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This article explores in details the poverty amelioration programmes which had been initiated by the Congress Party after independence during the Jawaharlal Nehru and Indira Gandhi years.In a period of three decades,there were a number of strategies which were pursued to eradicate the high level of poverty which were prevailing in the rural areas of the country.By the end of the 1950s, there was a definite move to eradicate rural poverty through definite programmes.The absence of proper land reform legislations and the dominance of the upper and middle class leadership of the Congress prevented the Government machinery in initiating plans for the amelioration of the economic status of the small peasants and the agricultural labourers. The Nehruvian logic of an integrated agricultural development found shape in the Twenty Point Programme of the 1970s. These policies had their own successes and weaknesses and they could to some extent reduce the poverty figures by the early 1980s.The most interesting side of this narrative is the states‘ deep involvement with the poverty reduction schemes,which by the early 1980s came to be criticised by a dominant section of the Congress.Such debates were responsible for the shift towards a liberalized market economy in India which instead of reducing poverty, increased the prospects of a rich poor divide in the society. Apžvelgiamos kovos su skurdu programos, įgyvendintos Indijoje 1947– 1984 metais, kai ministro pirmininko pareigas ėjo Džavaharlalas Neru ir Indira Gandi. Vyriausybė ėmėsi populistinių priemponių, kurios būtų naudingos kaimo bendruomenei, o kartu pagausintų Kongreso partijos elektoratą. Programos daugiausia buvo orientuotos į vargšų interesus, nuosekliai laikantis Kongreso partijos rinkimų manifesto – būti vargšų partija, Indijos atstumtųjų visuomenės klasių interesų gynėja. Siekdama šių tikslų ir uždavinių, vyriausybė inicijavo skurdo mažinimo programas, itin palankias pačioms žemiausioms sąrašo (angl. Scheduled) kastoms ir gentims. Nors kai kurios programos buvo gana sėkmingos, šios iniciatyvos nepajėgė pagerinti ribinių Indijos visuomenės grupių gyvenimo. Pavyzdys, atskleidžiantis ydingą vyriausybės kaimo atskirties mažinimo politiką, gali būti Žalioji revoliucija Indijoje. Numatytos programos sukėlė aktyvias diskusijas dėl skurdo, pajamų paskirstymo ir žemės ūkio darbuotojų padėties. Tų metų bendruomenių projektai turėjo įtakos vėlesnėms Indijos vyriausybėms ir jų naujoms skurdo mažinimo programoms. Straipsnis ypač aktualus šiuometiniam tarpsniui, nes nuo paskutinių dvidešimto amžiaus dešimtmečių Indijos valdantieji režimai pirmenybę teikė dviplanei – liberalizavimo ir globalizavimo – ekonominei strategijai. Indija ir toliau ieško vietos tarp besivystančių šalių, kuriose aukštas neraštingumo ir skurdo lygis, nėra tinkamos infrastruktūros sveikatos priežiūros ir švietimo srityse. Pastarieji pora dešimtmečių pažymėti ir vyriausybės pastangomis mažinti konkurencingumo finansavimą, o tai sudaro sąlygas nekliudomam sparčiam kapitalo santykių rinkos augimui. Pažymima, kad nors tokie pokyčiai ir atsiranda dėl ideologinių vyriausybės strategijos pokyčių, negalima ignoruoti populizmo, ne jis efektyviai mažino prislėgtos kaimo bendruomenės skurdo lygį. Būtina pripažinti, kad ši pirmųjų Indijos nepriklausomybės metų politika verta šių dienų Indijos politikos strategų dėmesio, nes buvo sumažinta socialinė atskirtis, išvengta diskriminacijos, kuri plečia turtingųjų ir skurdžių pajamų atotrūkį. Autorius analizuoja istorijos, sociologijos ir ekonomikos tyrėjų, kurie skurdo mažinimo programas interpretavo platesniame politinės ekonomijos kontekste, darbus. Bandoma susieti dešiniųjų ir centristų įgyvendintų programų kritiką ir apibendrintais naratyvais pateikti istoriko faktų vertinimus iš įvairių teorinių perspektyvų. Straipsnyje remiamasi plačia laikraščių ir vyriausybės dokumentų apžvalga.

Though the principle of gender equality is firmly established in the Indian Constitution, translating de jure gender equality and the promise of social, economic and political justice, into de facto reality has been one of India’s major challenges over the years, given a long background of an Asiatic society chained by patriarchal domination. There is still unfortunately a wide gap between the goals enunciated in the Constitution, legislation and policies and the current status of Indian women. Though for the first time, a separate section on `Gender Equity’ was included in the Draft Approach Paper to the 11th Five Year Plan, the Paper has not given enough focus on women’s empowerment issues in the country. The present paper critically examines the Indian experience over time of women in development.

Gone are the days when women had enjoyed equality of power and rights in the society. The persistence of the patriarchate with a sacrosanct support by the Scriptures had firmly contained within its hold the entire sphere of familial and social life in India and had in turn confined woman’s life to the family and that fate had continued for long during the static slumber of the Asiatic society. It was the big bang of the greedy European colonialism and its repercussions in the form of hot blooded nationalist feelings that gradually weakened the patriarchal chains on womanhood. Even though the principle of gender equality is firmly established in the Indian Constitution, translating de jure gender equality and the promise of social, economic and political justice, into de facto reality has been one of India’s major challenges over the years. There is still unfortunately a wide gap between the goals enunciated in the Constitution, legislation and policies and the current status of Indian women. Though for the first time, a separate section on `Gender Equity’ was included in the Draft Approach Paper to the 11th Five Year Plan, the paper has not given enough focus on women’s empowerment issues in the country. The present paper critically examines the Indian experience over time of women’s development.

Scheduled Tribes have always been a geographically and socially isolated group in Indian society, besides being a culturally-economically marginalized society. Their areas were by and large sparsely populated and had evolved over centuries their own system of maintaining law and order. The British also allowed them to live according to their own way of life. The national leaders, however, were aware of their backwardness and were eager to take measures for their betterment. As a result a few provisions were adopted in the Government of India Act 1935.During the post-Independence period, the policy makers have made sincere and concerted efforts for overall development of these groups both economically as well as educationally. Despite these efforts the performance of the tribal groups is much lower when compared to other marginalized groups like Scheduled Castes and Other Backward Castes. The available literature on tribal primary education suggests, most of the time the policymakers’ approach was only to develop a national curriculum instead of giving importance to their skill-oriented, practical capabilities which has impacted their life in a more serious manner.