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Despite a growing literature that addresses racial connections in detaining immigrants for deportation purposes, research on how race and race‐making operate in detention centres remains scant. This research draws on interview data collected from volunteers visiting detention facilities across the UK and bridges a Foucauldian analytics of power with a relational perspective on race and racism to explore ways in which race operates and is experienced and resisted by actors involved in everyday relations of the space. Findings illuminate everyday workings and interactional dynamics that characterise detention centres and varied interpretations of visitors about race and race‐making in those spaces of confinement. Despite differences in interpretations, visitors’ accounts commonly point to the centrality of racialising ideas of migrant “undeservingness” and “deportability” in shaping embodied, affective, and experiential realities of the visiting rooms of detention centres, and various ways in which actors resist those identifications.

Caseworkers of the Repatriation and Departure Service (DT&V), responsible for enforcing return orders in the Netherlands, systematically orchestrate “return conversations” with rejected asylum seekers and apprehended irregular migrants in hopes of realising the return of their “clients” without physical force. Based on semi-structured interviews, we analyse which strategies the caseworkers use under which conditions and what they think about their strategies' (in)effectiveness. The analysis is informed by Scott's institutional theory and Lipsky's concept of street-level bureaucracy. Our results show that caseworkers prefer regulative strategies but are under organisational pressure to also use normative and cultural-cognitive strategies, especially when migrants cannot be deported. According to the caseworkers, these cases are often the most labour-intensive and the normative and cultural-cognitive arguments used are considered rarely successful. Also, these arguments seem to conflict with their social norms and cultural-cognitive beliefs. We develop three hypotheses which can be used in future research.

This article examines the use of time as a technology of migration control for the deportation of non-citizen children in Belgium and the Netherlands. The scarce literature on the 'time politics' of migration enforcement shows that states are under increasing pressure to speed up deportations, especially for non-citizens convicted of criminal offences. However, as immigration is increasingly linked to social, political and economic categories of personhood, making different immigrant groups subject to the logic of deportation in very specific ways, it is important to inquire separately how the positioning of children affects the policy measures taken towards them. This article is therefore based on an intersectional analysis of parliamentary inquiries, policy guidelines and 25 interviews with immigration officers. It shows that the pace of children's deportation procedures is highly asymmetrical and that it is premised on the intersectional markers of difference that are invoked in these policies, debates and implementation efforts. The intersections of age and parenthood, imbued with gender norms, racialisation and class, impact the sense of urgency or meticulousness devoted to individual cases and in turn the concrete measures taken to justify minors' deportation.

This article describes the basic rights and obligations of refugees by the legislation of Ukraine.The rights and obligations of refugees by the legislation of Ukraine are properly established in accordance with international legal standards, and the main problem in modern Ukraine is compliance with the legislation on the rights of refugees. This category of individuals often experiences difficulties in connection with registration at the place of residence, obtaining permanent or temporary housing, employment at a new place of residence. There are difficulties with medical care and pension provision.The rights of refugees are a general component of the human rights system, the presence of a special mechanism for the protection of their rights does not mean for them exclusion from the general system of protection of human rights and freedoms, but it is organically included in the system of international legal protection of human rights.The presence of a large number of refugees in the world indicates numerous problems in the peaceful coexistence of states in various regions of the planet, including, unfortunately, in Europe, where more than 10 million Ukrainians have already become refugees as a result of full-scale brazen Russian aggression, in addition, there are many refugees in Europe, from conflicts in Afghanistan, Somalia, Syria, Iraq, Georgia, Kosovo, Nagorno-Karabakh. As a result of objective circumstances, all these people were forced to leave their native homes and become refugees. The presence of millions of refugees from different parts of the world indicates the need for radical reforms of the UN, which is increasingly finding it difficult to ensure international law and order and conflict resolution, and also indicates the need to improve the mechanism for the protection of human rights at the universal level.Human rights, protection and promotion of the realization of rights have always been and remain a priority area of activity of our state. At the current stage, in the conditions of the military regime introduced in Ukraine, the need to improve the existing mechanisms for the protection of human rights, including refugees and forced migrants who are forced to leave their places of permanent residence, is becoming extremely urgent. The activities of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees and his cooperation with the Government of Ukraine are important in this area., У даній статті розкрито основні права та обовʼязки біженців за законодавством України. Права та обов’язки біженців у законодавстві України закріплені належним чином у відповідності до міжнародно-правових стандартів, а основна проблема у сучасній Україні – у дотриманні законодавства про права біженців. Нерідко ця категорія фізичних осіб зазнає складнощів у зв’язку із реєстрацією за місцем проживання, отримання постійного або тимчасового житла, працевлаштування на новому місці проживання. Є труднощі з медичним обслуговуванням і пенсійним забезпеченням.Права біженців є складовою загальною системи прав людини, наявність особливого механізму захисту їх прав не означає для них виключення із загальної системи захисту прав і свобод людини, а він органічно включений до системи міжнародно-правового захисту прав людини.Наявність великої кількості біженців у світі свідчить про численні проблеми у мирному співіснуванні держав у різних регіонах планети, в тому числі на жаль і в Європі, де понад 10 мільйонів українців вже стали біженцями, внаслідок повномасштабної зухвалої російської агресії, крім того, є багато біженців в Європі, від конфліктів в Афганістані, Сомалі, Сирії, Іраку, Грузії, Косово, Нагірному Карабаху. Всі ці люди внаслідок об’єктивних обставин змушені були покинути власні рідні домівки і стати біженцями. Наявність мільйонів біженців з різних куточків світу свідчить про потребу кардинальних реформ ООН, яка чимдалі тим важче забезпечує міжнародний правопорядок і вирішення конфліктів, а також свідчить про потребу удосконалення механізму захисту прав людини на універсальному рівні.Права людини, захист та сприяння реалізації прав завжди були і залишаються пріоритетним напрямком діяльності нашої держави. На сучасному етапі в умовах воєнного режиму, запровадженого в Україні, надзвичайної актуальності набуває необхідність вдосконалення існуючих механізмів захисту прав людини, в тому числі біженців та вимушених переселенців, які змушені покидати свої місця постійного проживання. Важливою у цій сфері нині є діяльність Верховного Комісара ООН у справах біженців, та його співпраця з Урядом України.

Der vorliegende Beitrag zeigt anhand lateinischer Quellen, wie die in Süditalien lebenden Muslime 1269 mit ihrem neuen König Karl von Anjou Frieden schließen konnten, gegen den sie aus Treue zur vorher regierenden Stauferdynastie rebelliert hatten. Entgegen Annahmen der bisherigen Forschung ermöglichte ein Unterwerfungsritual, das also nicht nur Christen offenstand, den Ausgleich. Die Situation der Muslime verschlechterte sich nur militärisch und finanziell, ihre Religion durften sie hingegen weiterhin unter königlichem Schutz ausüben. Die Unterwerfung zeichnete also nicht die Versklavung der Muslime Süditaliens im Jahr 1300 vor, vielmehr herrschte noch religiöser Pragmatismus., Transmediterrane Geschichte, Bd. 3 Nr. 1 (2021)

This article discloses the main legal principles of cooperation between the authorized state bodies of Ukraine and the Office of United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, whose activities in the conditions of full-scale armed aggression against our country are not just extremely important for a person, but vitally necessary. It is worth noting that until the aggressor invaded the territory of our country, the activities of High Commissioner were limited to the issues of persons who were and are refugees from other countries. Today, unfortunately, the Office of High Commissioner exercises its powers also in foreign countries in relation to refugees - our citizens. The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees was founded in 1950 as an international institution whose main task is to help and protect refugees. The need for this body is also explained by the fact that from the moment of its creation, its powers were limited in time, then extended for five years for dozens of years.In December 2003, the UN General Assembly adopted a resolution according to which UN High Commissioner for Refugees shall act indefinitely until the refugee problem is resolved. Throughout its history, this international institution has helped more than 50 million people. Through its missions, which UN High Commissioner for Refugees has the right to establish on the territory of Ukraine, the latter provides assistance and provides protection to refugees on the territory of Ukraine.According to the Statute, High Commissioner ensures the protection of refugees, the care of which falls within the competence of his Office also by facilitating, with the help of special agreements with governments, the implementation of any measures aimed at alleviating the situation of refugees and reducing the number of refugees in need of protection; promoting governmental and private efforts aimed at encouraging the voluntary repatriation of refugees or their assimilation in new countries. However, it should be noted on the issue of the return to Ukraine of forcibly deported children - citizens of Ukraine and children who lived on the territory of Ukraine. In order to solve this problem, on February 24, 2023, the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine adopted Resolution No. 2947-IX, which approved an appeal to international institutions, including UN High Commissioner for Refugees, with the demand to urgently take decisive measures to protect children — citizens of Ukraine and children, who lived on the territory of Ukraine, with the aim of: stopping the genocide of the Ukrainian people in terms of the forced deportation to the territory of the aggressor state or within the temporarily occupied territories of Ukraine of children who are citizens of Ukraine. It is worth adopting a law to regulate the issue of repatriation of forcibly deported citizens of Ukraine, including children, from the territory of the aggressor.The activity of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees in preventing cases of statelessness is also important, В даній статті розкрито основні правові засади співробітництва уповноважених державних органів України і Управління Верховного комісара ООН у справах біженців, діяльність якого в умовах повномасштабної збройної агресії проти нашої держави є не просто надзвичайно важливою для людини, а життєво необхідною. Варто зауважити на тому, що до моменту вторгнення агресора на територію нашої держави, діяльність Верховного комісара обмежувалася питаннями осіб, які були і які є біженцями з інших країн. На сьогоднішній день, на превеликий жаль, Управління Верховного комісара реалізує свої повноваження також в іноземних державах відносно біженців – наших громадян. Верховний комісар ООН у справах біженців був заснований у 1950 році як міжнародна інституція, основним завдання якої є допомога та захист біженців. Необхідність у цьому органі пояснюється ще й тим, що з моменту створення його повноваження обмежувалися в часі, потім продовжувалися на п’ять років впродовж десятків років. У грудні 2003 р. ГА ООН було прийнято резолюцію, згідно якої Верховний комісар ООН у справах біженців діє безстроково до вирішення проблеми біженців. Протягом своєї історії дана міжнародна інституція допомогла більш ніж 50 мільйонам людей. Через свої представництва, які має право створювати Верховний комісар ООН у справах біженців на території України, останній надає допомогу та здійснює захист біженців на території України. Згідно Статуту Верховний комісар забезпечує захист біженців, турбота про які входить до компетенції його Управління також шляхом сприяння, за допомогою спеціальних угод із урядами, виконанню будь-яких заходів, які мають на меті полегшення становища біженців і скорочення кількості біженців, котрі потребують захисту; сприяння урядовим і приватним зусиллям, спрямованим на заохочення репатріації добровільної біженців або їх асиміляцію у нових країнах.Однак, слід зауважити на проблемі повернення в Україну примусово депортованих дітей - громадян України та дітей, котрі проживали на території України. З метою вирішення вказаної проблеми Верховна Рада України 24 лютого 2023 року прийняла Постанову № 2947-ІХ, якою схвалила звернення до міжнародних інституцій в тому числі до Верховного комісара ООН у справах біженців з вимогою невідкладно вжити рішучих заходів для захисту дітей — громадян України та дітей, котрі проживали на території України, з метою: припинення геноциду Українського народу в частині здійснення примусової депортації на територію держави-агресора або у межах тимчасово окупованих територій України дітей-громадян України. Варто прийняти закон, яким врегулювати питання репатріації примусово депортованих громадян України, в тому числі дітей, з території агресора. Важливим є також питання діяльності Верховного комісара ООН у справах біженців щодо запобігання виникненню випадків безгромадянства.

In this article, the literary activities of the Karachay-Balkar Turks during the last two years of the 14-year long deportation period are discussed. The Soviet administration wrongly accused them of helping the Germans during World War II and deported the Karachay-Balkar Turks from their homeland of the Caucasus to various parts of Central Asia on November 2, 1943, and March 8, 1944. Karachay-Balkar Turks lived in deportation for about 14 years. Only five poetry anthologies and four private poetry books could be published in Karachay-Balkar Turkish in the last two years of the deportation period. In our study, since these literary works are few, they have been dealt with in detail and one by one. Brief information about the lives of poets and writers in literary works is presented, and examples of their poems that attract attention in terms of content are given. In the conclusion part of our study, a thematic evaluation was made to cover all the works. Until now, this issue has not been given much attention. This is the first time that such a comprehensive study is presented here. The content of these literary works in question is significant in reflecting the mood of the Karachay-Balkar Turks, who had great troubles at that time., Bu makalede, Sovyet yönetimi tarafından İkinci Dünya Savaşı sırasında Almanlarla işbirliği yaptıkları ithamıyla 2 Kasım 1943 ve 8 Mart 1944 tarihlerinde ata yurtları Kafkasya’dan Orta Asya’nın muhtelif bölgelerine topyekûn sürgün edilen Karaçay-Malkar Türklerinin yaklaşık 14 yıl kadar devam eden sürgün döneminin son iki yılında gerçekleştirdikleri edebî faaliyetleri ele alınmıştır. Bu süre içerisinde Karaçay-Malkar Türkçesiyle ancak beş şiir antolojisi ve dört müstakil şiir kitabı yayınlayabilmişlerdir. Çalışmamızda söz konusu bu eserler sayıca az olmaları sebebiyle ayrıntılı bir şekilde tek tek ele alınmış; eserlerde yer alan şair ve yazarların hayatı hakkında kısa bilgiler sunulmuş, muhteva bakımından dikkat çeken şiirlerinden örnekler verilmiştir. Çalışmamızın sonuç kısmında bütün eserleri kapsayacak şekilde tematik bir değerlendirme yapılmıştır. Bugüne kadar üzerinde pek fazla durulmayan ve bu kadar kapsamlı bir şekilde ilk defa çalışmamızda ele alınan söz konusu bu edebî eserlerin muhtevası o dönemde büyük sıkıntılar yaşayan Karaçay-Malkar Türklerinin hâletiruhiyesini aksettirmesi bakımından oldukça önemlidir.

OBJECTIVES In recent years, increased anti-immigrant hostility has trickled into school settings creating toxic climates for immigrant-origin (I-O) students (Rogers, School and society in the age of trump, 2019, UCLA's Institute for Democracy, Education, and Access). Through youth participatory action research (yPAR), this study qualitatively examined how a class of Emerging Bilingual (EB) students aimed to promote more inclusive learning environments by designing, implementing, and evaluating a school-wide program. Here, we consider how the students experienced growth in their civic development as well as how they contended with resistances encountered during the project. METHODS The current study took place at a majority I-O, northeastern high school and was led by an EB class (n = 20) and its teacher. Participants were as follows: on average 16.5 years; 60% female; and 65% Latinx, 30% Black, and 5% mixed-race (Black-Latino). Multiple data sources documenting the students' experiences were collected (including weekly student reflections and ethnographic field notes) and then thematically analyzed using open coding. RESULTS Participating students demonstrated civic development as evidenced through: growing confidence that the program could generate positive change; enhanced sense of connection toward their classmates; and increased commitment to future civic engagement. Nonetheless, some participants demonstrated initial trepidation in both disclosing their migration stories as well as the potential efficacy of engaging in the project. Furthermore, others were disappointed by the disinterest displayed by some of their peers and teachers. CONCLUSIONS Collaborative research can support I-O youths' civic development, though, the resistances encountered and engendered illuminate possible challenges to ensure its benefits. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2021 APA, all rights reserved).

Objective: The government issued a policy for foreign workers who cannot return to their home countries, constrained by the validity period of residence permits during the Covid-19 pandemic. This study aims to determine how the deportation of foreign workers during the Covid-19 pandemic in Indonesia is reviewed from a Human Rights perspective. Methodology: This study was qualitative research with a normative juridical approach that examined legal materials related to legal issues and arrangements regarding deportation and foreign workers in Indonesia. The data obtained was analyzed descriptively.Results: In carrying out deportation actions against foreign workers in Indonesia, several aspects needed to be considered so that the actions of the Immigration Officials did not infringe the Human Rights owned by foreign employees, namely aspects of substance, procedural aspects, and aspects of respect, protection, and fulfillment of human rights. Therefore, Indonesia has the right to carry out administrative measures such as returning foreign nationals by deportation. If foreign workers must deport based on the investigation results, then the concerned will be in the place of foreign workers room/house detention, considering at this time some countries still do not receive flights from Indonesia.Contributions: Practically, this study contributes to improve the researcher’s scientific knowledge related this topic. In addition, it also contributes to the discussion regarding the juridical of foreign workers deportation.Keywords: covid-19; deportation; foreign workers; human rights; Indonesia. RESUMO Objetivo: O governo emitiu uma política para trabalhadores estrangeiros que não podem retornar aos seus países de origem, limitados pelo período de validade das autorizações de residência durante a pandemia de Covid-19. Este estudo visa determinar como a deportação de trabalhadores estrangeiros durante a pandemia de Covid-19 na Indonésia é revisada na perspectiva dos Direitos Humanos.Metodologia: Este estudo foi uma pesquisa qualitativa com uma abordagem jurídica normativa que examinou materiais legais relacionados a questões legais e arranjos relativos à deportação e trabalhadores estrangeiros na Indonésia. Os dados obtidos foram analisados descritivamente.Resultados: Ao realizar ações de deportação contra trabalhadores estrangeiros na Indonésia, vários aspectos precisavam ser considerados para que as ações dos Oficiais de Imigração não infringissem os Direitos Humanos de titulares de trabalhadores estrangeiros, nomeadamente aspectos de substância, aspectos processuais e aspectos de respeito, proteção, e o cumprimento dos direitos humanos. Portanto, a Indonésia tem o direito de realizar medidas administrativas, como o retorno de estrangeiros por deportação. Se os trabalhadores estrangeiros devem deportar com base nos resultados da investigação, então o interessado estará no local de detenção de quarto/casa de trabalhadores estrangeiros, considerando que neste momento alguns países ainda não recebem voos da Indonésia.Contribuições: Praticamente, este estudo contribui para melhorar o conhecimento científico do pesquisador relacionado a este tema. Além disso, também contribui para a discussão sobre a legalização da deportação de trabalhadores estrangeiros.Palavras-chave: covid-19; deportação; trabalhadores estrangeiros; direitos humanos; Indonésia.

Beginning in the 1990s and intensifying after the events of September 11, deportations in the United States increased to record levels under President Obama and continued at high levels under President Trump. Although a growing literature addresses how migrants respond to the shifting context of reception, empirical evidence on how migrants’ remitting and saving behavior changed as a result of immigration enforcement remains limited. Using detailed individual-level data from the Mexican Migration Project (MMP, N = 6787) for the years 1970–2019, this study examines how deportations relate to Mexican migrants’ joint decisions to remit and/or save, and how this relationship differs by documentation status. Results from multinomial logistic regressions reveal that rising deportations are associated with an increase in the transnational economic engagement of undocumented migrants. This is largely due to an increase in remittances; savings brought back decrease with rising deportations, likely because keeping savings in the United States is riskier than sending money back directly. Among documented migrants, the remitting and saving behavior does not appear to change as deportations rise. Analyzing these behaviors together is important to gain a more complete understanding of migrants’ transnational economic ties and links to the country of destination.

Do crackdowns by destination countries deter refugees? Much of the existing literature conflates containment measures (forcibly restricting refugees in their home region or country) and deterrence policies (discouraging refugees by making the destination appear less attractive). In addition, empirical studies have focused almost exclusively on Western countries and analyzed the effects of acceptance rates or policy reforms on the number of asylum applications lodged. In contrast, this paper examines whether rights violations deter asylees and refugees by leveraging a global dataset drawn from reports by the US Committee for Refugees and Immigrants. I find that deportation, detention, and encampment do not decrease asylum applications or refugee arrivals, and may actually raise them in some cases. While reduced access to the labor market may deter very small numbers of asylees and refugees, there are other sound reasons for destination countries to eschew restrictive employment policies.

El artículo aborda el proceso migratorio que experimenta la persona mexicana cuando es deportada de los Estados Unidos de América a la Frontera Norte de Chihuahua, México. Por ello, se busca hacer visibles las deficiencias de la administración pública mexicana en el proceso de deportación-reintegración. En tal sentido, se buscó obtener información sobre la operación del Programa Somos Mexicanos, política migratoria mexicana conducida por el Instituto Nacional de Migración. No obstante, para lograr una comprensión más integral se realizó un acercamiento con las personas en el contexto de la migración internacional México-Estados Unidos y de retorno Estados Unidos-México, adicionando las aportaciones de servidores públicos encargados de proporcionar a los migrantes los servicios que tienen disponibles las instituciones y dependencias mexicanas. Además de incluir una breve descripción de la institución del ombudsman migratorio estadounidense. De lo obtenido, figura un estado de indefensión y una falta de protección por parte de las autoridades mexicanas, quienes resultan incapaces de garantizarles a sus connacionales un proceso de reintegración en un país con oportunidades de desarrollo y seguridad. This article addresses the migratory process that the Mexican person experiences when deported from the United States of America to the northern border state of Chihuahua, Mexico. Therefore, it seeks to make visible deficiencies of the Mexican public administration in the deportation-reintegration process. In this regard, we sought to obtain information on the operation of the SomosMexicanos Program, a Mexican immigration policy conducted by the National Institute of Migration. However, to achieve a more comprehensive understanding, an approach was made with people in the context of international migration MexicoUnited States and return United StatesMexico, adding the contributions of public servants in charge of providing migrants with services available via Mexican institutions and agencies. This was in addition to including a brief description of the practices of the American immigration ombudsman. From what has been learned, there is a state of helplessness among migrants and a lack of protection by the Mexican authorities, who are unable to guarantee their compatriots a reintegration process in a country with opportunities for development and security.

Combating the Hydra explores structural as well as occasion-specific state violence committed by the early modern Habsburg Empire. The book depicts and analyzes attacks on marginalized people “maladjusted” of all sorts, women “of ill repute,” “heretic” Protestants, and “Gypsies.” Previously uncharted archival records reveal the use of arbitrary imprisonment, coerced labor, and deportation. The case studies presented provide insights into the origins of modern state power from varied techniques of population control, but are also an investigation of resistance against oppression, persecution, and life-threatening assaults. The spectrum of fights against debasement is a touching attestation of the humanity of the outcasts; they range from mental and emotional perseverance to counterviolence. A conversation with the eminent historian Carlo Ginzburg concludes the collection by asking about the importance of memorizing horrors of the past., https://docs.lib.purdue.edu/ces/1002/thumbnail.jpg

The principle of the best interest of the child has become as a red thread in the context of justice and, above all, in the context of decision-making. Aware of this, this paper analyzes how the principle in question is applied in the cases aimed at expulsion. It has been shown that foreign nationals and/or stateless persons may be deported. In this sense, minors and/or the parents of minors could also be expelled. In both situations, compliance with the principle of the best interests of the child is unavoidable. In order to see how this principle is applied, national jurisprudence was appealed to, as well as the European Court of Human Rights., {"references":["1.\tConvenția ONU cu privire la drepturile copilului din 20 noiembrie 1989.[Accesat: 18.10.2022] Disponibil: https://uni.cf/3TfRdJR","3.\tDecizia Colegiului penal al Curții Supreme de Justiție din 9 august 2016. Dosarul nr. 1ra-1432/16. [Accesat: 18.10.2022] Disponibil: http://jurisprudenta.csj.md/search_col_penal.php?id=7026","5.\tCase of Boultif v. Switzerland, Application no. 54273/00, Judgment of 2 August 2001, § 48. [Accesat: 18.10.2022] Disponibil: https://hudoc.echr.coe.int/eng?i =001-59621","6.\tCase of Üner v. the Netherlands, [GC], Application no. 46410/99, Judgment of 18 October 2006, § 58. [Accesat: 18.10.2022] Disponibil: https://hudoc.echr.coe. int/eng?i=001-77542","7.\tCase of Unuane v. the United Kingdom, Application no. 80343/17, Judgment of 24 November 2020, § 87. [Accesat: 18.10.2022] Disponibil: https://hudoc.echr.coe. int/eng?i=001-205796","8.\tCase of Otite v. the United Kingdom, Application no. 18339/19, Judgment of 27 September 2022, § 51. [Accesat: 18.10.2022] Disponibil: https://hudoc.echr. coe.int/eng?i=001-219755","9.\tMathieu Leloup. The principle of the best interests of the child in the expulsion case law of the European Court of Human Rights: Procedural rationality as a remedy for inconsistency. În: Netherlands Quarterly of Human Rights, 2019, vol. 37(1), pp. 50-68.","10. Decisions Hizir Kilic v. Denmark (dec.), Application no. 20277/05, and Ferhat Kilic v. Denmark (dec.), Application no. 20730/05, both of 22 January 2007.[Accesat: 18.10.2022] Disponibile: https://hudoc.echr.coe.int/eng?i=001-79614; https://hudoc.echr.coe.int/eng?i=001-79612.","11. CIUCĂ, A. Interesul superior al copilului. Noi sensuri ale unei \"formule magice\". [Accesat: 18.10.2022] Disponibil: https://bit.ly/3MFI6zC"]}

Introduction: The “sanctuary city” movement is a grassroots, human rights-based response to increased numbers of non-status migrants living and working in global cities (Faraday 2012; Sawchuk & Kempf 2008; Bhuyan 2012; OCASI 2012). Nonstatus migrants live in situations of extreme precariousness — they are subject to detention and deportation if identified by federal authorities; often work in poor conditions; are socially isolated; face poverty, abuse, and exploitation; and are unable to safely access essential social services, including those related to healthcare, education, labour, shelters, food banks, and police services (Gibney 2000; De Giorgi 2010; Noll 2010). In February 2013, Toronto became the first “sanctuary city” in Canada, which is currently styled “Access T.O.” Hamilton and Vancouver followed suit in 2014 and 2016, respectively. The primary objective of Access T.O. is to ensure that all residents are able to access municipal and police services, regardless of immigration status. The policy directs city officials not to: 1) inquire into immigration status when providing select services, 2) deny non-status residents access to services to which they are entitled, and 3) share personal or identifying information with federal authorities, unless required to do so by federal or provincial law (City of Toronto 2013).

‘Combatting’ irregular migration is one of the key challenges to migration management at EU level. The present book addresses one of the most pressing structural problems regarding the EU’s return policy: the low return rate of irregularly staying migrants. In this regard the EU Return Directive obliges Member States to issue a return decision, yet only 40% of such decisions are enforced annually. Moreover, despite the political and legal efforts, the EU is not making any significant progress in enforcing the rules it has laid down in the Return Directive. The legislation of EU Member States may, however, serve as a source for possible solutions to ‘combat’ the problem of irregularly staying migrants. This is why the book compares the system of regularisations in Austria, Germany and Spain. Regularisations constitute an effective alternative to returns because they terminate the irregular residence of migrants, not through deportation, but rather by granting a right of residence. Regularisation is therefore understood as each legal decision that awards legal residency to irregularly staying migrants. As is shown by the examination and comparison of regularisations in Austria, Germany and Spain, differentiated systems of regularisation exist at national level. However, EU regularisations supplementing the present return policy would be more effective at ‘combatting’ irregular migration at EU level., Eine zentrale Herausforderung der Migrationssteuerung auf Unionsebene ist die „Bekämpfung“ irregulärer Einwanderung. Die vorliegende Arbeit widmet sich einem der drängendsten Probleme der EU-Rückführungspolitik, in concreto der niedrigen Rückführungsrate irregulär aufhältiger Migrant:innen. Die Rückführungsrichtlinie der EU erlegt den Mitgliedstaaten in diesem Zusammenhang die Pflicht auf, gegen jede drittstaatsangehörige Person, die sich irregulär in der EU aufhält, eine Rückkehrentscheidung zu erlassen, wobei jährlich nur rund 40 % aller Rückkehrentscheidungen auch tatsächlich vollzogen werden. Die EU schafft es insgesamt aber trotz der rechtlichen und politischen Bemühungen kaum, Fortschritte im Hinblick auf die Vorgaben der Rückführungsrichtlinie zu machen. Mögliche Lösungsansätze finden sich in den Rechtsordnungen ausgewählter Mitgliedstaaten. Deshalb wird die österreichische, deutsche und spanische Rechtslage in einem Rechtsvergleich analysiert. Die drei Mitgliedstaaten „bekämpfen“ den irregulären Aufenthalt von Migrant:innen mithilfe eines differenzierten Systems von Regularisierungen. Regularisierungen, verstanden als Rechtsinstrument, stellen eine Alternative zu Rückführungen dar und umschreiben jede rechtliche Entscheidung, die irregulär aufhältigen Migrant:innen ein Aufenthaltsrecht gewährt. Sie beenden den irregulären Aufenthalt von Migrant:innen, allerdings nicht durch eine Rückführung im Sinne einer Außerlandesbringung, sondern durch die Gewährung eines Aufenthaltsrechts. Anhand dieser Untersuchung wird die folgende These entwickelt: Durch unionsrechtlich normierte Regularisierungen, die die derzeitige Rückführungspolitik der EU ergänzen, wird die irreguläre Einwanderung auf Unionsebene wirksamer „bekämpft“.

Le présent article illustre, grâce à une étude de cas, les conséquences sur les individus des politiques migratoires aux États-Unis au début du XXe siècle, en prenant pour exemples des traversées transatlantiques de femmes originaires de l’Empire allemand. À partir d’exemples inédits et sélectionnés, issus de correspondances diplomatiques avec les consuls américains stationnés en Allemagne, il se propose de montrer sur quelles bases étaient décidées les procédures d’expulsion à l’encontre des femmes allemandes « immorales », et parfois d’hommes accusés de les avoir emmenées aux États-Unis « à des fins immorales ». En effet, les femmes soupçonnées de prostitution ou de toute autre déviance morale étaient expulsées à leur arrivée sur le sol américain ou parfois même après une résidence prolongée aux États-Unis, en vertu des lois successives sur l’immigration votées par le Congrès dès 1903. Il s’agit ainsi de révéler les enjeux socio-économiques et politiques sous-tendant les procédures d’expulsions de femmes au tournant du XXe siècle, de saisir les conséquences de ces politiques à petite et à grande échelle et de souligner le caractère genré des lois déterminant l’accès à la citoyenneté. Drawing on case studies, the following paper highlights the individual consequences of U.S. migration policies in the early 20th century, by focusing on women from the German Empire who crossed the Atlantic. By examining unpublished diplomatic correspondence with American consuls stationed in Germany, this paper aims to explore the grounds upon which expulsion procedures were undertaken; some of these were against allegedly immoral German women, while some targeted men accused of having brought them to the United States for “immoral purposes.” Those suspected of prostitution or any other moral deviance were turned away upon arrival on American soil and even after prolonged residence in the United States in accordance with a series of immigration laws passed by Congress from 1903 onwards. This paper aims to highlight the socio-economic and political considerations behind deportation procedures of women at the turn of the 20th century, to examine their small and large-scale consequences and to underline the gendered dimension of the laws determining access to citizenship.

Among documented Latinx in the U.S., 40 percent report having a friend or family member who is undocumented. Yet, few studies have considered the impact the risk of deportation for these close others has on Latinx individuals’ political engagement and integration. Social psychologists Shaun Wiley and Yasin Koc will examine how having close relationships with undocumented immigrants impacts immigration activism among Mexican and Central Americans. They will conduct an experiment for their study.

The three contributions contained in this study have opted to go beyond the recurrent reference to reluctance and uncooperativeness by shedding light on the agency of non-EU countries located in the Southern Mediterranean and in Africa. They interrogate the various consequences of cooperation on readmission as well as the factors that have fed into the expansion of a system having detrimental implications for human rights observance and states’ accountability, as well as unintended effects on international cooperation.The common denominator shared by the authors lies in questioning the disproportionate policy attention to leverage, operability and effectiveness when addressing cooperation on readmission with non-EU countries. They propose rethinking the boundaries of the problem by emphasising that asymmetrical patterns of cooperation on readmission are not only based on unequal costs and benefits. Despite their asymmetry, they also remain meaningful for the state actors involved. This is a fact that has significantly shaped the relations between Southern Mediterranean countries and their European counterparts as well as between Southern Mediterranean countries and their African counterparts. Consequently, we need to bear in mind this grammar. Sometimes, interactions can be conducive to reinforced interdependence, which, in turn, can lead to new unintended consequences and challenges. As shown in this study, cooperation on readmission in the Mediterranean and African contexts is a case in point.; Les contributions contenues dans cette étude se placent délibérément au-delà de la référence récurrente au manque de coopération en matière de réadmission des pays situés au sud de la Méditerranée et en Afrique. Elles analysent les multiples facteurs qui ont soutenu l'expansion d'un système de coopération ayant des implications non seulement sur le respect des droits humains mais également sur les rapports d’interdépendance altérés entre les pays du sud et du nord de la Méditerranée. L’objectif commun partagé par les auteurs est de s’interroger sur la volonté affichée des pays européens d’exercer un effet de levier majeur sur les pays méditerranéens et africains, alors que ces derniers sont aujourd’hui à même de capitaliser sur leur position stratégique dans le cadre de la gouvernance migratoire afin de défendre leurs propres intérêts et priorités. Les auteurs proposent de repenser les limites du problème en soulignant que les rapports de coopération asymétriques en matière de réadmission ne reposent pas uniquement sur des coûts et des avantages inégaux. Malgré leur asymétrie, ces rapports acquièrent une dimension politique qui fait sens pour tous les acteurs étatiques concernés. La coopération en matière de réadmission dans les relations euroméditerranéen et euro-africaines constitue un bon exemple.

In this chapter, I explore how children and youth make use of particular strategies of self-representation to seek political representation. I do so by taking my point of departure in a group of young Afghan migrants in Sweden and their political mobilization for their right to residency permits. In dialogue with debates in political theory around democracy and representation, I examine how young political actors contest and recast dominant regimes of political representation to claim political space and a voice of their own. Focus is put on the ways in which various actors struggle over the authority to represent and give meaning to the interests, rights, and well-being of young migrants and how these processes of representing children and youth become politically productive. Four different strategies are identified and suggested to constitute a politics of self-representation: Rejecting previous forms of representation; establishing, shaping, and controlling political identity; creating political space; making opponents and allies. Based on these empirical observations, I argue that the mobilizations of young non-citizens against deportation reveal a critical dimension to the politics of childhood, namely, how the strategies of self-representation used by children and youth disrupt current legal and political orders and open up new avenues for political representation.

The article presents the political, economic, and sociocultural factors that make Turkey an attractive destination for foreign sex workers, and reviews trends in official statistics of arrested traffickers, rescued victims, and deportation of migrant illegal sex workers. In-depth interviews of 20 law enforcement and nongovernmental organizations staff members, who in the course of their work come into close contact with foreign sex workers, shed light on the statistics. The interview data provide insights into the structure of the Turkish sex market, the factors that bring foreign women to work in this market, and the impact of legal reforms on the circumstances of foreign sex workers. The article concludes with the implications of the findings for public policy.

Im dominanten neoliberalen Kontext gerät die Frage der Dekolonisierung - im materiellen Sinn - oft in den Hintergrund antirassistischer Politiken. Wie radikale Schwarze feministische Zusammenhänge historisch sowie gegenwärtig einfordern, ist die Frage der Dekolonisierung in Kämpfen gegen Rassismus jedoch zentral. In diesem Sinne behandelt mein Artikel die Frage der antikolonialen Ausrichtung der Schwarzen Frauenbewegung in Deutschland: An welchen Stellen werden vergeschlechtlichte Manifestationen anti-Schwarzen Rassismus mit der Frage neokolonialer Grenzregime, die an der Basis heteropatriarchaler anti-Schwarzer Strukturen ist, in Verbindung gebracht? Es zeigt sich, dass das panafrikanische Erbe des transnationalen Schwarzen Feminismus antikoloniale Praxis fest in die Schwarze feministische Bewegungsgeschichte in Deutschland einschreibt. Insbesondere der Feminismus der Grenze, den Schwarze geflüchtete Frauen, Lesben, Non-Binarys, Queers, Inter und Trans aus afrikanischen Kontexten praktizieren, spielt hier eine tragende Rolle. Ihre situierte Kritik an der Struktur der Grenzregime erweist sich für eine antikoloniale Schwarze feministische Praxis als richtungsweisend und befördert die Entfaltung des widerständigen solidarischen Raums des Schwarzen Mittelmeers. In the dominant neoliberal context, the question of decolonization - in its material sense - often remains peripheral to anti-racist politics. However, as radical Black feminist movements remember, the question of decolonization is central to struggles against racism. In this spirit, my article addresses the question of the anti-colonial dimension of the Black women's movement in Germany: how does it link gendered manifestations of anti-Black racism to the question of neocolonial border regimes grounded in heteropatriarchal anti-Black structures? It shows that the pan-African legacy of transnational Black feminism inscribes anti-colonial praxis within Black feminism in Germany. Here, the border feminism practiced by Black refugee women, lesbians, non-binaries, queers, inter and trans play a crucial role. Their situated critique of border regimes proves to be indicative for an anti-colonial Black feminist praxis and promotes the unfolding of the Black Mediterranean as a space of resistant solidarity.

The deportation of the Soviet Germans in 1941 was a turning point in their ethnic history. The deportation had a big influence on the ethnic identity of the Germans and transformed it. The aim of the research is to determine the influence of the deportation of 1941 on the modern identity of the Germans in Russia and Kazakhstan. The article contains facts about the deportation, analyzes its consequences, first of all the radical change in the territorial distribution of the Germans. The central part of the article is devoted to the influence of traumatic events on the identity of the people. The empirical base of the research consists of memories collected in expeditions and archives, as well as the results of an ethnosociological survey of Germans conducted in 2020 with the support of the International Union of German Culture. The final part is dedicated to the historical memory and presentation of the deportation events in the museums of Russia and Kazakhstan. The conclusions of the research are that the events of the deportation continue influencing the ethnic identity of the Germans of Russia and Kazakhstan greatly. The cause of it is incompleteness of rehabilitation, activities of public organizations, historical memory in which deportation occupies a central place. The authors show the need to form a positive identity that generates interest in the history and culture of their own people, a sense of pride and integrity of ethnic identity.

The European Union’s border externalisation policies have driven the simultaneous creation in third countries of frameworks to protect the rights of migrants, refugees and asylum seekers and other policies on control, detention transfer and deportation. Thus, in Morocco, Law 02-03 legalises deportation, while the new National Strategy for Immigration and Asylum establishes a framework for protection. This article examines the case of Morocco and specifically the practices of arbitrary detention in informal centres, forced displacement and the deportation of people from West and Central Africa between 2019 and 2021 based on primary and secondary sources and in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic.

This paper examines the memory of the Romanian-German victims of the Soviet Gulag as recorded in recent collections of testimonies and interviews, a museum exhibition, an audio-visual documentary project, and Herta Müller’s 2009 novel Atemschaukel. It employs Alexander Etkind’s notions of “soft memory” and “hard memory” to discuss some of the key historical and political events that have impeded the establishing of consensual remembrance policies of the Soviet Gulag in communist Romania. I show how both German and Romanian communities since 1990 have memorialized the Gulag and discuss Atemschaukel as a legitimate impulse to document both personal and collective trauma of the second and subsequent generations. I argue that in the absence of a crystallized, hard memory, the historical documents and the historical fiction analyzed serve as viable examples of soft memory that succeed in memorializing the forced labor camps experience in its collective and individual forms.

It is well known that human trafficking is a very common problem. One of the reasons for this is that the number of victims of this crime worldwide is up to 40.5 million people, criminal activity with a solid income and the presence of a growing trend of interest on the part of legal scientists in the problems of human trafficking as one of the components of the "shadow economy". Such a large-scale assessment has led to the fact that some research scientists have recognized the data presented as unfounded. Counting the number of victims of human trafficking causes various difficulties, as there is an urgent need to improve the methodological foundations used in conducting such studies. The article in question reveals to the maximum the need to understand the methodologies that guide the study of the prevalence of human trafficking crime. In addition, the problem of human trafficking, the role of the State in combating it and the set of measures that are being taken are currently being considered in practice. Providing a comprehensive overview of previously conducted domestic and foreign studies related to human trafficking, recommendations are provided that are necessary for future research. Human trafficking includes not only trafficking in youth, but also trafficking in men and women. The purpose of sexual use of persons involved in human trafficking, the purpose of involvement in slavery and forced labor is clearly expressed in this issue. Thus, the removal of people from the countries of permanent residence on illegal grounds for use for selfish purposes causes the law enforcement agencies of the country more and more anxiety, excitement, and fear for our citizens. The main purpose of writing this article is to increase the level of awareness of the spread of the problem of human trafficking and contribute to solving this problem in the future.

У статті аналізується депортація поляків та німців із районів, що біля західного кордону УСРР, яку організувала радянська влада протягом 1935–1936 рр. З’ясовано причини та описано перебіг переселення цих етноспільнот з прикордонних територій. Охарактеризовано організаційні заходи влади, що мали забезпечити підготовку селян до від’їзду. Проаналізовано розмови, котрі циркулювали в колі переселенців на тему з’ясування причин їхнього становища та несприятливих умов проживання на новому місці. Окреслено форми спротиву польського та німецького селянства владі у ході переселенської кампанії. The article focuses on the deportation of Polish and German communities from the western border of the USSR in 1935–1936. It delves into the reasons behind the resettlement of these ethnic groups, both real and declared, and provides insight into the number of individuals affected. Additionally, it examines the decision-making process of the Communist Party at various stages of the resettlement campaign. The article also sheds light on the measures taken by the authorities to prepare the Polish and German peasants for their departure. This includes notifying the peasants of their forced relocation, monitoring their further actions, ensuring the delivery of the peasants and their property to railway stations, and preparing for the loading of cargo and placing the peasants on trains. The article also analyzes the conversations and concerns of the migrants, who sought to understand the reasons behind their resettlement and unfavorable living conditions in their new homes. The forms of resistance by the Polish and German peasantry to the resettlement policy of the Bolsheviks are also highlighted, including spreading rumors, calls to revolt, threats, physical violence, suicide threats, destruction of property, and escape to Poland. Overall, this article provides a comprehensive examination of the deportation of Polish and German communities from the western border of the USSR and the impact it had on those affected.

En el siguiente texto se expondrá por qué la migración a los Estados Unidos se vuelve una problemática directa para el estado de Tamaulipas al norte de México y frontera con el estado de Texas (EEUU), se hablará de la deportación y de las reincidencias sociales y económicas que esto provoca, tocando temas como la seguridad en el estado, el desempleo y la alerta migratoria que implica para los turistas que desean conocer Tamaulipas. Este tema es de vital importancia para un estado golpeado por la violencia por tantos años pero que busca un desarrollo social para promover el turismo y surgir como estado importante de México. In the following text, it will be explained why migration to the United States becomes a direct problem for the state of Tamaulipas in the north of Mexico and the border with the state of Texas (USA), it will talk about deportation and social recidivism and economics that this causes, touching on issues such as security in the state, unemployment and the migratory alert that it implies for tourists who want to know Tamaulipas. This issue is of vital importance for a state hit by violence for so many years but which seeks social development to promote tourism and emerge as an important state in Mexico. Profesional en Negocios Internacionales Pregrado

How are ethics articulated in the organization of migrants’ detention in France? While state agents enjoy discretionary power, it is the third sector that claims legal knowledge and good practice, exposing an unresisting and reverent attitude towards the ‘rule of law’. This legalistic gaze on the state attests to the impasse in questioning (the moral grounds of) laws and flaunting intense emotions on a daily basis, an expression of their moral dilemma. In doing so, police officers, legal practitioners and other service providers display contrasting ideological disapproval but practical compliance, creating an environment infused with melancholy. Melancholy enables them to be humble operators of state rules and regulations and, at the same time, to suffer endless (moral and emotional) pain. This article analyses inter-organizational and inter-personal affective experiences in order to demonstrate how melancholy reflects the morale that is manifest in the organization of migrants’ detention.

Deportation is a core state practice for the management and control of time-served foreign national offenders. Post-Brexit law changes mean that EU national offenders in the UK will become subject to the same deportation rules which apply to non-EU national offenders. This article argues that the law that applied to EU national offenders before Brexit, derived from the EU’s Citizens’ Rights Directive, was underpinned by a focus on the offender as an individual person. In contrast, UK deportation law that applies to third-country nationals, and to EU nationals after Brexit, sees only the label of ‘offender’. This argument is made by examining two important elements of the contrasting deportation laws: the permitted justifications for deportation and the importance of rehabilitation. On permitted justifications for deportation, the Citizens’ Rights Directive requires individualised rationales for deportation and prohibits justifications based solely on the fact of past offending. This future-orientation also encouraged UK courts to focus on the foreign national offender as an individual who is capable of rehabilitation and reform, whereas the UK’s post-Brexit rules justify deportation on the basis of the status of offender: a status that is determined by prior conviction, is hard to lose and makes limited space for considering the potential for rehabilitation.

This article examines how historical representation of the deportation of Kalmyks to Siberia has changed in compliance with the politics of history in Russia. It traces the shift from silence on this topic under communism to the dramatisation of it in the 1990s when the communists lost their power, and finally to the softening of this event in the last decades when state ideology under Putin’s administration is striving to unite the peoples of Russia around the victory in the World War II, leaving the history of the ‘purged peoples’ on the sidelines of this triumph. This evolution from a tragic to a more positive narrative is reflected in the messages of public spectacles about the deportation. The softened approach to this traumatic event was also linked to generational change: its eldest witnesses today are the people who were born between 1943 and 1956 and who were too young to remember its hardships. The author analyses classic theatre performances (‘Arash’, 1995, and ‘Kalmychka’, 2018) and mass agitational campaigns, such as the Trains of Remembrance which took present-day Kalmyks to Siberia to express gratitude symbolically to Siberians who helped them in the difficult period. These spectacles are not mere historical illustrations of the past, but new revisions of it.

This article explores how people are made deportable through bureaucratic practices within European migration infrastructures. Drawing on months of ethnographic fieldwork in a deportation unit, the article focuses on the daily work of file practices. Bridging scholarship on street-level bureaucrats and the materiality of paperwork, it traces how deportation files move along procedural trajectories, among case workers, databases, police, whiteboards, quota, subunits, embassies, and airlines. This shows how the relations gathered in file practices mobilize categories of populations, for example racialized or gendered. The research elaborates that the deportable subject is formed in a constellation of various populations, paradoxically given the legal call to individualize all deportees. Moreover, the populations themselves need to be made in file practices, too, unfolding a dual bureaucratic knowledge practice that shows the populations that are demarcated by state deportations to be intrinsically situated.

This article analyses the role of affect and emotions in Finland’s first large-scale anti-deportation protest, the 2017 Right to Live protest in Helsinki. Despite deportation protests having recently gained scholarly attention, their emotional dimensions have not been sufficiently studied, especially as concerns the emotions of protestors with vulnerable legal status. This article is based on in-depth interviews with key activists in the anti-deportation protest network in Finland, including asylum seekers, refugees and Finnish citizens. The article argues that in order for the protest of asylum seekers facing the threat of deportation to become public and visible, it was important that citizens who supported the cause not only offered material assistance but also shared their emotions. The article applies Margaret Wetherell’s theoretical concept of affective practices to analyse interactions between asylum seekers and their supporters, and Sara Ahmed’s circulation of affect and affective economies to explain how affect and emotions played a role in mobilizing protesters and sustaining the protest. The article concludes that the circulation of affect within the network of asylum seekers and supporters produced lasting affective value during the protest and after the protest ended. Strong affective ties enabled the protesters’ network to function effectively in a challenging political climate and despite the network’s lack of formal organization, leadership and shared ideological premises. peerReviewed

Programmes to encourage the return of migrants living with irregular status are prominent in many OECD countries. Bearing titles like ‘assisted voluntary return and reintegration’ (AVRR), they are ...

The article details the horrific deportations carried out by the former Soviet Union among the population in order to develop agriculture, the deportation of innocent peasants to the undeveloped remote areas with limited rights to labor, and their details. KEY WORDS: Exile, resettlement policy, nationalism, tolerance, self-government, Soviet power, peasant class, counter-revolutionary movement, collectivization, commandant’s office, violence, entrepreneurship.

Migration is increasing at unprecedented rates worldwide, but inadequate mechanisms for granting citizenship or permanent residence have rendered many immigrants without legal status. We study the health of people without immigration status in Canada, building on a 2010 review on being without status and health. We employ an expanded definition of health, guided by the WHO Social Determinants of Health (SDoH) framework. Using a scoping review methodology, we reviewed literature from 2008 to 2018 on the SDoH of people without legal immigration status in Canada, selecting 33 articles for analysis. We found that structural determinants of health, such as stigmatization and criminalization, and intermediary determinants, such as fear of deportation and healthcare avoidance, produce ill health. We show how different social positions are produced by SDoH, finding immigration status to be the foundational determinant of health for people without status in Canada. We argue that lack of immigration status as a SDoH is missing from the WHO framework.

Paul Gilroy’s theorisation of conviviality has proved exceptionally generative in (urban) sociology. But any announcement of a ‘convivial turn’ should be approached with caution. In much of the literature on ‘everyday multiculture’, racism is insufficiently theorised, structural relations of hierarchy and inequality fade from view, and culture loses its unruly potential. This article seeks to rethink and reclaim the radical potential of conviviality, by working with the narratives of people deported from the UK to Jamaica. The article first argues that the social and political implications of conviviality can be better registered when placed in relation to state violence and state racism. The article then analyses the accounts of deported people who show that conviviality is about much more than getting along across difference, but can represent a wider ethics of ‘refusing race and salvaging the human’. Indeed, when people subject to extraordinary forms of state racism – overpoliced, detained and then expelled – still reject all defensive investments in racial categories, proving themselves not only against racism but ‘against race’, they reassert the normative, ethical and prefigurative character of convivial cultures.

The complexity of race matters, critical race and queer theories, border studies, and immigration policies and practices are more than ever at the forefront of contemporary political imaginaries. R...

Research on Dominican migration to the United States ranges from analyses emphasizing incorporation to those exploring diaspora formation and the weaving of transnational ties. Based on a juxtaposi...

This Article, The Position of The Tamils of Pondicherry during the French rule, which deals with the short stories of Vishwasan, who is one of the most important tamil short story creators, is based on the short stories of The Cycle, Security, Brother Oro and Business of The Universe. It also examines the difficulties faced by the inequalities of caste and religion and the racist activities of the French rulers, especially when Pondicherry was under the control of the French in the 16th and 19th centuries. This article also deals with the tragic history of the exile of tamil people by using their ignorance and poverty to foreign countries for tea plantation industries.

Fear of deportation and consequent separation of “mixed-status families” (those with citizen and non-citizen members) is a central issue facing immigrants today. Yet, there is a gap in sociological explorations of legal clinics designed to assist these families. Here, we examine parents of mixed-status families in danger of deportation who visited one such clinic: what factors drove them to seek legal help? While we explore theoretical implications related to legal violence, we also highlight ways to better reach these families and provide free legal services, particularly to women who seem to be primarily tasked with this work. Research was conducted through Northern Arizona Immigration Legal Services (NAILS). Using in-depth interviews with nine undocumented Mexican-born parents, mostly mothers, our findings reveal patterns that could aid NAILS and other legal support services in providing assistance to these families. Issues such as traditional gendered labor division within the family and the role of social workers were the most relevant themes in seeking legal help. These findings not only contribute to the growing sociological research on immigration and gender dynamics but can also help NAILS and other similar community organizations connect with immigrants in more efficient ways, particularly as it relates to the emotional care work of mothers in mixed-status families.