insurgência na imprensa periódica colombiana durante a década de 60, com objetivo de debater se esta era um perigo para a estabilidade do Estado. Para levar a cabo a investigação foram verificados dois diários nacionais defensores da ordem social predominante: El Colombiano de Medellín e El Tiempo de Bogotá. O período da revisão foi de 1 de janeiro de 1960 até 31 de dezembro de 1971; com isso se busca investigar a década completa e analisar também a cobertura do acontecimento na greve nacional de 1971. Foi estudada a capacidade que teve a insurgência, de acordo com os acontecimentos que são evidenciados na imprensa, de incidir no debate da época, ou seja, seu "grau" de poder para gerar perigo na vida pública. Conclui-se que, ainda que muitas menções a insurgência e seu perigo, os acontecimentos cobertos são de baixa capacidade e estão desconectados de uma lógica tanto militar como operativa, por tanto não se considera que a insurgência dessa época teve as condições de poder descritos pelos meios, pois em termos reais não representava um perigo para a estabilidade estatal.

This paper examines the issues of insurgency and terrorism and its challenges on socio-economic and political development in Nigeria. The pertinent research question is to what extent has terrorism and insurgency affected the socio-economic and political development in Nigeria. The history of terrorism and insurgency in Nigeria was extensively discuss and the distinction between terrorism and insurgency was clearly examined. A combination of three different theories was adopted to give a clearer understanding to the study. The theories include cognitive dissonance, asset to liability and frustration aggression theory. Acts of insurgency and terrorism are manifestation of unsolved conflict and the inability of the government to overcome the challenges are reflections that the root cause(s) of the conflict are not identified and therefore the government should adopt the proper mechanism to manage and resolve it.

Communicative acts constitute organizations as social entities. I build upon the most structured previous analysis of this process, the four flows framework, by introducing a complex systems model of how organization emerges along a continuum, thereby enabling measurement of the growth and decline of partial organizations. I validate my approach using simulated data from two stochastic agent-based models and 30 historical case studies of insurgency. I show that the four flows may be used to assess the historical victor of a conflict, or to track the emergence of an organization from real-time communication network data. My results demonstrate the complex interrelationship of the four flows, and how they relate to social phenomena such as information asymmetry, individual versus group interest, governance, and the development of community structure. I reaffirm the centrality of these flows to the phenomenon of organization, while challenging the minimum requirements for it to begin, by showing that organization spontaneously emerges in a population as a result of markers of affiliation and human cognitive biases. Doctor of Philosophy Humans organize collective behavior by communicating. Prior research has shown that all organizations establish the costs and benefits of membership, distinctions from other organizations, enduring protocols, and approaches to short-term coordination. The strength with which organizations define each of these traits emerges on a continuum from a nascent organization to a robust one. My work is the first to place these acts of communication in an engineering model, showing how an organization works as a system to reduce collective uncertainty. I first explore my model in a computer simulation, demonstrating that each of the four processes can be measured. I then quantify the strength of each process in 30 case studies of insurgency, measuring the changing effectiveness of the insurgents and their state opponents at establishing themselves as the governing entity in an area. My technique accurately predicts the outcome of all 30 case studies. Finally, using a second simulation, I demonstrate measures of all four processes in communication records and show that organization may be the result of merely recognizing oneself as part of a group, amid basic patterns in human thinking, rather than evidence of cooperation toward shared objectives.

Kidnapping is a common tactic used by insurgent groups. However, why insurgents commit kidnappings remains insufficiently understood. Based on 1,386 group-year observations of 140 insurgents between 1998 and 2012, we analyze conditions driving the within-group temporal changes in their involvement (1 vs 0) versus event-frequency in kidnappings. We find that changes in specific quasi-state activities (i.e., extraction and provision of public services), which may rely on kidnappings for coercive enforcement and social control, predict kidnapping “involvement” only. Meanwhile, general resource and capacity conditions (i.e., territory-control, criminal networks and combat-lethality) influence changes in both kidnapping involvement and event-frequency.

This article portrays youth mobility in Cameroon as a means to escape poverty and to achieve a better life. Youth mobility though not new is, however, taking a new dimension as a result of Boko Haram’s violent conflict. To explore how this violence has affected mobility, this study analyses narration of youngsters’ escape experiences from Boko Haram and their ideas of how to achieve a better life, drawing on interviews in Cameroon’s Far North Region. The study begins with the origin and regionalisation of Boko Haram, followed by the concept of youth, the evolution of mobility trends and better life. It then proceeds to narrations of escape experiences, places of destination and sheds light on mobility pathways and integration dynamics. Este artigo descreve a mobilidade dos jovens nos Camarões como um meio de escapar à pobreza e conseguir uma vida melhor. A mobilidade juvenil, embora não seja um fenómeno novo, está a assumir uma nova dimensão devido ao conflito violento do Boko Haram. Para explorar como esta violência afetou a mobilidade, o presente estudo analisa a narração de experiências dos jovens que fugiram do Boko Haram e as suas ideias de como alcançar uma vida melhor, com base em entrevistas realizadas na região do extremo norte dos Camarões. O estudo começa com a origem e regionalização do Boko Haram, seguidas pelo conceito de juventude, a evolução das tendências de mobilidade e a procura de uma vida melhor. Prossegue com as narrações de experiências de fuga, lugares de destino e lança luz sobre os caminhos da mobilidade e as dinâmicas de integração.

RESUMO: No presente artigo, o labirinto é usado como metáfora para caracterizar a realidade educacional latino-americana em sua complexidade atual e seus condicionantes históricos. O objetivo é compreender os meandros desses labirintos e contribuir na busca de possibilidades para a construção de alternativas que apontem saídas. Na primeira parte do texto, há referência a obras da literatura, das ciências sociais e da educação que revelam as várias facetas e dimensões do labirinto. Na segunda parte, são identificadas tarefas para ajudar a lidar com os desafios do labirinto: a educação popular como lugar de resistência e de criação de inéditos viáveis; o descobrimento de protagonismos esquecidos e silenciados; a educação para um cosmopolitanismo crítico e solidário. Na conclusão, apontam-se três ingredientes de uma visão utópica para a educação: a imaginação que afirma a possibilidade de elevar-se acima do possível e ver os labirintos não como uma fatalidade; a condição de criar projetos através dos quais se pode incidir sobre a realidade imediata e mediata; e o agir com um certo grau de certeza. RESÚMEN: En este artículo, el laberinto se utiliza como una metáfora para caracterizar la realidad educativa latinoamericana en su complejidad actual y sus condicionantes históricos. El objetivo es comprender las complejidades de estos laberintos y contribuir en la búsqueda de posibilidades para la construcción de alternativas que señalen salidas. En la primera parte del texto hay referencia a obras de la literatura, las ciencias sociales y la educación que revelan las diversas facetas y dimensiones del laberinto. En la segunda parte, se identifican algunas tareas para ayudar a enfrentar los desafíos del laberinto: la educación popular como un lugar de resistencia y la creación de inéditos viables; el descubrimiento de protagonismos olvidados y silenciados; educación para un cosmopolitismo crítico y solidario. La conclusión apunta a tres ingredientes de una visión utópica para la educación: la imaginación que afirma la posibilidad de elevarse por encima de lo posible y ver los laberintos no como una fatalidad; la condición de crear proyectos a través de los cuales uno puede enfocarse en la realidad inmediata y mediata; y actuación con cierto grado de certeza. ABSTRACT: In this article, the labyrinth is used as a metaphor to characterize the Latin American educational reality in its current complexity and its historical conditionings. The objective is to understand these labyrinths' intricacies and contribute to the search for possibilities to construct alternatives that point out ways. The first part of the text references works from literature, the social sciences, and education that reveal the various facets and dimensions of the labyrinth. In the second part, there are identified tasks to help deal with the challenges of the labyrinth: popular education as a place of resistance and the creation of untested feasibilities; the discovery of forgotten and silenced protagonists; education for a critical and solidary cosmopolitanism. The conclusion points to three ingredients of a utopian vision for education: the imagination that affirms the possibility of rising above the possible and seeing the mazes, not as a fatality; the condition of creating projects through which one can act on reality immediately and mediate; and acting with a certain degree of certainty.

In recent years, the United States has exhibited sustained socio-political violence and extremism. This thesis investigates whether the United States is experiencing a pre-insurgency state in the insurgency life cycle. A comparative analysis, utilizing domestic insurgency markers provided by the Central Intelligence Agency’s Guide to the Analysis of Insurgency, examines historical domestic insurgencies in Colombia, Northern Ireland, and North Carolina against the current socio-political environment in the United States. This analysis suggests that the United States is exhibiting characteristics of an open domestic insurgency, as demonstrated in the case studies. This thesis recommends enacting necessary political reforms and instating a national year of service, administered by the U.S. military and modeled after the Israeli Defense Forces. Civilian, Spartanburg County Emergency Services Approved for public release. Distribution is unlimited.

Nepal became engulfed in a civil war when the Maoist insurgency began in 1996. The war lasted almost a decade until 2006, killed 13,000 people, and destroyed a significant amount of the country’s infrastructure. Though the government of Nepal and the Maoists initiated talks in 2001 and 2003 to establish peace, both attempts failed due to contentious issues. Therefore, after signing the Comprehensive Peace Agreement, the Maoists’ entry into mainstream politics in 2006 surprised the country and international observers. Since then, the Maoist Party has continued participating in elections and shares power with other mainstream political parties. Its participation raises essential questions about which peacebuilding factors encouraged the insurgents to enter mainstream politics, a step that ended the insurgency. To answer such questions, this thesis analyzes the insurgency period from 1996 to 2006 and the post-conflict scenario. Within the context of a theoretical framework derived from a review of the literature on peacebuilding processes, the analysis reveals that the combination of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement; the Disarmament, Demobilization, and Reintegration program implementation; and the promulgation of the new federal constitution in 2015 led to Nepal’s successful peacebuilding process. Similarly, the study highlights the electoral setting and public sentiment that produced power sharing among the political parties and enhanced the peacebuilding process. Superintendent, Armed Police Force Nepal Approved for public release. Distribution is unlimited.

This essay reviews the following works: Vida, pasion y muerte del jesuita Rutilio Grande. By Rodolfo Cardenal. San Salvador: UCA Editores, 2016. Pp. 564. $12.00 paperback. ISBN: 9789996110283. Poets and Prophets of the Resistance: Intellectuals and the Origins of El Salvador’s Civil War. By Joaquin M. Chavez. New York: Oxford University Press, 2017. Pp. xii + 336. $74.00 hardcover. ISBN: 9780199315512. The Salvador Option: The United States in El Salvador, 1977–1992. By Russell Crandall. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2016. Pp. xv + 690. $39.95 paperback. ISBN: 9781316500644. Assassination of a Saint: The Plot to Murder Oscar Romero and the Quest to Bring His Killers to Justice. By Matt Eisenbrandt. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2017. Pp. ix + 219. $29.95 paperback. ISBN: 9780520286801. El Salvador: Historia contemporanea, 1808–2010. Edited by Carlos Gregorio Lopez Bernal. San Salvador: Editorial Universitaria, 2015. Pp. 424. ISBN: 9789992327869. A Radical Faith: The Assassination of Sister Maura. By Eileen Markey. New York: Nation Books, 2016. Pp. 1 + 307. $26.99 hardcover. ISBN: 9781568585734. Priest under Fire: Padre David Rodriguez, the Catholic Church, and El Salvador’s Revolutionary Movement. By Peter M. Sanchez. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2015. Pp. xvi + 308. $44.95 hardcover. ISBN: 9780813061191. Liberation through Reconciliation: Jon Sobrino’s Christological Spirituality. By O. Ernesto Valiente. New York: Fordham University Press, 2015. Pp. 289. $35.00 paperback. ISBN: 9780823268870.

The intersection between autonomous weapon systems (‘AWS’) and non-State armed groups (‘NSAG’) is an underexplored aspect of the AWS debate. This article explores the main ways future policymakers can reduce the risk of NSAGs committing violations of the laws of armed conflict (‘LOAC’) using AWS once the technology becomes more prolific and easily distributable. It does this by sketching a chronological picture of an NSAG’s weapons obtention process, looking first at its likely suppliers and transport routes (acquisition), and, subsequently, at factors which can increase the risk of LOAC violations once the system is in their possession (use). With regard to use, we find that the lack of explicit legal obligations in LOAC to (a) review weapons meant solely for transfer and (b) provide technical training to recipients of transfer constitute serious reasons why LOAC violations may be aggravated with the introduction of AWS to insurgent groups. We also find, however, that States are uniquely and powerfully placed to address both acquisition and use factors, and outline how they can be persuaded into implementing the risk-reducing measures recommended in this article for purely strategic reasons, i.e., even if they express no interest in improving LOAC compliance per se.

This research paper explores the factors that determine the variation in intervention decisions of regional powers in civil conflicts within their region. The research argues that a regional power's intervention decision is influenced by a range of strategic interests shaped by domestic, regional, and global factors. Using the case study of India and China's role in the Maoist insurgency in Nepal, the study identifies and develops four conditions under which regional powers are less likely to intervene: internal constraints, willingness, regional security concerns, and regional and global power dynamics. These conditions determine whether a regional power adopts a non-interventionist, strategic limited interventionist, or full-interventionist policy. Existing literature tends to focus on a binary approach to intervention/non-intervention, assuming that regional powers will intervene based on their capabilities and interests. However, such studies do not account for the observed empirical variation in intervention. This research aims to fill this gap in the literature by exploring why this happens and what factors cause the variation in intervention by regional powers.

Any act of battlefield violence results from a combination of organizational strategy and a combatant's personal motives. To measure the relative contribution of each, our research design leverages the predictable effect of ambient temperature on human aggression. Using fine-grained data collected by US forces during the Afghanistan and Iraq conflicts, we test whether temperature and violence are linked for attacks that can be initiated by individual combatants, but not for those requiring organizational coordination. To distinguish alternative explanations involving temperature effects on target movements, we examine situations where targets are stationary. We find that when individual combatants have discretion over the initiation of violence, ambient temperature does shape battlefield outcomes. There is no such effect when organizational coordination is necessary. We also find that ambient temperature affects combat-age males’ endorsement of insurgent violence in a survey taken during the conflict in Iraq. Our findings caution against attributing strategic causes to violence and encourage research into how strategic and individual-level motivations interact in conflict., International Organization, 77 (2), ISSN:1531-5088, ISSN:0020-8183

This research note presents an original dataset on PKK terrorism incidents in Turkey based on an extensive review of the Turkish-language newspapers. The dataset contains 4579 events, coded across 68 variables, and over the course of 15 years from 2004 to 2018. The article discusses the scope and included variables of the dataset and provides insight into how the PKK engaged in terror attacks and how the Turkish security forces (military, police, and village guards) carried out counterterrorism operations.

This study interrogates The Effects of Boko Haram Insurgency on the Socio-economic and Political Development of North East Nigeria: A Critical Analysis. The objectives of the study are: to ascertain the effects of book haram insurgency on the economic development of North East geo-political zone in Nigeria, to ascertain the effects of book haram insurgency on the political development of North East geopolitical zone of Nigeria and to proffer solution to the menace of book haram insurgency North East geopolitical zone of Nigeria. The researcher applied frustration-aggression theory and adopted qualitative research methodology. The researcher made the following findings, that the activities of Boko Haram Insurgents affected the economic development of North East geo-political zone in Nigeria, that the activities of Boko Haram insurgents affected the political development of North East Geo-political zone of Nigeria and that the activities of Boko Haram insurgents affected the social development of North East Geo-political zone of Nigeria. The researcher also made the following recommendations; Federal Government should seek external security support to clampdown on Boko Haram insurgents to return peace that will enhance the socio-political and economic growth of North East Geo-political zone of Nigeria, the sponsors of Boko Haram should be fetched and brought to justice and Federal Government should rebuild all that were destroyed in the North East including markets, houses, churches and mosques.

The thesis assesses the capabilities of the Ghana Army special operations forces (SOF) and how they can be employed to support counterinsurgency (COIN) operations in Ghanaian regions that are threatened by the spread of insurgency in Africa’s Sahel region. The porosity of borders between northern Ghana and Burkina Faso in the Sahel, the similarity of situations between the Sahel and northern Ghana, and the quick spread of the Sahel insurgency to other parts of West Africa have made northern Ghana highly susceptible to the jihadist insurgency. The study analyzes secondary materials and data and finds that, in addition to the latent issues in the Sahel countries, the over-securitization of COIN operations in the Sahel, notably by France, has yielded unimpressive results. From the analysis, the thesis draws useful lessons for Ghana. While best COIN practices require an effective combination of kinetic and non-kinetic strategies, COIN operations in the Sahel have generally been kinetic. This has led to some pundits describing COIN operations in the Sahel as a “security traffic jam.” Based on lessons from the Sahel crisis, assessed capabilities of the Ghana Army SOF, and within a framework of comprehensive COIN operations, the thesis recommends specific tasks for the Ghana Army SOF to support COIN operations in northern Ghana. Lieutenant Colonel, Ghana Army Approved for public release. Distribution is unlimited.

States in a regional security complex have formed ad hoc missions, which are meant to sidestep the challenges that regional economic communities (RECs) encounter in combating transnational insurgents. Ad hoc missions have made significant tactical gains in combating transnational insurgencies but have failed to achieve a complete victory. This thesis investigates the reasons behind the failure of ad hoc missions to achieve a complete victory over modern transnational insurgents. The thesis examines the Multi-National Joint Task Force (MNJTF), which is combating Boko Haram in the Lake Chad region, and the Southern African Development Community (SADC) Mission in Mozambique (SAMIM), which is fighting Ansar Al-Sunna Islamist insurgents. Findings indicate that a lack of political will at both the state and regional level is the most significant contributing factor to the failure of ad hoc missions to achieve a complete victory over insurgents. This thesis recommends that member states of ad hoc missions must have a heightened political will, which must be demonstrated by committing resources and implementing policies that aim to address the root causes of the insurrections in the regions, with adequate support from the RECs in which purpose-built missions operate. LTC, Malawi Army Approved for public release. Distribution is unlimited.

Boko Haram (BH) insurgency in Northeastern Nigeria has been extensively studied but much scholarly attention has not been given to Operation Safe Corridor (OPSC). Yet, it remains the most significant non-kinetic approaches to BH insurgency. This study examines the deradicalisation programme of OPSC, communities’ receptivity to reintegrated ex-BH members (BHMs) and its effects on OPSC objectives and overall efforts at ending BH insurgency in Nigeria. Qualitative and quantitative data were collected and analysed for the study. Result revealed that OPSC has attracted demobilisation of BHMs. However, communities are unwilling to accept the ex-BHMs back due to the problems of distrust and widespread perception that government is prioritising the welfare ex-BHMs above the victims of their attrocies. In response, communities are attacking, stigmatising, keeping incommunicado as well as enforcing socio-economic blockade on the ex-BHMs reintegrated into their communities. In turn, reintegrated ex-BHMs are absconding communities and rejoining insurgents, frustrated into committing crimes and this is dis-incentivising BHMs who are willing to demobilise. This trend will make BH retain its deadliness and this will enhance the perpetuation of insurgency and insecurity in Nigeria. It is recommended that government should give more priority to victims of BH attacks as this may encourage community acceptance. It is also recommended that community-level transitional justice and reconciliation programmes should be set up to reconcile ex-BHMs with victims of their attacks.

The government of Uganda eliminated primary school fees during the insurgency of the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA), a rebel group notorious for abducting school aged boys and girls to turn them into rebels through indoctrination and intimidation. Previous research shows that the no-fee policy, commonly known as the Universal Primary Education (UPE) programme, increases access to education mainly for girls. I test the hypothesis that UPE increases incentives of abducted girls to desert the LRA. Difference-in-differences estimates, which compare the change in desertion of girls in primary school age (treatment group) to the change of older females (control group), support the hypothesis. Investigating possible mechanisms, I find little support for the ‘standard’ opportunity cost hypothesis that dominates the literature, where education increases earning opportunities in the regular economy and thus makes staying with the rebels less attractive. Instead, the evidence supports a ‘novel’ opportunity cost hypothesis that has received little attention thus far: Girls long for education, and the prospect of going to school – which UPE increases substantially – entices them to abandon the rebels.

The independence movements that emerged during the decolonization process generally defined themselves as socialism. These movements, which built world-making approaches around emphasis on independence, anti-Westernism, and anti-imperialism, basically faced three problems: rapid development, the construction of the state apparatus, and the creation of a nation. These three problems facilitated the contact of these movements with nationalism. Another result of the process is that the military bureaucracy usually leads the “revolution” processes. These countries, which entered a rapid development process, albeit briefly, were followed carefully by the socialist left in Turkey. In the period between 1960–65, Turkish socialism attaches importance to post-colonial movements with all its colors. In the period between 1965 and 1971, the perspective on experiences in these countries began to differ. Three important reasons for this situation are as follows: The differentiation of Turkey’s social, political, and economic structure from countries in the de-colonization process, the translation of Marxist classics and the disappointment created by post-colonial movements. All three reasons are based on the fact that Turkey’s historical experience differs from countries that have just gained independence. In this context, the article compares Turkish socialism and post-colonial movements between 1960–1971 on an ideational basis. This is important to understanding the foundations of subversive activities in Turkey.

Conflicts and wars in the contemporary world are often fought through the use of modern and sophisticated weapons. The forces using such modern weapons are often regarded as having an upper hand especially when their opponents possess what is regarded as inferior weaponry. However, modern weapons can be overpowered as evidenced in the Kamwina Nsapu conflict in the Kasai region of the Democratic Republic of Congo. The insurgency of Kamwina Nsapu militia in the Kasai Central Province sought to bring accountability to the modern political leadership and address bad governance practices. The case of the Kamwina Nsapu revealed the use of charms or fetishes (manga) to address the problem that had emerged in the Luba community. Different types of indigenous charms (manga) were used: trees and sticks were used as guns; slippers as telephones; and fruits as grenades. Militia were able to cut off heads of enemies from a distance with their bare hands and they teleported from one place to another at will. These activities were made possible by the use of charms (manga), such as the tshiota fire and nkwembe.

In How to Avoid a Climate Disaster, Bill Gates shows why a net-zero world is necessary, and how it might be achieved through fostering demand for and the supply of innovation. He argues that techno...

Conflict has a negative effect on immunization outcomes leading to epidemics of measles and other vaccine preventable diseases. Borno state, located in the North-Eastern parts of the country, started experiencing insurgency since 2009 by a militant group commonly referred to as "Boko Haram", leading to displacement of numerous persons from their homes. The state government created internally displaced persons (IDPs) camps with an estimated 600,000 persons and over 100,000 children aged 9 - 59 months. We explored the challenges in implementing the measles campaign in 2017 and its effect on measles elimination and control efforts in Borno State. METHODS We conducted a retrospective review of the measles surveillance data from the Integrated disease surveillance and response (IDSR), the early warning alert and response system (EWARS), Measles SIA implementation strategy reports and the Post campaign evaluation survey data. RESULT Seven (26%) of the 27 LGAs had security challenges in Borno state in November 2017. Following the measles campaign, 30 EAs were surveyed as part of the post campaign evaluation with a coverage validation of 72%, the lowest reported state level coverage in the country. Reported measles cases in the age cohort

Este artículo explora las influencias del Cuadro Histórico de Carlos María de Bustamante y Reflexiones sobre la Revolución en Francia de Edmund Burke en Lucas Alamán al escribir sobre el proceso de la Independencia de México en Historia de Méjico (1849-1852). Alamán creyó que la independencia era inevitable y apropiada, pero la violencia durante una década de la insurgencia había sido el camino equivocado para lograrla. Criticó a Bustamante por sus errores y por forjar mitos, y estuvo de acuerdo con Burke al condenar las innovaciones políticas teóricas y los efectos sociales y políticos destructivos como consecuencia de la revolución.

Informed by different grassroots learning and educational practices engaged in waste management, and drawing from the concepts of insurgent citizenship and environmental stewardship, we examine the role of waste picker organizations and movements in creating new pathways towards more sustainable environmental waste governance. Two case studies (Argentina and Brazil) demonstrate how waste pickers inform and educate the general public and raise the awareness of socio-environmental questions related to waste management. Different educational practices are used as strategies to confront citizens with their waste: to see waste as a consumption problem, resource, and income source. Our paper draws on grassroots learning (social movement learning and insurgent learning) and education (stewardship) aimed at the transformation of waste practices. We argue that waste pickers play an important role in knowledge production promoting recycling, in landfilling less and recovering more resources. We conclude that waste pickers act as insurgent citizens and also are environmental stewards.

The devastation of lives, livelihood and property in Nigeria caused by over a decade of insurgency by the Boko Haram terrorists is a subject of security, policy, humanitarian and academic concern. Several counter-measures have been adopted by both state and non-state actors to combat the insurgency with limited successes recorded. Consequently, studies have examined several efforts taken by the Nigerian government toward ending the Boko Haram insurgency, including the challenges confronting such efforts. However, Nigeria’s de-radicalization, rehabilitation and reintegration programme for ex-Boko Haram fighters, known as Operation Safe Corridor, has received marginal attention in literature. The Operation Safe Corridor programme which was established in September 2015 is aimed at de-radicalizing, rehabilitating and reintegrating repentant Boko Haram insurgents into society. Using a field survey method involving key informant interviews and focus group discussions as well as documentary reports, this article examines the progress and pitfalls of the Operation Safe Corridor programme. It argues that the failure to mainstream the concerns of local communities both in policy and programming of Operation Safe Corridor severely undermines the prospect of successful and effective reintegration of ex-Boko Haram fighters. The article concludes that if this gap is not addressed, the programme will succeed in terms of the number of ex-combatants graduating from it but will fail in terms of reintegrating the graduating ex-combatants into society. This poses significant risks to both Boko Haram defectors and society at large.

Muitas vezes o Poder Judiciário é provocado a se manifestar sobre questões extremamente controversas, que dividem tanto a opinião pública quanto a dos governantes e parlamentares. As decisões proferidas em tais casos podem gerar reações de descontentamento por parte da sociedade, do Poder Legislativo e do Executivo, que se utilizam de diversos meios para demonstrar sua insurgência contra o resultado apresentado pelo órgão julgador. Essas reações adversas são denominadas de backlash, expressão atribuída ao fenômeno supracitado pelo direito norte-americano. No presente artigo, será realizada uma análise do que é o backlash, bem como quais foram as principais reações legislativas verificadas no direito brasileiro até hoje. A pesquisa utilizou o método hipotético-dedutivo, partindo da teoria constitucional sobre influência de fatores externos nas decisões judiciais, para, em seguida, analisar o caso específico da ocorrência de reações legislativas a duas decisões proferidas pelo Supremo Tribunal Federal. As técnicas de pesquisa utilizadas consistem em pesquisa bibliográfica e jurisprudencial. Por fim, conclui-se que que o fenômeno do backlash é de suma importância em uma Estado Democrático, desde que haja uma corte constitucional atuante exercendo o papel contramajoritário.

During my fieldwork in Brazil in December 2017, Neuza showed me a short video that she got in a WhatsApp group called “Bolsonaro our president.” In the video, Jair Bolsonaro tells Maria do Rosario,...

The Cuban and Sandinista Revolutions stand together as Latin America's two socialist revolutions achieved through guerrilla insurgency in the latter half of the twentieth century. But beyond studies that demonstrate that Cuba militarily trained and supported the Sandinistas before, during, and after their guerrilla phase, and observations that the two countries were connected by the bonds of socialist revolution, the nature of Cuba and Nicaragua's revolutionary relationship remains little explored. This article traces exchanges of people and expertise between each revolutionary state's Ministry of Foreign Relations and Ministry of Culture. It employs diplomatic and institutional archives, personal collections, and oral interviews to demonstrate the deep involvement of Cuban experts in building the Sandinista state. Yet, Cuban advice may have exacerbated tensions within Nicaragua. This article also shows that tensions marked the day-to-day realities of Cubans and Nicaraguans tasked with carrying out collaborations, revealing their layered and often contradictory nature. Illuminating high-level policy in terms of Cuban-Nicaraguan exchanges and how they unfolded on the ground contributes to new international histories of the Sandinista and Cuban revolutions by shifting away from North-South perspectives to focus instead on how the Sandinistas navigated collaboration with their most important regional ally.

تعرف المجموعات الإرهابية بشکل عام بأنها تلک المجموعات التي تقوم بتنفيذ أعمال إرهابية بحيث أن أفعال تلک المجموعات ينظر إليها على أنها حملات إرهابية، غير أن المجموعات الإرهابية في الوقت الحالي تقوم بتوظيف تکتيکات بخلاف التکتيکات الإرهابية حيث تستخدم تکتيکات حرب العصابات وتستخدم کذلک استراتيجيات تجمع بين الوسائل السياسية والوسائل العنيفة والأکثر من ذلک أن هذه الأفعال للعنف السياسي تشکل في الغالب جزء من صراع أوسع مثل الحرب الأهلية أو التمرد، وهذا يعني أن المجموعات الإرهابية أصبح تعريفها أکثر شمولا بحيث أنها لم تعد تعرف بأنها تلک التي تستخدم العنف ضد المدنيين وحسب، ولکنها تلک التي توظف العنف بشکل شامل وضد أهداف متنوعة لتحقيق ما ترغبه من أهداف وبالذات ما يتعلق بتنازل الحکومات التي تقوم تلک المجموعات بالعمل ضدها. کلمات مفتاحية: طالبان – الحرکات الارهابية – التفاوض – مکافحة الارهاب Astract: Terrorist groups are generally defined as those groups that carry out terrorist acts so that the actions of these groups are seen as terrorist campaigns, but the terrorist groups at present employ tactics other than terrorist tactics where they use guerrilla tactics and also use strategies that combine political means and violent means. Moreover, these acts of political violence often form part of a broader conflict such as civil war or insurgency, meaning that terrorist groups have become more broadly defined as they are no longer defined as those that use violence against civilians, but that they employ Violence in a comprehensive manner and against various goals to achieve the desired goals, especially with regard to the concession of governments against which these groups are working.

Since Nigeria returned to civil rule in May 1999 after several years of military rule, the nation hasn’t enjoyed peaceful moment due to the activities of insurgent groups’ and criminal gangs such as Boko Haram, ISWAP, bandits, armed robbers, Kidnappers and Fulani herdsmen. In light of these ugly and perturbing scenarios this study examined the causative factors of insurgency, as well as crimes in Nigeria. The study, thus, relates this to corruption, nepotism, ethnic consciousness, mediocracy, marginalization, extreme social deprivation and religious extremism. The study considers the effects of these on the nation’s politics, as the prognoses if these challenges had persisted longer than expected. To achieve this, the study adopted historical research design which is qualitative and explorative in nature, implying that data used in the study were derived from Secondary sources, via books, journal publications, government official documents, internet sources, among others. The study adopted Frustration-Aggression and Relative Deprivation theories to examine the causative factors or reasons why people resort to insurgency, crimes and other forms of unrests as alternative means to register their grievances against the government. Useful recommendations in the form of articulated policy frameworks were presented to stem this ugly trend.

The coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic remains a global security challenge for humanity. The COVID-19 pandemic, a non traditional security threat has exposed how regions respond to non traditional and emerging security threats. Similarly, the South African Development Community (SADC) region remains confronted with security ramifications due to the Covid-19 pandemic. The peace and security of the region has been disturbed due to an upsurge of conflicts in countries, such as South Africa (South Africa’s unrests, protests and the Phoenix Massacre), Lesotho (Eswatini protests) and Mozambique’s (Carbo Delgado insurgency), all amidst the coronavirus global pandemic. Further to this, SADCs human security challenges that have transpired and, in some cases, have been further exacerbated by the Covid-19 pandemic, include economic decline, job losses, food insecurity and the loss of life to mention a few. Prior to the Covid-19 pandemic, SADC Member Stateshave had to exercise greater regional pandemic management with diseases, such as Malaria, Human Acquired Immune (HIV/AIDs) and Tuberculosis (TB). SADCs efforts in combatting these human security threats have been progressive and notable. The study will analyse and build on the challenges, identified in Landsberg’s (2012) study The Southern African Development Community decision-making architecture, where he suggests that at the heart of SADCs progress is the need for greater implementation of their set goals and aspirations. The study will analyse recent efforts, undertaken by the SADC region, in order to determine the successes and challenges, faced by the sub-regional bloc. It is analysing peace and security of SADC under the Covid-19 pandemic through an upsurge of conflicts in the region and the early securitisation and cooperation of the Covid-19 pandemic. The article suggests, SADC strengthened regional cooperation efforts, such as early warning systems and regional execution methods, have fostered advanced regional security outcomesin the region.

The Indian State has a long history of military interventions at numerous, mostly peripheral locations. Most of the interventions are protracted and may be viewed as virtual civil wars, each side producing and legitimizing its own version of events. This paper will focus on the fallout of the Punjab insurgency (1970–1995), and its decisive point, the Indian army intervention codenamed Operation Bluestar (June 1984), as narrated by a former militant, Sandip Kaur. Her Punjabi book, Bikhṛā Pai͂dā (“Difficult Journey”) (2008), written by somebody who is not a writer, represents a sub-category which “inhabits (…) margins of literary and autobiographical writing” (Butalia 2017: 20). Hence, it offers a unique glimpse into the process of identity construction, both at the personal and the communal level, enacted against the larger backdrop of national games played out on the regional scene and informed by Sikh ‘metacommentary’ (Oberoi 1987: 27).

“The war on terrorism” that was declared by the international community in the aftermath of 9/11 created a state of emergency. As a result, United Nations Security Council established the fact that the international peace and security should be the first and foremost on its priority list of agendas. UN Security Council created its subsidiary bodies to deal with counter terrorism but it failed to take human rights into consideration in the beginning. Initially, the procedures of UN Security Council committees gathered a criticism on account of causing damage to human rights laws, freedom of life and humanitarian laws. As a result, the procedures of committees evolved with passage of time to ensure that the counter terrorism measures are in accordance with human rights and humanitarian laws. This article provides an overview of the progress that gradually resulted in the prominence of human rights by UN Security Council committees and Human Rights Council. Recently, there has been initiated a debate again that the human rights protection is a hindrance in countering terrorism effectively and the opposition of human rights protection laws argue that there should be declared a state of emergency in a country to completely eliminate the threat of terrorism. The article also provides an overview of the ongoing debate on human rights as to what extent this debate proves to be an imperative or impediment suggesting a mixed and balanced approach as neglecting the human rights completely can cause more tragic situation than terrorism on one hand, however, on the other hand, there is a need to restrict some of the liberties as terrorists utilize those human rights and liberties to cause havoc in the world.

This commentary characterises as an insurgency those elements of the Food Industry seeking to retain and expand industry profit-making opportunity with scant regard to the effect on public health and wellbeing. Premised on a conflict in which the battlespace encompasses the drivers of (un)healthful behaviour, our view encourages opponents of Food Industry methods to consider an approach based on analogy of successful Counter-Insurgency strategies to a health promotion context.

Moving beyond the focus on violence against women and violence committed by women, this article interrogates violence countered by women. The article sheds new light on the gendered practices of counterinsurgency in northeast Nigeria, with critical attention to why women joined the civilian resistance to the Boko Haram insurgency and their complex role and agency as local security providers. Using the voices and lifeworlds of women who joined the Civilian Joint Task Force (yan gora) in Borno State as well as the Vigilante Group Nigeria and Hunters Association (kungiya marhaba) in Adamawa State, the article underscores the layered and gender-bending role of women as frontline fighters, knowledge brokers, state informants, and producers of vigilante technologies. The article finds that women counterinsurgents mobilized after Boko Haram shifted its strategy toward using female insurgents, especially as suicide bombers. Women joined the war against Boko Haram for complex reasons, including personal loss, revenge, family ties, community attachment, patriotism, and a collective yearning for normalcy.

Insurgent activities are so prevalent in Nigeria that the security apparatus finds it very difficult if no almost impossible to curb their excesses. On a daily basis, newspapers are flooded with the wanton destruction of the activities of these elements in the Nigerian society. The headlines of those media reports are therefore selected for analysis in this study. In this study, we draw samples of data, present and group them into number texts and then give a detailed analysis through the application of linguistic tools. We focus the analysis on identifying the linguistic and discourse patterns in the data by using conceptualization and representation as Critical Discourse Analytical and Metaphorical concepts to critically examine the issues in relation to insurgency. Ideological projections are also taken into consideration from both the media practitioners’ perspectives and the militants’ points of view. For easy identification, the data were arranged in terms of their thematic realization and grouped into two broad categories: according to the issues raised and according to the surface as well as underlying meaning realizable in the message. The analysis was presented in relation to the Boko Haram and Niger Delta insurgency in Nigeria. In spite of their differences in terms of ideology and modus operandi, the analysis was done add to the body of literature on the issue.

The North East region of Nigeria has been experiencing the devastating impact of Boko Haram insurgency which triggered humanitarian crisis and destruction of infrastructure, leading to many becoming internally displaced persons in their country. The Federal Government and the Northeast State Governments, alongside the local and international Non-governmental organizations and development partners have been mostly providing relief services and materials to the IDPs, but despite all these efforts, there is still a funding gap, thus the need to bridge this vacuum; to supplement the efforts of governmental and non-governmental organizations in providing a long term and sustainable welfare model. It is against this backdrop that this study aims at unlocking the potentials of waqf financing model in catering for short-term and long-term welfare of IDPs in the Northeast and how the model could be properly utilized to complement the efforts of governmental and non-governmental organizations in the region. Multistage sampling method was employed in selecting respondents for the study. In the first stage, three States were purposively selected out of the six States of the region based on the devastation level by the insurgency. Thematic Analysis was employed as the method of data analysis. Both descriptive and inferential statistics were used to summarize and interpret the results of the thematic analyses of the data obtained. The findings of this research have shown the potentials of Waqf financing in bridging the funding gap of IDPs welfare in the north-east. The study also found out that food and clothing are the most critical areas that require immediate attention in the Waqf based IDPs welfare and that, the Investment Waqf Model will be the best means of financing the IDPs Welfare programme in the Northeast due to its modest unique potential advantages over other models. Finally, the study also identified that Conversion of IDPs Support Waqf to Less privilege Support Waqf in case of return of IDPs to their respective communities is the best exit plan for Waqf based IDPs welfare model amongst all other listed exit plans. Key Words: North-East, IDPs, Welfare and Waqf Financing

Is militarized policing an effective way to combat insurgency? This article uses new global data on policing practices to evaluate whether states with militarized police perform better than those w...

The present essay argues that the ancient Hindu acharyas (teachers) and rulers came up with nuanced and complex theories and techniques of COIN. This was because the multi-religious and polyethnic ...

The Boko Haram insurgency is one of the most devastating violent crises that Nigeria has encountered in recent years. This paper compares the relative effect of the Boko Haram insurgency, as compared to other conflict events, on vaccination uptake among Nigerian children. To evaluate the effect of conflict events on vaccination, the children's birth months and the months of armed conflict were matched. The data on vaccination uptake was from the Nigeria Demographic and Health Survey (DHS) conducted in 2018, while the information on conflict events was from the Uppsala Conflict Data Program (UCDP) Georeferenced Event Dataset (UCDP GED). The sub-group analysis was conducted, Boko-Haram affected sample vs. total sample, to evaluate the differential effect of armed conflict events on vaccination. The Boko Haram insurgency had a significant and negative effect on vaccination uptake in the conflict-affected states; Borno, Adamawa, and Yobe. On the other hand, other forms of conflicts that took place in Nigeria had significantly weaker effects on vaccination uptake. The negative effect of Boko Haram-related conflict events was particularly strong on Penta3/DPT3 uptake, while its effect on BCG was weak.

In this study, we aim to analyze social networks in which internally displaced persons (IDPs) are involved in northeast Nigeria, after they have been displaced by the insurgency of the Boko Haram group. While IDPs usually resettle in camps operated by the government, contacts with host communities are common. We further analyze the potential that such contacts may lead to conflicts between IDPs and their host communities in the Lake Chad region. Data for this study were collected by interviewing IDPs in the Bakassi IDP camp in Maiduguri and by interviewing members of the host community in Maiduguri in close proximity to the Bakassi IDP camp. A Social Network Analysis approach was used to analyze the data, by constructing social network graphs and computing network attributes, mainly the betweenness centrality of actors. The results of the study show on the one hand a mixture of friendly and conflicting relationships between IDPs and the host community from the IDPs’ perspective, and on the other hand, only few contacts between members of the host community and IDPs in the Bakassi IDP camp, from the host community's perspective. The analysis suggests that in the context of conflict present in the Lake Chad region, IDPs and members of the host community mainly use closed networks, to keep available resources and economic opportunities within their communities. We recommend a better service delivery to IDPs but also to members of the host communities who feel neglected as more attention is given to IDPs with the distribution of humanitarian aid.

El objetivo de este artículo es analizar las tendencias de ordenación sacerdotal de clérigos seculares del arzobispado de México durante el periodo de la Guerra de Independencia en Nueva España (1810-1821) a través de un libro de matrículas de órdenes sacerdotales. Su estudio toma relevancia por tratarse de la diócesis más importante del imperio español en América y por enmarcarse en un periodo políticamente convulso, donde el clero fue un sujeto activo y un centro de atención para la autoridad eclesiástica.

In the late 1960s, landless campesinos partnered with the Maryknoll Catholic order to form a colony and cooperative in the lowland jungles of northern Guatemala. The Ixcán Grande colony became profitable and fell in line with state development and agrarian policies. Yet by the mid-1970s, this dramatically changed when the colony began experiencing increased government repression as Guatemala’s ongoing civil war escalated. After Father William Woods, the colony’s priest, died in a mysterious plane crash in 1976, multiple accounts of that fateful day circulated: the official version recorded it as an accident while unofficial versions maintained that the military-state had assassinated him. This event shaped the relationship between Ixcán residents and the state from that moment on and continues to influence historical memory in the present. This article first explores the circulation of rumors of insurgency, leading to the Ixcán Grande project’s reputation as an unstable, dangerous space. Then, it examines the competing historical narratives surrounding Father Woods’s death. Finally, it links rumor creation and utilization with historical memory, ending with a brief conclusion about the utility—and the necessity—of giving proper attention to rumors as archival traces.

The study was designed to evaluate the attitude of people towards the role of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in post-boko haram insurgency in north-easthen part of Nigeria. The researcher uses descriptive design of a survey type to collect relevant information. The sample size for the study was 359 participants comprising 25 staff of states ministry of health, and 334 respondents from IDPs and general public. The researcher stratified random sampling technique was used to draw the sample needed for the study in three geopolitical Zones in the States, (Zone A, B and C). Structured questionnaire was the major instruments used collect data for analysis. Result presented in tables analyses the perception of people on the role of saves the children program of WHO in the north east, item 1 state that provision of food and shelter helps in reviving the children, this state was accepted with a mean and standard deviation of 3.56 and 1.46 respectively. Item 2 also state that, in post-boko haram insurgency food provision was accessible to everyone illegible individual this statement was also accepted with 3.76 and 1.48 mean and standard deviation respectively. Similarly, item 3 state that, the food aid saved the life of many and avoided starvation in the affected areas, the statement was accepted with a mean and standard deviation of 3.56 and 1.46 respectively. Item 4 also state that food provision of food is not the best way to revive the victims, this statement was vehemently rejected with a mean and standard deviation of 2.56 and 1.87 respectively. item 5 on the other hand discuses provision of well-balanced diet given to the vulnerable so that they will not be malnourished, this statement was accepted by the respondent with a mean and standard deviation of 3.56 and 1.46 respectively.

The Latin America’s geographic space is prodigal with non-conventional threats to the security of the states, the societies and the individuals which integrate it. These threats are characterized by their transnational dynamics, the non-state character of their protagonists and the asymmetrical use of violence.Inside this outlook we can highlight the organized criminality, which is present in every region of the hemisphere, showing different features in each case. The case of Mexico can be emphasized because of its gravity, typified by research centers and experts as an example of a new form of insurgency. This readings force us to reformulate the concept of insurgency, defining it with more attention to the question of territorial control than the political motivation of its acts. Based on the outlook described, the objective of this paper is to apply the reformulation of the concept of insurgency to the South America’s scenario. In order to do this, the scope of this concept will be established, concrete cases of application will be identified, as well as their impacts on the regional strategic surroundings and the multilateral cooperation about security., El espacio geográfico latinoamericano es pródigo en amenazas no convencionales a la seguridad de sus Estados, las sociedades que los componen y los individuos que las integran. Esas amenazas se caracterizan por su dinámica transnacional, el carácter no estatal de sus protagonistas y su empleo de la violencia en formatos asimétricos. Dentro de ese panorama se destaca la criminalidad organizada, que está presente en todas las regiones del hemisferio, presentando en cada caso características diferenciadas. En este panorama se destaca por su gravedad el caso de México, que ha sido tipificado por centros de estudios y expertos como ejemplo de una nueva forma de insurgencia. Esas lecturas obligan a una reconceptualización del concepto de insurgencia, definiéndolo más por la cuestión del control territorial que por la motivación política de sus actos. A partir del panorama descripto el objetivo del presente trabajo es aplicar el concepto reformulado de insurgencia al escenario sudamericano. A ese efecto, se establecerán los alcances de ese concepto, identificaremos casos concretos de aplicación, su impacto en el entorno estratégico regional y en la cooperación multilateral en materia de seguridad.