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As the European Journal of Theatre and Performance is now steadily growing into a bi-annual publication, we are proud to present this fifth issue as a result of our first open call for contributions. From now on, we will alternate between one specially themed and one general issue per year and authors will have the possibility to submit scholarly articles for future issues on a continual basis. Although no thematic focus was intended, unexpected convergences did emerge between the different contributions for this issue’s Essays section. The four contributions all engage with memory, the body, and the archive in their various intertwinements. It seems that the urge for searching and understanding how ‘performing remains’ (Schneider 2011) has only been growing in recent years, not only in theatre and performance practices all over the world but also in scholarship.

As the European Journal of Theatre and Performance is now steadily growing into a bi-annual publication, we are proud to present this fifth issue as a result of our first open call for contributions. From now on, we will alternate between one specially themed and one general issue per year and authors will have the possibility to submit scholarly articles for future issues on a continual basis. Although no thematic focus was intended, unexpected convergences did emerge between the different contributions for this issue’s Essays section. The four contributions all engage with memory, the body, and the archive in their various intertwinements. It seems that the urge for searching and understanding how ‘performing remains’ (Schneider 2011) has only been growing in recent years, not only in theatre and performance practices all over the world but also in scholarship.

The purpose of this paper is to highlight the necessity to increase the connection the European youth has with the European Union. Education policy might be a responsibility of the Member States, but the EU shall take upon more initiatives in order to bring the young Europeans closer to it. EUROPAMOBIL, is a project that can add educational value to the currently covered areas by the European school curricula, without intervening on national territories and can have a positive impact among the youth, which is an interval part for the continuation of the EU and the achievement of its goals.

Le programme d’histoire des classes de seconde, publié en juin 1995, présente la particularité d’être dévolu à l’histoire de l’espace européen afin de forger chez les élèves le sentiment d’appartenance à l’Europe par la connaissance de ses spécificités culturelles. Il s’agit là d’un moment fondateur pour l’enseignement de l’histoire de l’Europe en lycée. On reviendra ici sur les deux principales versions élaborées en 1992 et en 1995 afin de montrer combien, alors que la conjoncture plaçait au premier plan des missions de l’école la construction de l’identité européenne, la rédaction du programme a soulevé de nombreuses questions dans une discipline chargée un siècle plus tôt de « faire des Français ». Published in June 1995, France’s nationwide high school history curriculum stood apart in being devoted to the history of the European space. In this, it sought to encourage students to feel that they belonged to Europe by exposing them to knowledge of its cultural specificities. It was a foundational moment in the teaching of European history in high school. This article examines the two main versions (1992 and 1995) of this curriculum in order to show how, while the conjuncture made the construction of European identity central to the educational mission, the work of drafting the curriculum raised many questions within a discipline that a century earlier had been tasked with “making French people”.

La Institución Libre de Enseñanza cumpliría, desde su fundación en 1876 hasta su prohibición en 1940, un papel central en lo que hoy llamamos la Edad de Plata de la ciencia y la cultura españolas y en la conformación de la izquierda española a través de corrientes como el republicanismo, el regeneracionismo y el socialismo. La contribución de la ILE al desarrollo de un país muy necesitado de un impulso educativo contrasta con las críticas de antipatriotismo o Leyenda Negra que aún hoy recibe (filosofía krausista, adopción acrítica de «lo europeo» como modelo frente a lo español, etc.). Cabe, pues, preguntarse qué visión de España y de Europa puede extraerse de los primeros textos de la ILE. Estudiando por medio de un análisis lexicométrico del discurso los primeros cinco años de publicación de su Boletín y deteniéndonos en la lectura de algunos de sus artículos más significativos, veremos que esta visión no es la del lapidario enunciado orteguiano «España es el problema, Europa es la solución». De sa fondation en 1876 à son interdiction en 1940, l’Institución Libre de Enseñanza a joué un rôle central dans ce que nous appelons aujourd’hui l’Âge d'Argent de la science et de la culture espagnoles et dans la formation de la gauche espagnole à travers des courants tels que le républicanisme, le régénérationnisme et le socialisme. Cependant, la contribution de l’ILE au développement d’un pays ayant grand besoin d’un élan éducatif contraste avec les critiques d’antipatriotisme ou de Légende Noire qu’elle continue de recevoir (philosophie krausiste, l’« Europe » pour modèle). Il convient donc de s’interroger sur la vision de l’Espagne et de l’Europe que l’on peut tirer des premiers textes de l’ILE. Au moyen d'une analyse lexicométrique du discours des cinq premières années de publication de son célèbre Boletín et en lisant certains de ses articles les plus significatifs, nous verrons que cette vision est loin de la déclaration d’Ortega « L'Espagne est le problème, l'Europe est la solution ». From its foundation in 1876 until its prohibition in 1940, the Institución Libre de Enseñanza [«Free Institution of Education»] played a central role in what we now call the Silver Age of Spanish science and culture and in the shaping of the Spanish left through tendencies like republicanism, regenerationism and socialism. The ILE’s contribution to the development of a country in great need of an educational impetus contrasts with the criticisms of anti-patriotism or Black Legend that it still receives today (Krausist philosophy, uncritical adoption of «Europeanness» as a model, etc.). It is therefore worth asking what vision of Spain and Europe can be extracted from the early texts of the ILE. By means of a lexicometric discourse analysis of the first five years of publication of its well-known Boletín and by reading some of its most significant articles, we will see that this vision is not that of Ortega y Gasset’s lapidary statement «Spain is the problem, Europe is the solution».

Purpose. This article aims at outlining the consider Ukrainian identity in the context of European collective action through the prism of value orientations/approaches. Theoretical basis. The following methods were used in order to cover the problem as objectively as possible: historical, analytical, comparative, socio-geographical, behavioral, and dialectical. The use of these methods contributed to tracing the peculiarities of identity and collective action in the dynamics of the historical process and social development. Originality. The role of identity in collective action formation is considered. It was established that identity determines the socio-species structure and projects social development. After all, identification for a person in the formation process is a basic need that determines a person’s belonging, not identity. During the formation of "I" there is a combination of "I1" + "I2" + "Other" = "WE". This process is complex and long-term, but it is precisely the process that gives you the opportunity to clearly understand your "I" and know yourself. It was found that identity as a social phenomenon, which is related to the formation of the "I", is determined by certain circumstances, which can be conditionally divided into objective and subjective. After analyzing the scientific literature, a generalization was made that identity is not a new phenomenon, but it has certain features at each stage of social development. This became most noticeable in the conditions of globalization, when countries that are actually different perceive the "Other", unite around certain problems, and then this union forms a system of mutual relations. It is thanks to this approach that alliances, multicultural associations, etc. are formed, and an example of this is the heterogeneous European identity. Special attention is drawn to the role of values, which are the landmarks in the process of identity and the formation of collective action. Based on political, social, economic, historical processes and ontological features, it was established that identity is a dynamic process, since values during a person’s life, the existence of the state, etc. are variables. This is confirmed by the value orientation and various socio-political processes aimed at the formation of Homo in countries that have the status of "between". Conclusions. The article illustrates and justifies the existence of several forms of identity according to which the types of identity are formed. The fact proves that identity is not a constant process and varies due to multiple factors: social, political, economic, and religious as well as due to formations – regional, local, civilizational, etc. As practice shows, the problem of identity mostly has situational nature and arises due to the need for unification. The socio-historical process manifests the significance of the values in the formation of a collective European heterogeneous identity. These processes are influenced by many factors: geographical, historical, mythological, etc., Мета. У статті передбачено розглянути українську ідентичність у контексті європейської колективної дії крізь призму ціннісних орієнтирів/підходів. Теоретичний базис. У процесі дослідження з метою максимально об’єктивного висвітлення проблеми використано такі методи: історичний, аналітичний, порівняльний, соціально-географічний, біхевіористичний та діалектичний. Використання цих методів сприяло простеженню особливостей ідентичності та колективної дії в динаміці історичного процесу та суспільного розвитку. Розглянуто роль ідентичності у формуванні колективної дії. Установлено, що ідентичність визначає соціально-видову структуру та проєктує суспільний розвиток. Адже ідентифікація для людини у процесі її становлення є базовою потребою, що визначає належність особи, а не тотожність. Під час становлення "Я" відбувається поєднання "Я1" + "Я2" + "Інший" = "МИ". Цей процес є складним і довготривалим, але саме він дає можливість чітко усвідомити своє "Я" та пізнати себе. З’ясовано, що ідентичність як соціальне явище, пов’язане зі становленням "Я", зумовлюють певні обставини, які умовно можна поділити на об’єктивні та суб’єктивні. На основі аналізу наукової літератури зроблено узагальнення, що ідентичність – явище не нове, але на кожному етапі суспільного розвитку має певні особливості. Найбільше це стало помітно в умовах глобалізації, коли країни, які насправді є різними, сприймають "Іншого", об’єднуються навколо визначених проблем, а потім це об’єднання утворює систему взаємовідносин. Саме завдяки такому підходу утворюються союзи, полікультурні об’єднання тощо, і прикладом цього є гетерогенна європейська ідентичність. Особливу увагу привернуто до ролі цінностей, що відіграють роль орієнтирів у процесі ідентичності й формування колективної дії. Наукова новизна. Узявши за основу політичні, соціальні, економічні, історичні процеси та онтологічні особливості, установлено, що ідентичність є динамічним процесом, оскільки цінності протягом життя людини, існування держави тощо є змінними. Це підтверджує ціннісна орієнтація та різні суспільно-політичні процеси, спрямовані на формування Homo в країнах, що мають статус "між". Висновки. У статті проілюстровано й обґрунтовано, що існує кілька форм ідентичності, відповідно до яких і формують певні її види. Це засвідчує, що ідентичність не є сталим процесом, вона змінюється в силу тих чи інших обставин, які можна звести до таких груп, як соціальні, політичні, економічні, релігійні, а також утворень – регіональних, локальних, цивілізаційних тощо. Як засвідчує практика, проблема ідентичності є ситуативною, але не завжди, і виникає, коли постає питання об’єднання. У такому контексті вона постає синтетичною ідентичністю, що сприяє утворенню колективного "Я", і в цьому процесі важливу роль відіграють цінності. Саме завдяки їм, як показує суспільно-історичний процес, відбувається формування колективної дії європейської гетерогенної ідентичності. На ці процеси впливає чимало факторів: географічний, історичний, міфологічний та ін.

Knowledge of symbols, which can be influenced by school ethos, informs identityconstruction in primary school children. This study aimed to explore Gaelscoil (Irish medium) and English-medium primary school children’s familiarity with Irish and European symbols. Thirty 9 to 12-year-old children in Ireland participated in this study; 15 from two Irish-medium and 15 from an English-medium primary school. A draw-and-tell data collection design was used and qualitative data was analysed using the constant comparativemethod. Results indicate children from both school types shared a number of Irish symbols, namely Irish emblems, Irish mythology, sports and material aspects of culture. Irish-medium primary school children had two further Irish symbol categories, the past as a symbol and physical characteristics of Ireland. European symbols shared across children from both school types included signifiers of the European Union (EU), monetary symbols and European countries. The Irish-medium primary school children had two further categories,Europe through an Irish lens and European cuisine, while the English-medium children had one further category, sport. The results suggest that by middle childhood, children in both school types have knowledge about a number of symbols associated with both national and European identities. Implications for future research are discussed.

Proponents of greater European political unity through the development of the European Union (EU) have long sought to foster a “European” identity among citizens as a way of advancing their cause. And there is now a substantial body of scholarship devoted to understanding the social, economic, and demographic factors contributing to the development of such an identity. Recently, there has been a growing interest in cultural influences, but the possible impact of religion has been largely ignored. Using Eurobarometer 65.2 (2006), we show that religious groups differ systematically in their propensity to take “European” identity markers. Using multivariate analysis, we demonstrate that Catholics are most likely to be cognitive “Europeans”, while Protestants and other Christians are less likely to take such perspectives. Religiosity tends to reinforce the dominant propensity of each tradition. These religious differences persist even under statistical controls for other demonstrated influences, although their effects are strongest in the old Western European “core” of the EU. The long-term decline of Catholic religiosity thus has important implications for the future of “European” identities: their growth will depend increasingly on less “diffuse” and more variable influences, such as successful economic management by EU and national governments.

One of the main aims of the Erasmus programme is to promote a sense of European identity. Whereas several empirical studies have already investigated this relationship, few studies investigate what students actually mean when they refer to ‘Europe’. Therefore, in this paper I investigate the different latent dimensions of the concept Europe, as well as which of these dimensions are particularly associated with an exchange period abroad. The analyses are based on an online survey conducted with higher education students in Austria, Belgium, Italy, Poland and Sweden in 2011 ( n = 4278). The presented models reveal four latent dimensions, namely a ‘cultural’, ‘political’, ‘rights’ and ‘experiential’ dimension. Furthermore, the analyses suggest that exchange students are largely a self-selected group, being a priori more likely to identify with Europe and score higher on the four dimensions.

In recent decades the concepts of “nation” and “territorial identity” have undergone a transformation in terms of politics and academia, with a shift from traditionally dominant ethno-cultural concepts to others of a political-civic nature. The former tend to define identity through objective elements (language, history, territory, culture, traditions, etc.) while the latter take a more subjective approach (basically, ‘the will to be’). In this paper, we delve into this transformation in the case of European identity. To this end, we propose a qualitative and evolutionary approach that uses texts promoted by the EU (declarations and treaties), in which identity plays a relevant role. We carry out a content analysis that singles out those elements that have come to objectify the European identity (and, as a contrast, we look at those elements bearing on the identity of the Member States). While we identify an advance in the political-civil conception as a reflection of the general trend, culturally-oriented objective elements still remain in 21st Century texts. This reflects the need to publicly present an identity in construction as something naturalised, and as part of a reality built through the ages. For Europe the concepts with greatest presence are “European identity” (more frequent in reports and brief declarations), “European culture” and “common European heritage” (more common in the treaties). These are concepts that, in some sense, reflect a given reality.

This article helps to raise awareness towards the complexity of communication approaches to European Capitals of Culture cities, in academic research. Moreover, it responds to the need of creating a context for future researchers who need a starting point in analyzing the way European Capitals of Culture is communicated. The aim of the article is to provide a theoretical overview on the way the European Capitals of Culture (ECoC) project is tackled upon in the scientific studies within the communication domain. The sample is formed of scientific articles retrieved from Web of Science and DOAJ databases. The systematic literature review focuses on the methodological designs used in the articles under analysis. I will associate each article with either with an advantage/ gain frame or with a disadvantage/ loss frame. This overview highlighted a polarized approach to the ECoC project. Whereas some articles present ECoC as a Europeanized way of communication, other studies lay an emphasis on the ECoC cities as a way of communication that promotes local specificity. The analysis will show that these choices are not arbitrary and differ from one city to another, depending on their interests and background.

Kyrgyzstan and Estonia are two post-Soviet countries which, after the collapse of the USSR, chose different trajectories of ethnopolitical and socio-economic development, attitudes towards the Russian language, the Soviet period of their history, as well as interaction with Russia in the international arena. The focus of the article is perceived inclusiveness of the modern sociocultural contexts by Russians living in Kyrgyzstan or Estonia as well as its role in their identification and acculturation (N = 630). As a result of the path analysis, it was revealed that the perceived inclusiveness of the contexts of Kyrgyzstan and Estonia by Russians is positively associated with civic (Kyrgyz and Estonian) identity, the strategy of integration and assimilation, and is negatively associated with the strategy of separation. Moreover, the perceived in clusiveness of the Estonian context by Russians is negatively associated with ethnic and religious identity. These and other universal and context-specific patterns of relationships are discussed in the article through the prism of sociocultural contexts of Kyrgyzstan and Estonia.

As the European Journal of Theatre and Performance is now steadily growing into a bi-annual publication, we are proud to present this fifth issue as a result of our first open call for contributions. From now on, we will alternate between one specially themed and one general issue per year and authors will have the possibility to submit scholarly articles for future issues on a continual basis. Although no thematic focus was intended, unexpected convergences did emerge between the different contributions for this issue’s Essays section. The four contributions all engage with memory, the body, and the archive in their various intertwinements. It seems that the urge for searching and understanding how ‘performing remains’ (Schneider 2011) has only been growing in recent years, not only in theatre and performance practices all over the world but also in scholarship.

Die Europäische Union stand in den letzten Jahren krisenbedingt vor unterschiedlichen Herausforderungen. Der zunehmende Illiberalismus zeigt die wachsende Unzufriedenheit einiger europäischer Bürger:innen, ein Mangel an Identifikation als Europäer:innen ist außerdem zunehmend zu beobachten. Ein Instrument, um dem entgegenzuwirken ist das Förderprogramm Erasmus+ der Europäischen Union. Die vorliegende Arbeit untersucht die Auswirkungen des Erasmus+ Programms auf die Ausbildung einer Europäischen Identität bei österreichischen Lehrlingen und Studierenden. Der Fokus liegt dabei auf dem Vergleich von österreichischen Lehrlingen und Studierenden, die an eine Erasmus+ Mobilität gemacht haben, mit jenen, die keine Mobilität gemacht haben. In dieser qualitativen Forschung wurde die Methode des strukturierten, leitfadengestützten Interviews verwendet, um die Wahrnehmungen und die Erfahrungen von acht mobilen Lehrlingen und Studierenden sowie einer Kontrollgruppe, bestehend aus sieben nicht-mobilen Lehrlingen und Studierenden, zu analysieren. Die Ergebnisse wurden mittels der Inhaltsanalyse nach Mayring ausgewertet. Es kann festgestellt werden, dass die Europäische Identität ein komplexes Konzept ist, das sowohl gemeinsame europäische Werte als auch wirtschaftliche, politische, historische, geografische, sprachliche, kulturelle und soziale Teilaspekte umfasst. Die Mobilitäten im Rahmen von Erasmus+ tragen wesentlich dazu bei, die Europäische Identität von Lehrlingen und Studierenden zu stärken und ein größeres Bewusstsein für bestimmte Teilaspekte zu schaffen. Insbesondere in der Gruppe der mobilen Lehrlinge ist ein signifikanter Einfluss von Erasmus+ Mobilitäten auf ihre Europäische Identität zu beobachten. Diese Gruppe profitiert daher am meisten von der Teilnahme an dem Förderprogramm. Der weitere Ausbau von Erasmus+ für Lehrlinge wird empfohlen und eine bessere Integration des Programms in die Ausbildung österreichischer Lehrlinge und Studierenden soll künftig fokussiert werden. The European Union has faced different challenges in recent years due to various crises. The rising illiberalism shows the increasing dissatisfaction of some European citizens. Due to this phenomenon, a lack of identifying as Europeans can be increasingly observed. One instrument to counteract this is the Erasmus+ funding programme of the European Union. This paper examines the impact of the Erasmus+ programme on the formation of a European identity among Austrian apprentices and students. The focus is on the comparison of Austrian apprentices and students who participated in an Erasmus+ programme and those who did not. In this qualitative research, the method of guideline-based interviews was used to analyse the perception and experiences of eight mobile apprentices and students, as well as a control group consisting of seven non-mobile apprentices and students. The results were evaluated by content analysis based on Mayring. It can be concluded that European identity is a complex concept that combines common European values as well as economic, political, historical, geographical, linguistic, cultural and social sub-elements. Erasmus+ mobilities contribute significantly to strengthening European identity and creating more awareness of certain sub-aspects. Particularly within the group of mobile apprentices it can be observed that Erasmus+ mobilities exert significant impact on the European identity. This group therefore benefits most from participation in the funding programme. Hence, the further expansion of Erasmus+ for apprentices is recommended, and there is a need for a better integration of the programme into the education of Austrian apprentices and students. Abweichender Titel laut Übersetzung der Verfasserin/des Verfassers Masterarbeit Wien, FH Campus Wien 2023

Over the past six months, the process of transforming Ukrainian national identity has significantly intensified and reached a new level of development. The people’s deep awareness of their national identity contributes to the integral and harmonious development of the state. The formation of the identity of the Ukrainian nation in the context of European integration processes is a relevant and important field of research for Ukrainian specialists. The article examines the key aspects of the transformation of the Ukrainian national identity in the context of the activation of European integration processes. An analysis of the components of Ukrainian and European identities is carried out, common points of contact are determined in the perspective of their further rapprochement. The process of changing the attitude of Ukrainians towards the European Union after the full-scale invasion of Russia, which is considered the beginning of a new stage in the formation of Ukrainian identity, is considered. The work also defines the prospects for the development of the identity of the Ukrainian nation in the context of gradual entry into the European space. The materials of the article are based on the study of historical experience and analysis of the influence of modern events on the process of self-identification of Ukrainians as an independent nation. The results obtained during the writing of this article contain comprehensive information on the impact of European integration on the process of transformation of Ukrainian national identity.

Over the past six months, the process of transforming Ukrainian national identity has significantly intensified and reached a new level of development. The people’s deep awareness of their national identity contributes to the integral and harmonious development of the state. The formation of the identity of the Ukrainian nation in the context of European integration processes is a relevant and important field of research for Ukrainian specialists. The article examines the key aspects of the transformation of the Ukrainian national identity in the context of the activation of European integration processes. An analysis of the components of Ukrainian and European identities is carried out, common points of contact are determined in the perspective of their further rapprochement. The process of changing the attitude of Ukrainians towards the European Union after the full-scale invasion of Russia, which is considered the beginning of a new stage in the formation of Ukrainian identity, is considered. The work also defines the prospects for the development of the identity of the Ukrainian nation in the context of gradual entry into the European space. The materials of the article are based on the study of historical experience and analysis of the influence of modern events on the process of self-identification of Ukrainians as an independent nation. The results obtained during the writing of this article contain comprehensive information on the impact of European integration on the process of transformation of Ukrainian national identity., За последние полгода процесс трансформации украинской национальной идентичности существенно активизировался и вышел на новый уровень развития. Глубокое осознание народом своей национальной самобытности способствует целостному и гармоничному развитию государства. Становление идентичности украинской нации в контексте евроинтеграционных процессов – актуальная и важная сфера исследований для украинских специалистов. В статье изучаются ключевые аспекты трансформации украинской национальной идентичности в контексте активизации евроинтеграционных процессов. Проводится анализ компонентов украинской и европейской идентичностей, определяются общие точки соприкосновения в перспективе дальнейшего сближения. Рассматривается процесс изменения отношения украинцев к Европейскому Союзу после полномасштабного вторжения России, считающегося началом нового этапа становления украинской идентичности. В работе также определяются перспективы развития идентичности украинской нации в контексте постепенного вхождения в европейское пространство. Материалы статьи основываются на изучении исторического опыта и анализе влияния современных событий на процесс самоидентификации украинцев как самостоятельной нации., За останні півроку процес трансформації української національної ідентичності значно активізувався та вийшов на новий рівень розвитку. Глибоке усвідомлення народом своєї національної самобутності сприяє цілісному та гармонійному розвитку держави. Становлення ідентичності української нації в контексті євроінтеграційних процесів є актуальною та важливою сферою досліджень для українських фахівців. У статті досліджуються ключові аспекти трансформації української національної ідентичності в контексті активізації євроінтеграційних процесів. Проводиться аналіз компонентів української та європейської ідентичностей, визначаються спільні точки дотику в перспективі їх подальшого зближення. Розглядається процес зміни ставлення українців до Європейського Союзу після повномасштабного вторгнення Росії, який вважається початком нового етапу становлення української ідентичності. У роботі також визначаються перспективи розвитку ідентичності української нації в контексті поступового входження до європейського простору. Матеріали статті базуються на вивченні історичного досвіду та аналізі впливу сучасних подій на процес самоідентифікації українців як самостійної нації.

In 2022, Europe experienced unprecedented citizen mobilizations to help Ukrainian refugees. Based on two parallel scholarship lines, we examined individual prosocial dispositions and superordinate identities related to intentions to help Ukrainians. Employing a French-speaking student sample in Belgium (N = 374), in Study 1 we showed that dispositional prosociality and European identification were both positively related to intentions to help Ukrainians. An interaction qualified these main effects, so that highly prosocial European identifiers were particularly willing to help. With a nationwide quota sample of the French-speaking population in Belgium (N = 371), in Study 2 we identified two processes mediating the relationship of dispositional prosociality and European identification with intentions to help Ukrainians. On the one hand, dispositional prosociality was positively related to empathy towards Ukrainians, which in turn predicted participants’ helping intentions. On the other hand, European identification was positively related to both empathy and identity fusion with Ukrainians, which in turn predicted participants’ helping intentions. Overall, these findings suggest that individual prosocial dispositions and superordinate identities represent two cumulative pathways to intergroup helping. Concluding, we discuss common and specific processes related to intentions to help Ukrainians, as compared to other refugee groups.

UIDB/00183/2020 UIDP/00183/2020 UIDP/03122/2020 Border crossing into the Western world is increasingly becoming a central political question in the beginning of the XXI century. Notably, the growth of populist forms of nationalism in parts of Western Europe and in the Anglosphere is joined by the strong nationalist stances of Eastern Europe’s governments that categorically reject non-European immigration. Overall, these political forces are united in their repudiation of the effects of globalisation, focusing their critiques on how global migration negatively impact national identities. Nevertheless, national-populism is more based on an instinctive reply against unwanted consequences than on a substantive doctrine. Hence, this article goes beyond national-populism and focuses instead on how the criticism of the liberal order is being articulated by identity driven forces, shedding light on their post-liberal visions of the future. Namely, it highlights the growing influence of the political philosophy of the Nouvelle Droite via the multiplication of identitarian movements in the Western world. It argues that border crossing into the West is strongly contributing to the rise of Europeanness. publishersversion published

The following preregistration includes cross-sectional data from the first inquiry period alone. We try to answere the questions: RQ1: Which classes of European identity emerge within a sample of adolescents living in Germany? RQ2: What predicts class membership for European identity?

Review of Vasileios Petrogiannis, European Mobility and Spatial Belongings: Greek and Latvian Migrants in Sweden. Stockholm: Elanders, 2020. 334 pp. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-41915 To view the full text, click on the button "HTML".

European identity exists within nationalist identities. This fact came into existence especially after European Union (EU) came together and evolved. European identity, especially in post-truth era where emotions are being used by politicians to justify their policies, identity politics is useful more than ever. But using populist policies might cause a shift in identity. In this paper concept of post-truth will be examined and a connection with post-truth politics and populism will be linked. After that, European political identity evaluation and acknowledged European values of EU will be examined. Conclusion on a shift occurring in Eastern European identity will be reached due to the evaluation in which Eastern European countries has stronger tendency towards populism., Avrupa kimliği ulusal kimliklerle birlikte var olmaktadır. Bu gerçek, özellikle Avrupa Birliği (AB) kurulduktan ve geliştikten sonra varolmuştur. Avrupa kimliği özellikle politikacıların duyguları kendi politikalarını meşrulaştırmak için kullandıkları hakikat-ötesi (post-truth) döneminde daha da kullanılışlı hale gelmiştir. Ancak popülist politikalar kimlikte bir değişime sebep olabilir. Bu çalışmada hakikat-ötesi konsepti incelenecek ve post-truth politikaları ile popülizm arasında bağlantı kurulacaktır. Sonrasında, Avrupa politik kimlik gelişimi ve AB’nin kabul edilmiş Avrupa değerleri incelenecektir. Doğu Avrupa ülkelerinin popülizme daha kuvvetli bir meyili olduğu gerekçesiyle Doğu Avrupa kimliğinde bir değişim olduğu üzerine bir sonuca varılacaktır.

A key concern for social psychology is to address how social cohesion can be maintained and managed within increasingly diverse societies. The current climate of the European Union (EU), including the impact of Brexit, has brought to the fore the challenges of managing belonging in a large and abstract superordinate group. The ingroup project model takes a somewhat pessimistic view towards superordinate group belonging by emphasizing that subgroups will project their own group’s characteristics onto the larger common group, making them the most prototypical members. Existing evidence shows that projection does occur and that it tends to lead to a sense of entitlement to more resources in a superordinate group. However, limited work has examined how projection intersects with power and perspective-taking. This experiment tests the impact that positive v. negative meta-perceptions (what we think other’s think) of a high-power group has on sense of belonging, intragroup attitudes and willingness to act as a unified superordinate group to tackle a shared challenge. The context of this study is Europe (as the superordinate group), Germany is identified as the high-power and high-prototypicality subgroup in Europe (via Studies 1 and 2 with the same countries) and Serbia, Romania and Turkey are our target countries. Romania is an EU member, Serbia is an EU membership candidate, and Turkey is not part of the EU. In previous studies we find that each country rates itself quite low in terms of Europeanness and in terms of power in Europe. We therefore want to examine whether the perspectives of those more powerful within a shared collective group (Europe) have an impact on sense of belonging, willingness to act as a European collective to tackle the ongoing refugee crisis, and also potential secondary consequences of negative perspective such as intragroup dislike. To do so, we will manipulate the meta-perceptions about Germany and create three conditions. In the first condition, participants will be presented with a vignette, which says that German people think positively of Romanian/Serbian/Turkish people (positive). In the second condition, participants will be presented with a vignette, which says that German people think negatively of Romanian/Serbian/Turkish people (negative). Finally, in the control condition, participants will be presented with a vignette, which does not say anything about how German people think of Romanian/Serbian/Turkish people (control).

This dissertation aims to explore and complete the existent literature regarding student mobility in Europe. Furthermore, it intends to provide an understanding of the motivations, perceptions, and pre-conceptions of Erasmus Mundus students, also known as `super mobile` students. This dissertation will focus on students undertaking the EMJMD in Tourism and Culture (TourDC), taking place in Scotland, Malta, Sweden, and Portugal. The research has been made through semi-structured interviews conducted amongst a sample of fourteen TourDC students or alumni X. It thus attempts to further our understanding about how students live their academic and cultural experiences during the Erasmus Mundus TourDC programme. The obligation of the findings are firstly understanding the motivations of Erasmus Mundus TourDC students; secondly, the study of the cultural acclimatisation to the countries visited during the programme; and finally the identification of potential patterns for Erasmus Mundus students in terms of family, education, and cultural backgrounds. This paper demonstrates that almost all the students had a positive experience throughout their mobilities and therefore now feel prepared to pursue their chosen career path after graduation.

By the end of the first decade of the 21st Century, European policies on languages were in a situation of flux. Between roughly 1985 and 2005 there was a relatively smooth development characterized by an implicit and explicit commitment to multilingualism. More recently, however, things have appeared rather less clear cut, both internationally and in individual countries. This paper problematizes the interplay between language and identity, which although not a new issue, takes on particular significance in the mobile, interconnected world of the 21st century. Drawing on the data collected in three major surveys in 2012, it touches upon two major issues: 1) the reality of individual multilingualism in fostering the sense of community among Europeans and as a factor for European identity formation; and 2) broadening of the traditional concept of language policy – from its narrow content as language planning of the national or official language to a broader concept including a wider range of agents, types of activities, level of explicitness and concreteness of application. Is there a need to develop specific language policies “beyond the state” in regions or more commonly in multilingual cities as its natural locus? The paper argues that the essentially liberal world view of multilingualism creating mutual understanding is rather more nuanced when it comes to reflections on the impact of language on identity and on European identity in particular. It also argues for re‑scoping and re‑thinking of the European model of multilingualism.

The Internet, and specifically the World Wide Web, has always been a useful tool in the effort to achieve more outward-looking economies. The launch of the .eu TLD (top-level domain) in December of 2005 introduced the concept of a pan-European Internet identity that aimed to enhance the status of European citizens and businesses on the global Web. In this study, the countries of origin of websites that choose to use the .eu TLD are investigated and the reasoning behind that choice, as well as its relation to each country’s economy and external trade are discussed. Using the Web as a tool, information regarding a vast number of existing .eu websites was collected, through means of Web data extraction, and this information was analyzed and processed by a detailed algorithm that produced results concerning each website’s most probable country of origin based on a multitude of factors. This acquired knowledge was then used to investigate relations with each member-state’s presence in its local ccTLD, its GDP and its external trade revenue. The study establishes a correlation between presence in the .eu TLD and external trade that is both independent of a country’s GDP and stronger than the relation between its local ccTLD presence and external trade.

The paper studies Volyn competition-festival movement. The aim is to reveal the features of formation of this movement in the aspect of the search for cultural identity. The hypothesis of this study was that Volyn competition-festival movement is an important form of developing the cultural identity for the Volyn community. The research was conducted on the basis of academic papers, dissertations, and monographs. The main stages of the formation of Volyn competition-festival movement were observed, as well as the organization of various competitions and festivals. Analysis of the selected literature allowed to identify the body of literature on the Volyn competition-festival movement phenomenon, to describe its manifestations and forms. Volyn competitions and festivals were classified by genre, style, thematic criteria, and more. Finally, the results of the analysis were generalized and the role of Volyn competition-festival movement in the formation of Volyn community cultural identity was determined., Досліджено конкурсно-фестивальний рух Волині. Мета статті— розкрити особливості формування конкурсно-фестивального руху Волині в аспекті пошуків культурної ідентичності. Гіпотезою дослідження було положення про те, що конкурсно-фестивальний рух Волині є однією з важливих форм формування культурної ідентичності волинської громади. Дослідження проведене шляхом збирання джерельної бази з обраної проблематики— підбору наукових статей, дисертацій, монографій, а також здійснення власних спостережень за основними етапами формування конкурсно-фестивального руху Волині, організацією і проведенням різних конкурсів та фестивалів. Наступним кроком був аналіз літератури для з’ясування ступеня дослідженості явища конкурсно-фестивального руху Волині, опису його проявів і форм. Було зроблено спробу класифікації конкурсів і фестивалів Волині за жанровими, стильовими, тематичними критеріями тощо. Підсумком дослідження стало узагальнення результатів проведеного аналізу, визначення ролі конкурсно-фестивального руху Волині у формуванні культурної ідентичності волинської громади.

This paper looks at European integration and specifi cally at its institutional form – the European Union from an ideological perspective. The author claims that ‘Europeanism’ has become a new ideology shared among intellectual, political, judicatory, societal, and even dominant economic elites that influence or shape the European Union as an institution and its major policies. As an ideology, ‘Europeanism’ is a somewhat exotic mixture of various, seemingly incoherent trends that give the current European Union its intriguing characteristics. On the one hand, economically, one can easily identify numerous elements of neoliberalism, especially regarding the financial aspects of European integration. Likewise, arguments used by the major proponents of European integration vis-à-vis USA, China, or Japan are of neoliberal character. At the same time, regarding international trade in agricultural products, intellectual property, or internal (single market) competition (freedom of labour) one rather quickly spots distinct elements of protectionism and over-regulation. Finally, in terms of philosophical outlook and especially moral issues, ‘Europeanism’ seems to be mostly focusing on the progressive agenda.

In an attempt to foster its citizens’ identification with Europe, the European Union has made a great effort to identify what can be called ‘common European heritage’. Many heritage initiatives, centred around the idea that heritage should be designated as European by the member states’ heritage sectors, have proven counterproductive – instead of reaching their goal to construct a more stable European identity, they served as repositories of national pride and tools in the negotiation of nationalist claims of the member states. Through the empirical case of the EU’s own Maastricht Treaty and the peculiar ways it became ‘common European heritage’ within the Dutch state heritage sector, in this paper we analyze the discursive tactics of national policy makers and the power dynamics between national and EU heritage regimes in the process of designating heritage as European. We demonstrate that even EU states with more constitutional traditions like the Netherlands maintain a powerful role in the construction of heritage as an unchangeable set of traditions and values strictly defined within the national boundaries, lacking the mechanisms to change their state-sanctioned and firmly established ways of defining heritage as ‘national’ and to legitimatize EU heritage narratives.

The presented article, based on the empirical study materials, examines the concept of European identity and the attitude to the European integration of the young people in a number of the EU countries. The relevance of the study is determined by the lack of a clear definition of the concept of “European identity” in the scientific discourse, as well as the need to assess to what extent the opinion of Europeans, in particular of the younger generation, coincides with the statements of researchers in this field. The objective of this study is to determine how representatives of European youth understand European identity, to highlight its main elements and assess the impact of European integration processes on the formation of European and national identities. Students from European countries were selected as the target group of the study, since their worldview was formed in the context of a united Europe. The research was carried out within the framework of the Erasmus + Jean Monnet Project “Transformation of identities in Europe and Russia in modern conditions” (Project No. 611458-EPP-1-2019-1-RU-EPPJMO-PROJECT). In conducting the research, the in-depth interview was chosen as the main method.he results of the study showed that respondents, whilst identifying themselves as Europeans, still find their national identity more important. Among the elements of European identity, the respondents name, first of all, “European values” (mobility, freedom, democracy), as well as cultural (religion) and behavioral characteristics (love of travel). The study results are preliminary and allow us to identify the most significant trends in the formation of the modern European identity, that will serve as the basis for further research.

The role of religion in the structure of European identity was not on the top of agenda before the discussion of the Constitution project, but in the light of the intensive migration and Brexit this question appears to be more and more important. The issue of the interconnection between religion and European identity has several dimensions: the role of believing and belonging as well as Christianity and it forms in construction and functioning of European identity and feeling of Europeanness. The correlation analysis of Eurobarometer data (2009-2019), European Value Study (2d and 3d waves) and World Value Survey (1st-6th waves) data allows us to prove that, being secular in its roots, European identity has intense ties with religiousness. Religion appears to be a factor of European identity not within any confession, but more as a faith. Nevertheless, correlation analysis also demonstrates differences in the influence of Christian confessions on the one’s self-identification as European, which allows to look wider at the religion function in European Identity and claimed European values (mainly of secular and Enlightenment origin) in historical retrospective. This means that religion perspective not only reopens the discussion of the substance of being European, but also is one of key approaches to the urgent issues of peaceful group coexistence within European Union. Роль религии в структуре европейской идентичности не была на повестке дня до обсуждения проекта Конституции, но в свете интенсивной миграции и Brexit этот вопрос представляется все более и более важным. Взаимосвязь между религией и европейской идентичностью имеет несколько измерений: роль веры, а также христианства и его ветвей в построении и функционировании европейской идентичности и чувства европейскости. Корреляционный анализ данных Евробарометра (2009-2019), European Value Study (2 и 3 волны) и World Value Survey (1-6 волны) позволяет доказать, что, будучи секулярной по своей природе, европейская идентичность имеет тесные связи с религиозностью. Религия представляется фактором европейской идентичности не в рамках какой-либо конфессии, а скорее как вера. Тем не менее корреляционный анализ также демонстрирует различия во влиянии христианских конфессий на самоидентификацию человека как европейца, что позволяет взглянуть шире на функцию религии в европейской идентичности и декларируемых европейских ценностях (в основном светского и просветительского происхождения) в исторической ретроспективе. Религиозная перспектива не только открывает дискуссию о сущности европейской идентичности, но также является одним из ключевых подходов к проблеме мирного сосуществования групп в рамках Европейского союза.

The authors of this contribution are participants in a project, the EUPavilion, that investigates the relationship between European institutions and architecture with the aim to rekindle the debate on Europe as a cultural entity as opposed to a mere political-economic union. Particularly lively around the year 2000, at the time of the introduction of the single currency and the Eastern enlargement of the European Union, this debate came to a halt with the failure of the European Constitution project, and was permanently put to rest by the arrival of the 2008 economic crisis. Now, with a view to restarting the process twenty years on, we thought it could be useful to revisit some of the key events of the time with Romano Prodi, the Italian politician who more than any other contributed to the European integration process.

In the modern world, there is a growing interest in the problem of forming a person’s identity. The category of “identity,” despite the diversity of theoretical and empirical research, remains complex. The article is devoted to the study of transformations of the collective identity of Ukrainian citizens after the Revolution of Dignity, in the context of the Russian-Ukrainian war in Eastern Ukraine. In the period from 2013 to 2019, there have been radical changes in many spheres of public life in Ukraine. The Revolution of Dignity, the annexation of the Crimea, and the war in the Donbas all led to significant political, legal, and socio-economic and socio-cultural changes that contributed to the processes of the transformation of the collective identity of Ukrainian citizens. The aim of this article is to study the dynamics of the changes in the collective identity of Ukrainian citizens after the Revolution of Dignity through the prism of the integrative approach.

Dynamika procesów integracji europejskiej na Ukrainie, które w ciągu ostatnich dziesięciu lat były ukierunkowane programem Partnerstwa Wschodniego, ma swoje niezaprzeczalne sukcesy. Niemniej jednak w obecnej sytuacji geopolitycznej mogą pojawić się zagrożenia zarówno dla Ukrainy, jak i całej Wspólnoty Europejskiej. W obliczu agresji wojskowej Federacji Rosyjskiej, Ukraina szczególnie dąży do przezwyciężenia barier niepewności, zmienności, złożoności i niejednoznaczności, które od zawsze towarzyszyły jej przy uprawianiu polityki zagranicznej i przy wyborze tożsamości europejskiej. W tym kontekście kwestia tożsamości politycznej pozostaje priorytetem, ponieważ uwzględnienie cech identyfikacyjnych, studium ewolucji i zrozumienie kierunków rozwoju tożsamości politycznej społeczeństwa ukraińskiego przyczynia się do spełnienia wymogów dotyczących wejścia państwa ukraińskiego do europejskiego systemu politycznego. Obecnie tożsamość Ukraińców, która jest wciąż w fazie kształtowania, charakteryzuje się pewną niejednoznacznością. Jednocześnie da się zaobserwować tendencję do dążenia do przyjęcia europejskiego systemu wartości jako przeciwwagi dla systemu rosyjskiego i radzieckiego. Wśród podstawowych tożsamości politycznych, które ukształtowały się w społeczeństwie ukraińskim pod wpływem czynników historycznych, geopolitycznych i kulturowych, wyróżniono dwie konkurencyjne i niekompatybilne grupy: Zachodnia - ukraińska i europejska; Wschodnia - radziecka i rosyjska (w tym kontekście tożsamości nie są traktowane jako etniczne, chodzi wyłącznie o konstrukt polityczny.) W artykule przeanalizowano osiągnięcia Ukrainy w zakresie integracji europejskiej w ciągu ostatnich lat, które nie tylko pozytywnie wpływają na dynamikę wzrostu tożsamości europejskiej i ukraińskiej, ale także zapobiegają popularyzacji tożsamości konkurencyjnych. Kierunek europejski dzisiaj jednoznacznie sprzyja konsolidacji narodu ukraińskiego, co pozytywnie wpływa na rozwój współpracy z Unią Europejską w sferze politycznej, gospodarczej i kulturalnej. The dynamics of European integration in Ukraine, defined by the Eastern Partnership Programme over the last decade, has attained many undeniable successes. Still, the current geopolitical situation leaves room for risks for both Ukraine and the entire community of European states. Faced with Russia’s armed aggression, Ukraine is especially intent upon tackling the barriers of volatility, uncertainty, complexity, and ambiguity, which for years have been inherent in its foreign policy, and its choice of European identity. That having been said, the issue of political identity remains as urgent as ever, since taking account of the identifying features, and the study of the evolution and trends of the political identity of Ukrainian society paves the way for Ukraine’s integration into the European political system. Now, the identity of Ukrainians, which is still at the formative stage, can be described as partially ambivalent. In the meanwhile, a tendency towards acquiring the European system of values, in contrast to the Russian and Soviet ones, is being observed as well. Among the prevalent political identities that have emerged in Ukrainian societies under various historical, geopolitical, and cultural circumstances, two incompatibles yet competing groups—Western, represented by Ukrainian and European identities, and Eastern, represented by Russian and Soviet identities—can be discerned. In this regard, identities are not interpreted in terms of ethnicity but as politically constructible. The article analyses Ukraine’s European integration successes over the last years, which not only contributes to the upstream dynamics of European and Ukrainian identities but also prevents competitive identities from going forward. Today, the European foreign policy course indisputably unites the Ukrainian nation, having a positive impact on its cooperation with the European Union in terms of politics, economy, and culture.

Europe has recently become closely associated with LGBTQ rights. It remains unclear, however, what is the role of this association in everyday European imaginations and identifications. Empirical research on European identity hardly ever discusses the role of LGBTQ rights. Nor do we know much about European identifications of LGBTQ people themselves. In this article, I address those gaps from the perspective of Polish LGBTQs in the UK. Drawing on 30 interviews from a recent two-year research project, I discuss my participants’ European imaginations and identifications by developing the concepts of ‘uncanny Europe’ and ‘protective Europeanness’. I show how my participants tend to view Europe as ‘diverse’, ‘open’ and ‘tolerant’, while attributing those characteristics exclusively to Western Europe. I also demonstrate that they tend to readily identify as European in the context of increasingly hostile national identities, with the increasing anti-Polish xenophobia in the UK and growing anti-LGBTQ discrimination in Poland.

Este capítulo visa fazer uma análise da (crise da) identidade europeia através de um conjunto de cartoons coligidos a partir da rede social Facebook, na tentativa de compreender as narrativas produzidas acerca da União Europeia atravessada por eventos críticos mediatizados, designadamente a crise migratória ou dos refugiados e o Brexit. As representações visuais analisadas revelam a complexidade das narrativas identitárias que circulam nesta rede social sobre a Europa, ao sinalizarem contradições, impasses e ameaças da integração europeia na última década, mas também promovem a construção de identidades reflexivas, isto é, ancoradas na relação prática dos europeus com o projeto da União Europeia., This chapter aims to analyze the European identity (crisis) through a set of cartoons collected from the social media Facebook in order to understand the narratives produced about the European Union, crossed by mediatized critical events, namely the migratory’s crisis or refugees, and Brexit. The analyzed visual representations, reveal the complexity of the identity narratives about Europe to circulate on this social media, by pointing out contradictions, impasses, and threats of the European integration in the last decade. However, they also promote the construction of reflective identities, that is, anchored in the practical relationship of the Europeans with the European Union project., Este capítulo tiene como objetivo analizar la (crisis de) identidad europea a través de un conjunto decartoons recogidos de la red social Facebook, en un intento de comprender las narrativas producidas sobre la Unión Europea atravesadas por hechos críticos mediatizados, a saber, la crisis migratoria o los refugiados y Brexit. Las representaciones visuales analizadas revelan la complejidad de las narrativas identitarias que circulan en esta red social sobre Europa, al señalar contradicciones, impasses y amenazas a la integración europea en la última década, pero también promueven la construcción de identidades reflexivas, es decir, ancladas en el relación práctica de los europeos con el proyecto de la Unión Europea., Este trabalho faz parte de um projecto de Doutoramento, financiado pela Fundação para a Ciência e a Tecnologia (FCT), no âmbito da Bolsa de Doutoramento atribuída com a referência 2020.08656.BD.

The decision to emigrate is almost always preceded by a period of unhappiness, and those who leave their homeland rely on this major change to improve their well-being. The strategies used by immigrants to integrate socially in the host country differ depending on several factors, such as: age, education, marital status, religion, connection to pre-existing support networks between compatriots, language proficiency or their long-term projections. In this paper we deliver a case study revealing a new pattern of migration: exponents of the Romanian middle class who choose emigration in their mid-life considering that Brussels, more than any other potential destination, ensures favourable conditions to reach their well-being aspirations. The study is a qualitative research based on data obtained through semi-structured interviews and questionnaires, correlated with official quantitative data provided by Statbel, Eurostat, the European Commission, and the European Parliament on the migration of Romanians, particularly focusing on those with tertiary education. The findings of this research define the highly skilled Romanian immigrants in Brussels as a population that capitalizes on 1) European citizenship 2) tertiary achievement and 3) multilingualism, thus obtaining a transnational lifestyle and a stage of well-being that was still inaccessible in their country of origin, regardless of social status.

This paper presents a tripartite analysis of the political use of the Europa and the Bull myth in pro-European and Eurosceptical representations using the "in-between" concept. The "in-between" has long been used in philosophy and architecture and has been presented by Elizabeth Grosz (2001) within a broader context as an insightful tool for analysis. Here I use it to reveal the inner meanings of the myth and its political uses. First, I analyse how this concept of the "in-between" unfolds in two fundamental ideas of the myth, transformation (or metamorphosis) and transition (or transportation), signifying on a symbolic and political level a passage from one place/state of being to another, thus making it instrumental in shaping the political dynamic of the myth in the twentieth and twenty-first century. Secondly, I examine the role of this "in-between" concept in the process of the transformation of the myth from a cultural to a political one and in the use of the myth as such during times of European Union (EU) conflicts. Finally, I present artworks created by contemporary Greek artists in the years 2002-2018 as evidence of the above, setting their work on the international stage of artistic responses within the political arena.

The Network of European Museum Organisations (NEMO) was founded in 1992 withthe goal of facilitating cooperation between museums in Europe. Today, the networkworks closely with the European Union to advocate for museum professionals on aEuropean level. Its members, museums and museum organizations from countries in theCouncil of Europe, are heavily encouraged to take initiatives to improve jointinternational efforts. The repeated contacts of NEMO with the EU as well as their workto bring European museums together raise the question of the promotion of Europeanvalues and European identity: the hypothesis is that, in statements on the organization’swebpage, themes and patterns that coincide with the construction and defense ofEuropean identity will appear. To what extent does NEMO advocate for a Europeanidentity? How does it relate cultural heritage to European identity, and how is this relationrepresented in their dialogue with the EU? To answer the research questions, a qualitativedata analysis was conducted. This revealed, throughout the material, multiple instancesof NEMO reinforcing the principles of European values and European identity – and notjust in terms of exhibitions, but the people behind them as well: museum professionalsare incited to develop their own identity as well. Some of the arguments were reminiscentof Hobsbawm’s theories on the construction of nationalism. NEMO also defends cultureand cultural heritage as keystones of European identity, especially considering thevulnerability of the world of culture in situations of crisis. Therefore, NEMO uses culturalheritage to support the construction of a European identity among citizens, includingmuseum professionals; this relation is used as a foundation of their advocacy work at theEuropean level.

European identity has become a central issue in the EU’s political imaginary. In recent years, European identity—and related notions of a European destiny, European culture, and a European narrative—has been deployed as a weapon against the rise of the political far-right across Europe. Epideictic rhetoric is thus at the heart of the EU’s political debate. The purpose of this study is to investigate how the EU works rhetorically with collective identity formation and to examine the implications of such formations for both the EU and its citizens. Through rhetorical and topological close readings, the study explores these practices of identity formation from a thematic as well as a diachronic perspective (1973–2014). It does so with the theory of constitutive rhetoric as its framework even as it proposes to extend the theory’s subject field in terms of constitutive means, temporal imaginaries, and projected practices. Each analytical chapter addresses a different aspect of the EU’s constitutive rhetoric: The transition from the formation of an institutional identity to the formation of collective identity and how the means of identity formation have both altered and accumulated; the EU’s historiographical construction of a new narrative that reaches beyond the lifetime of the union in search of a more authentic past to use as a foundation in present and future mythology. This narrative hinges on the founding narrative of peace that enables the EU to act as a normative exemplum in Europe and beyond; and, finally, the visionary rhetoric of eternity and omnipresence that incorporates the whole world into its own imaginary, while simultaneously projecting a specific set of norms that constrains the agency of the model EU citizen: the Eurostar. The study concludes that throughout its practices of collective identity formation, the EU is positioned as an ambivalent rhetorical agent. On the one hand, the EU wishes to become recognised and mythologised as the Subject—the heart of Europe, a state of mind, a symbol of transcendence, peace, and tolerance. On the other, to be viewed as the silent benefactor and facilitator of peace and deliberation, the arbiter of soft, nonideological power. The Eurostar fills the important function of confirming the self-interpellation of the EU’s ambivalent position and embodying the culture of nonideological deliberation in the face of the ideology of others.

This paper uses communicative-pragmatic analysis and a corpus-based method to investigate multidimensional axiological interpretation of Europäische Identität notion as a unifying political concept. The study focuses on European identity discourse as presented in German mass media. The study shows strategic relevance of the concept and its unifying potential both within the EU framework, and in wider European domain. The analysis reveals that primary and secondary collocators actualized with the notion convey both the topicality and inconsistency of the concept. Moreover, the results show that identity and personal / collective self-determination discourse is characterized by polemic nature and various evaluations that predominantly feature the tactics of doubt and mistrust to the unifying potential of European identity concept.

The Winter Online Lecture Series on Europe will take place in December 2021 in connection with the courses “History of European integration (1919-1993)” (MAHEC-S1-M6i) and “Economic and social history of Europe after 1945” (MAHEC-S3-M5iii) from the Master in European Contemporary History, and the course “Democratic transitions in Central and Eastern Europe” (BCE-EU-301-04) from the Bachelor in European Cultures, with the aim of giving students on these programmes, as well as the wider academic community at the University of Luxembourg, the opportunity to find out about the history and workings of the European institutions in Luxembourg from new and unconventional angles and to discuss some of the milestones in contemporary European history with people who were involved in or witnessed these events. Each session (in French, with Q&A session in French and English) will be streamed via Webex and will include a presentation by a speaker, followed by a discussion with the audience and the opportunity to ask questions.

This work investigates the role of digital heritage in the cultural policy of the European Commission (EC). Over the past two decades, the European Union has encouraged the digitisation of almost every aspect of the cultural sector in the member states. To this end, the EC has financed many expensive grants resulting in the creation of a plethora of new techniques and digital heritage infrastructures, and the drastic transformation of how, in Europe, cultural heritage institutions collaborate and people discover their past. By critically exploring the agendas and effects of the European digital heritage revolution, this dissertation explores how digital heritage imposes a new layer of meaning on cultural heritage within Europe and how this affects the way digital heritage is generated, used, and perceived. The object of this work is Europeana, the European platform for digital cultural heritage. Launched in 2008, Europeana is today the most extensive and most significant digital cultural initiative and driver of digitisation in Europe. Through its work, Europeana governs the Europeanisation of the cultural heritage sector. To understand the role of digital heritage in the Europeanisation of cultural heritage, this dissertation seeks to answer three interlocking questions. Firstly, which objectives and aspirations drove the digital cultural heritage policy of the EU? To answer this question, this dissertation traces the evolution of the policy framework of the EU that guided the digital transformation. This allows us to assess the political visions that informed the processes of digitisation of the European cultural sector. Secondly, which policy instruments did the EU develop to implement its digital cultural heritage policy? The ideal of fostering European cultural identity through digital instruments has resulted in standards and best practices for the cultural sector. Therefore, central in this analysis is Europeana, the Infrastructure designated by the Commission as the instrument to support cultural heritage institutions’ digitisation. By tracing its historical evolution, this work demonstrates that Europeana represents at the same time a policy instrument governing the digital transformation of cultural heritage institutions and a vehicle for the construction of European narratives that actively governs the Europeanisation of the cultural heritage sector. Thirdly, what has been the impact of digital technologies and standards on the missions and curatorial practices of heritage institutions throughout Europe? The aim is to analyse the impact of the standards and best practices promoted by Europeana on curatorial processes of heritage institutions. On the one hand, this requires a reflection on the multidisciplinary competencies required for creating and managing digital cultural heritage collections. On the other hand, this work analyses the role of digital heritage in the process of identity formation and in the transmission of cultural values. The conceptual goal of this dissertation is not only to determine the technological, political, and ethical assumptions at the base of the digital strategies but also to assess how cultural heritage institutions in Europe put these strategies into practice. This work investigates the effects of EU digital cultural policies, assessing whether they have successfully transformed our engagement with the past.

Partindo da questão “como é que o sentimento de pertença e a demoicracia poderão contribuir para a construção de uma identidade europeia?”, procuro aqui substantificar uma investigação aprofundada sobre os fatores que poderão justificar o caminho percorrido até hoje e as prospeções futuras no âmbito da identidade europeia. Assim, com o Construtivismo Social como pano de fundo ontológico, realizo uma reflexão detalhada sobre o conceito de identidade e seus derivados destacando, em particular, a identidade social e a identidade coletiva. Analisando a história da UE e aplicando as noções gerais de identidade à realidade europeia, chego à conclusão de que não se poderá afirmar que exista, na atualidade, uma identidade europeia no seu sentido pleno. Para sustentar esta noção, optei por recorrer ao sentimento de pertença e à demoicracia como principais eixos problemáticos, refletindo criticamente sobre a evolução do sentimento de pertença na UE, a vertente social da Europeização e a aplicabilidade das premissas da demoicracia ao contexto europeu; caracterizando, correlacionando e sistematizando estes fatores. Neste seguimento, o meu principal argumento é de que, caso no futuro se deseje efetivamente construir uma identidade europeia no seu sentido mais pleno, será então fundamental que se respeite a natureza demoicrática da UE e que se crie condições para um aprofundamento do sentimento de pertença europeu. Para melhor suportar este argumento e a correspondente análise teórica e literária, recorri a dados estatísticos do Eurobarómetro e do “Perceive Project” referentes à variação das atitudes e perceções dos cidadãos europeus relativamente à sua pertença à UE. With "how can the sense of belonging and demoicracy contribute to the construction of a European identity?" as the main research question, I hereby seek here to substantiate a thorough investigation on the factors that may justify the path taken so far and the future prospects in the field of European Identity. Thus, with Social Constructivism as an ontological background, I here conduct a detailed reflection on the concept of identity and its derivatives, highlighting, in particular, social identity and collective identity. By analyzing the history of the EU and applying the general notions of identity to the European reality, I’ve arrived to the conclusion that it cannot be said that a European identity, in its full sense, actually exists today. To support this notion, I’ve selected sense of belonging and demoicracy as the main problematic axes, critically reflecting on the evolution of the sense of belonging in the EU, the social feature of Europeanization and the applicability of the premises of demoicracy to the European context; characterizing, correlating and systematizing these factors. Hereafter, my main argument would be that, if, in the future, one wishes to effectively build a European Identity in its fullest sense, it will be absolutely vital to respect the demoicratic nature of the EU and to create the conditions for a deepening of the European sense of belonging. To better support this argument and the corresponding theoretical and literary analysis, I’ve used statistical data from Eurobarometer and the “Perceive Project” on the variation in the attitudes and perceptions of European citizens regarding their belonging to the EU.

This paper refers to the ambivalence of secularization in order to explain why Cultural Christianity can show both a liberal and illiberal character. These two faces of Cultural Christianity are mostly due to the identity functions that, not only faith-based religion, but a particularly culturalized version of religion, entails. Proceeding from this, it will be demonstrated here how Cultural Christianity can turn into a concrete illiberal marker of identity or a resource for illiberal collective identity. Our argument focuses on the link between right-wing nationalism and Cultural Christianity from a historical-theoretical perspective, and illustrates the latter with the example of contemporary illiberal and selective European memory constructions including a special emphasis on the exclusivist elements., Finanziert durch den Open-Access-Publikationsfonds der Westfälischen Wilhelms-Universität Münster (WWU Münster).

In this paper we tackle the concept of European identity and the way in which it is communicated by the Publication Office of the European Union. We downloaded the publications of the Publication Office labelled with ‘European Identity’, and we analysed them through Topic Modelling, eliciting six topics that constitute those documents. We analysed these topics against the different dimensions of European Identity, as described by literature: the civic component of the European identity is partly represented by a topic dealing with the rule of law and National and European identities. The cultural dimension of the European identity characterises analysed documents to a wider extent, as three topics deal with common history, heritage, and culture. In particular, a topic connecting European identity with common cultural values and education is the more used in our sample of documents, and the one which is characterising more and more these documents over time. We argue that this trend signals a particular emphasis by the European Union in identifying European Identity with shared cultural values that can be taught.

The current European context is characterised by the emergence of socio-political tensions that threaten to derail the cohesion objectives traditionally promoted by the authorities of the European Union. With EU citizenship in the shadow of Brexit, the fear of dismemberment of the current Europe of the 28 looms over a renewed debate on concepts like European identity, European citizenship or EU legitimacy and the involvement of its constituents in European affairs, as well as the role of education for promoting democratic awareness among young Europeans. This work aims to collect, appraise and synthesise qualitative evidence obtained in primary research exploring the perceptions of European university students about their civic and cultural identity. This systematic analysis sets out to identify predictors of positive self-identification with the EU and its institutions, focusing on the impact that different educational interventions have had on the attitudes and perceptions expressed by university students, and the importance of foreign language learning in the results obtained. The authors report their assessment of quality of the findings in a Cochrane-style qualitative evidence synthesis (QES), based on the GRADE-CERQual (Confidence in Evidence from Reviews of Qualitative research) method. The 12 informed findings described in this study support decision-making in future education policy formulation.

espanolEn el periodo actual caracterizado por las fuertes tensiones entre un paradigma nacionalista e iliberal y la propia idea de “Union mediante el Derecho” asume una dimension central el principio del Estado de Derecho. Para configurarse como norma de convivencia de la sociedad europea este principio ha de ser reelaborado en la doble direccion de tension dialectica con las normas democraticas, por un lado, y de comparacion dialectica con las “tradiciones constitucionales comunes”, por el otro. El presente ensayo pretende analizar tales cuestiones identitarias mediante la nueva metodologia del ecart. francaisDans la periode actuelle caracterisee par les fortes tensions entre un paradigme nationaliste et intolerant et l’idee meme de « l’Union par le droit » prend une dimension centrale le principe de l’Etat de droit. Pour etre configure comme une regle de coexistence de la societe europeenne, ce principe doit etre retravaille dans la double direction de la tension dialectique avec les normes democratiques, d’une part, et de la comparaison dialectique avec les «traditions constitutionnelles communes», d’autre part. Cet essai vise a analyser ces questions d’identite a l’aide de la nouvelle methodologie de l’«ecart ». EnglishIn the current period of strong tensions between a nationalist and illiberal paradigm and the very idea of "Union by law" the principle of the rule of law assumes a central dimension. In order to be configured as a rule of European society’s cohabitation, this principle has to be reworked in the dual direction of dialectical tension with democratic norms, on the one hand, and of dialectical comparison with "common constitutional traditions", on the other. This essay aims to analyse these identity issues using the new ecart methodology.