Search

The issue of religious practices within the Chinese diaspora in Cuba is increasingly debated within Chinese studies in latin america. as the Chinese and African diasporas in Cuba have intermingled ethnically, their religious practices have historically also intermingled. While the rise of Afro-Cuban religions in recent decades is primarily understood as a response to centuries of Spanish colonialism and perceived as a resistance to Eurocentric hegemonic power, this article aims to examine the efforts of the Chinese diaspora to re-evaluate their religions from the same decolonial perspective. This article aims to determine the tendencies of interactions between Chinese religious beliefs and Cuba’s religions before and after the Cuban revolution, including after the fall of the socialist bloc. Specifically, it examines whether post-revolution state atheism had an impact on the religious beliefs and ethnic heritage of members of the Chinese diaspora. In the 1990s there was a revival of the Guan Yu (关羽) cult which has been often interpreted as a consequence of the economic interests of the Chinese and Afro-Chinese diaspora or as a consequence of the interests of the Cuban government. However, we must also be aware of the broader historical, social and political context at play here. Na področju kitajskih študij v Latinski Ameriki se kot predmet razprav vse pogosteje pojavlja vprašanje verskih praks v kitajski diaspori na Kubi. Ker sta se kitajska in afriška diaspora na Kubi skozi zgodovino etnično mešali, so se sčasoma prepletle tudi njune verske prakse. Medtem ko gre vzpon afrokubanskih religij v zadnjih desetletjih razumeti predvsem kot odziv na stoletja španskega kolonializma in kot upor evropocentrični hegemonistični oblasti, skuša avtorica v prispevku preučiti prizadevanja kitajske diaspore, da bi s te dekolonialne perspektive omenjene religije na novo ovrednotila. Cilj članka je ugotoviti, kakšni so trendi interakcij med kitajskimi verovanji in kubanskimi religijami pred kubansko revolucijo in po njej, tudi po propadu socialističnega bloka. Natančneje, avtorica ugotavlja, ali je porevolucijski državni ateizem vplival na verska prepričanja in etnično dediščino pripadnikov kitajske diaspore. V 90. letih 20. stoletja je prišlo do oživitve kulta Guan Yuja (关羽), ki ga številni razlagajo kot rezultat gospodarskih interesov ki-tajske in afrokitajske diaspore oziroma kot posledico interesov kubanske vlade. Vsekakor pa je treba pri obeh domnevah upoštevati tudi vlogo širšega zgodovinskega, družbenega in političnega ozadja.

Migration, which has taken place throughout history and everywhere, and in the most general sense; is a social phenomenon defined as displacement. In this study, the change in the immigration character of Cuba is examined in terms of the effect of the 1959 Cuban Revolution, and the external migration relationship between Cuba and the USA is selected as a limitation. In this respect, firstly, a general definition is made of the concept of migration and migration theories. Then, in order to deal with the situation before the 1959 Cuban Revolution, the immigration character, which is the immigration character of post-Columbian Cuba, is examined. The content of this section consists of introducing the traditional economic-political structure of Cuba, starting from the general geographical structure. In the third part, the immigration character of Cuba after the 1959 Revolution is examined in the following five periods: Historical Exiles (1959-1962), Flights to Freedom (1965-1973), Exit from Mariel (1980), Balsero/Rafter Crisis (1994) and Post-Soviet Migration (1995-2023). This section, which focuses on Cuba-US relations, makes visible the change in Cuba's immigration character after the 1959 Revolution and analyzes the dynamics in which Cuba turned into an emigrant country while it was a country of immigration. In the conclusion part, as a result of the examination, a Cuba-USA-focused historical analysis is made on the meanings of the changing immigration character of Cuba through migration theories. In other words, this study answers the question about the transformation of Cuba from a country of emigration to a country of immigration, with a focus on the external immigration relationship between Cuba and the USA. It offers a historical analysis of the migration character. Thus, besides making an academic contribution to the immigration dimension of the 1959 Cuban Revolution's impact on Cuba, it is aimed to contribute to migration studies.

Al triunfar la revolución cubana es claro que no solo debe enfrentarse a los cambios económicos y sociales a realizar. Debe enfrentarse también a la transformación de los sujetos sociales, que son quienes hacen viable el cambio en última instancia. Para ello deben cambiar las formas de la conciencia social y dentro de ellas un papel determinante lo jugará la moral. Esta deberá enfocarse hacia la sociedad que se quería construir, el comunismo. Cuáles fueron los principales medios de los que se valió la Revolución cubana para el proceso de divulgación de la moral comunista como parte de la construcción del ideal social, así como las principales características de la moral comunista difundida durante las tres primeras décadas de la revolución, será el principal punto a tratar en este artículo. When the Cuban revolution triumphs, it is clear that it must not only face the economic and social changes to be made. It must also face the transformation of social subjects, who are the ones who ultimately make change viable. For this, the forms of social conscience must change and within them a determining role will be played by morality. This should focus on the society that was wanted to build, communism. The main means used by the Cuban Revolution for the process of spreading communist morality as part of the construction of the social ideal, as well as the main characteristics of the communist morality spread during the first three decades of the revolution, will be discussed in this article.

I try to evaluate the trajectories of interpretation about the Cuban Revolution covered by periodicals such as La Nación, El Mercury and O Globo. Starting both from the bibliography that analyzes the reception that these newspapers had about the revolutionary process and the bibliographic production related to Latin America in the 1950s, the objective is to indicate not only the existence of different paths. I also note that the aspects that involved the change of perception about the Revolution, from positive to negative, was not only a result of a reaction as to what was happening on the island and the growing clash with the United States. For a better understanding of this process, it is important to consider issues such as democratic internationalism, anti-Americanism below rio grande and the oscillating U.S. foreign policy in relation to the region in the 1950s, which add to the different internal scenarios of each of these nations. The perspective present here takes into account that the press, more than an instrument in the hands of certain political actors, is characterized by being itself an actor of relevance that uses the resources it has and its symbolic power to assert its political, economic and ideological interests., Intento evaluar las trayectorias de interpretación sobre la Revolución Cubana cubiertas por publicaciones periódicas como La Nación, El Mercurio y O Globo. Partiendo tanto de la bibliografía que analiza la recepción que estos periódicos tuvieron sobre el proceso revolucionario como la producción bibliográfica relacionada con América Latina en la década de 1950, el objetivo es indicar no sólo la existencia de diferentes caminos. También observo que los aspectos que implicaban el cambio de percepción sobre la Revolución, de positivo a negativo, no sólo fueron el resultado de una reacción en cuanto a lo que estaba sucediendo en la isla y el creciente choque con los Estados Unidos. Para una mejor comprensión de este proceso, es importante considerar cuestiones como el internacionalismo democrático, el antiamericanismo por debajo de rio grande y la política exterior oscilante de Estados Unidos en relación con la región en la década de 1950, que se suman a los diferentes escenarios internos de cada una de estas naciones. La perspectiva aquí presente tiene en cuenta que la prensa, más que un instrumento en manos de ciertos actores políticos, se caracteriza por ser un actor de relevancia que utiliza los recursos que tiene y su poder simbólico para hacer valer sus intereses políticos, económicos e ideológicos., Procuro avaliar as trajetórias de interpretação sobre a Revolução Cubana percorridas por periódicos como La Nación, El Mercúrio e O Globo. Partindo tanto da bibliografia que analisa a recepção que esses jornais tiveram sobre o processo revolucionário, quanto da produção bibliográfica relativa à América Latina nos anos 1950, o objetivo é indicar não apenas a existência de diferentes percursos. Assinalo ainda que os aspectos que envolveram a mudança de percepção sobre a Revolução, de positiva para negativa, não foi resultado tão somente de uma reação quanto ao que acontecia na ilha e do embate crescente com os Estados Unidos. Para uma melhor compreensão desse processo é importante considerar questões como o internacionalismo democrático, o antiamericanismo abaixo do Rio Grande e a oscilante política externa norte-americana em relação à região nos anos 1950, que se somam aos diferentes cenários internos de cada uma dessas nações. A perspectiva aqui presente leva em consideração que a imprensa, mais do que um instrumento nas mãos de determinados atores políticos, caracteriza-se por ser ela mesma um ator de relevância que se utiliza dos recursos que dispõe e de seu poder simbólico para fazer valer seus interesses políticos, econômicos e ideológicos.

The Second Declaration of Havana ratified on February 4, 1962 is the most important document of the socialistic stage of the Cuban Revolution. The historical analysis of this document is essential to appreciate all the peculiarity of the socialism formation in Cuba and to understand the origin of the principles of the revolutionary internationalism during the Cuban Revolution. However, investigations, which are dedicated to specifically this issue, does not present in the Russian historiography. The aim of this work is to clarify the role of the Second Declaration of Havana in the process of the socialistic ideology formation in Cuba under specific historical conditions of the first half of the 20th century and also to estimate the impact of the foreign policy of USA and VIII Consultative Meeting of Foreign Ministers of the Organization of American States (OAS), which took place in January 1962, onto the radicalization of the Cuban Revolution.

Though rural Protestant missionaries stationed in Cuba routinely reproduced Anglo-American epistemologies and values, often in the service of US corporations, they also worked alongside their parishioners to challenge state and economic violence, as well as break the cyclical nature of Cuban poverty. Shared struggle with Cubans against Fulgencio Batista’s dictatorship proved transformative for many rural missionaries who, in the late 1950s, developed a revolutionary consciousness born through transnational solidarity. Missionaries challenged the dominant narrative coming from the US government and foreign corporations, as the Revolution pursued an increasingly anti-imperial and anti-capitalist agenda after Batista entered exile. While corporate executives and government officials from North America and Europe feared the new government, rural missionaries, often funded by these same corporations, defended the structural changes taking place after 1959. Through oral history and archival research, this article exposes how Cuban Protestants proved particularly influential in shaping the lens by which foreign missionaries came to understand, appreciate, and ultimately support the Cuban Revolution.

This thesis examines US foreign policy towards Latin American countries during the Cold War. The purpose of this thesis is to determine if the Cuban Revolution influenced the United States' foreign policy stance towards the revolution in Nicaragua. In order to do this, the thesis uses mostly analysis of U.S. State Department documents published in the Foreign Relations of the United States book series combined with scholarly literature and articles. The thesis is divided into three main parts. In the first part, I examine U.S. foreign policy toward Latin American countries after World War II until the revolution in Cuba. The second part examines the US attitude towards the Cuban Revolution and the third part examines the US attitude towards the Sandinista Revolution. I then bring all the information together in the conclusion of the thesis and find that the Cuban Revolution had a significant impact on U.S. foreign policy in relation to the revolution in Nicaragua, as the fear of a repeat of the Cuban scenario forced the U.S. to become more actively involved in Nicaragua than during the Cuban Revolution.

The issue of religious practices within the Chinese diaspora in Cuba is increasingly debated within Chinese studies in Latin America. As the Chinese and African diasporas in Cuba have intermingled ethnically, their religious practices have historically also intermingled. While the rise of Afro-Cuban religions in recent decades is primarily understood as a response to centuries of Spanish colonialism and perceived as a resistance to Eurocentric hegemonic power, this article aims to examine the efforts of the Chinese diaspora to re-evaluate their religions from the same decolonial perspective. This article aims to determine the tendencies of interactions between Chinese religious beliefs and Cuba’s religions before and after the Cuban Revolution, including after the fall of the socialist bloc. Specifically, it examines whether post-revolution state atheism had an impact on the religious beliefs and ethnic heritage of members of the Chinese diaspora. In the 1990s there was a revival of the Guan Yu (关羽) cult which has been often interpreted as a consequence of the economic interests of the Chinese and Afro-Chinese diaspora or as a consequence of the interests of the Cuban government. However, we must also be aware of the broader historical, social and political context at play here.

Este artículo estudia la representación de las mujeres en el Noticiero ICAIC Latinoamericano, el noticiario cinematográfico de la Revolución cubana, dirigido por Santiago Álvarez. Se exhibió semanalmente entre 1960 y 1990, cubriendo aspectos de la actualidad internacional y nacional. Llegó a constituir una importante herramienta audiovisual para la difusión de las ideas revolucionarias en Cuba. Por tanto, este artículo estudia el Noticiero ICAIC refiriéndose al concepto de “mediación política”: cumplía una función mediadora, entre los dirigentes cubanos y el pueblo, en el proceso deformación de una nueva sociedad. En el caso concreto de las mujeres, su representación se articula entorno a tres figuras, que también son tres posibles vías de participación en la sociedad revolucionaria para ellas: la trabajadora, la deportista y la miliciana. Con estas nuevas figuras de mujeres, el Noticiero ICAIC refleja y da legitimidad a los cambios sociales y económicos que se observan en la Cuba revolucionaria, especialmente la participación femenina en el trabajo productivo. También rompe con las representaciones tradicionales de la feminidad, asociadas a la esfera doméstica. Este artículo estudia estas tres figuras analizando ejemplos de ediciones del Noticiero ICAIC en las que aparecen, tanto reportajes breves como ediciones enteramente dedicadas a la situación de las mujeres. This article studies women’s representation in the Noticiero ICAIC Latinoamericano, the Cuban Revolution’s newsreel, directed by Santiago Álvarez. It was shown every week between 1960 and 1990, covering aspects of international and national news. It became an important audiovisual tool to spread revolutionary ideas in Cuba. Thus, this article studies the Noticiero ICAIC referring to the concept of “political mediation”: it fulfilled a mediatory function, between Cuban leaders and the people, in the process of building a new society. In the concrete case of women, their representation centers around three protagonists, who also are three possible ways for them to participate in the revolutionary society: the worker, the sportswoman and the militianwoman .With these new feminine representations, the Noticiero ICAIC reflects and gives legitimacy to social and economic changes that can be observed in revolutionary Cuba, especially women’s participation in productive labor. It also contrasts with traditional representations of femininity, associated with the domestic sphere. This article studies these three feminine representations analyzing examples taken from the Noticiero ICAIC’s weekly editions, that can be short reports or editions enterely dedicated to women’s situations.

Fidel Castro, the revolutionary leader of Cuba, gave a speech on the fourth anniversary of the Cuban Revolution, mainly focus- ing on how to solidify the pueblo cubano under the revolutionary flag against the U.S. intervention. This paper aims to examine the Cuban revolution stand on the view from four years after Castro has died, to prove that what Castro has mentioned during his Fourth Anniversary Speech has been accomplished, as well as compare the revolutionary movements of its neighbours like Grenada, to see why Cuba could be the only successful example of socialism in the Western Hemisphere. The paper will focus on the social changes during the post-revolution Cuba based on the scholar research of Louis A. Pérez and John Walton’s comparison article between Grenada and Cuba.

The essay delves into the development of the revolutionary process promoted in Cuba from the fifties of the previous century by the July 26 movement and with the leadership of Fidel Castro. The historical contexts that were built in the anti-colonial struggle promoted by the Cuban people and with the active participation of thinkers of the stature of José Martí, among other patriots of the Island who dedicated their vital transit to the decolonizing task by offering their own lives, are detailed. The circumstances that the Spanish metropolis went through are studied when its influence in America was decimated due to the independence processes in the region and due to whose cause – in relation to its possession over Cuba – it allowed the United States of America to launch a strategy to seize several territories of the continent and promote a frank attack against Cuba.

RESUMO O artigo examina as repercussões, no Chile da Unidade Popular (1970-1973), de dois eventos que marcaram o campo cultural cubano: o “Caso Padilla” e o Primer Congreso Nacional de Educación y Cultura (1971). O estudo foi realizado no marco da História Intelectual e se centrou no debate travado entre os signatários do documento intitulado “Declaración chilena” e um grupo de escritores representados pelo poeta Enrique Lihn. Verificou-se que os episódios cubanos tiveram impacto significativo no meio intelectual chileno, num momento em que escritores e artistas buscavam influenciar os rumos da política cultural da Unidade Popular. Como questão subjacente ao debate cultural, estava colocado o problema das vias revolucionárias representadas, naquele momento, por Cuba e Chile. ABSTRACT This article examines the repercussions, in Popular Unity’s Chile (1970-1973), of two events that marked the Cuban cultural field: the “Padilla Affair” and the First National Congress of Education and Culture (1971). The study was conducted within the framework of Intellectual History and focused on the debate that took place between the signatories of the document entitled “Declaración chilena” and a group of writers represented by poet Enrique Lihn. The study found that the Cuban episodes had a significant impact on the Chilean intellectual milieu, at a time when writers and artists sought to influence the direction of Popular Unity’s cultural policy. The problem of the revolutionary ways represented at that time by Cuba and Chile was an underlying issue of the cultural debate.

Submission note: A thesis submitted in total fulfilment of the requirements for Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Archaeology and History, School of Humanities and Social Sciences, La Trobe University, Victoria, Australia.This thesis was a recipient of the Nancy Millis Award for theses of exceptional merit.

Coveted from the beginning of the 19th century by the United States who wanted to annex it to their territory, Cuba lived under the constant threat of seeing its aspiration for independence questioned by the powerful neighbor who denied them the right to a sovereign existence. After the military intervention of 1898 and the occupation of the island, Washington in one way or another exerted a more or less direct influence over all aspects of Cuban society, thereby gaining control over its natural resources. The origins of the 1959 Cuban Revolution led by Fidel Castro lie in the turmoil of this tormented history, between aspiration for independence and subjection. Codiciada a partir del inicio del siglo XIX por los Estados Unidos, que deseaban anexarla a su territorio, Cuba vivió bajo la constante amenaza de ver al poderoso vecino, que le negaba el derecho a una existencia soberana, poner en tela de juicio su aspiración a la independencia. Tras la intervención militar de 1898 y la ocupación de la isla, Washington ejerció de una manera u otra una influencia más o menos directa sobre todos los aspectos de la sociedad cubana y tomó por la misma ocasión el control de sus recursos naturales. En los sobresaltos de esta historia atormentada, entre la aspiración a la independencia y el sometimiento, se encuentran los orígenes de la Revolución Cubana de 1959 liderada por Fidel Castro. Convoitée dès le début du XIXe siècle par les Etats-Unis qui souhaitaient l’annexer à leur territoire, Cuba a vécu sous la menace constante de voir son aspiration à l’indépendance remise en cause par le puissant voisin qui lui refusait le droit à une existence souveraine. Après l’intervention militaire de 1898 et l’occupation de l’île, Washington a exercé d’une manière ou d’une autre une influence plus ou moins directe sur tous les aspects de la société cubaine, prenant le contrôle par la même occasion de ses ressources naturelles. Les origines de la Révolution cubaine de 1959 menée par Fidel Castro se trouvent dans les soubresauts de cette histoire tourmentée, entre aspiration à l’indépendance et sujétion.

The article is an attempt to detect the main research areas of the U.S. reaction towards the Cuban Revolution in the current historiography. The main groups of the works in the Soviet, post-Soviet, American and Cuban historiography were analysed. There were shown the basic research centres that had studied various aspects of the U.S. actions towards the Cuba. In the article, there were also considered the main dimensions and approaches towards the issue. There were revealed changes which happened in the studies at the post-Cold war period. It was also determined that the formation and change of the main approaches to the U.S. reaction towards the Cuban Revolution depended on the ideological context and transformation of the international situation. In the American historiography, the main research areas have reflected a plurality of views and were dominated by a more balanced approach in the post-Cold War period. In the Soviet and post-Soviet historiography, we found the substitution of the main concept: the notion of the American imperialism has been replaced by the conception of U.S. geopolitical interests in Latin America. The Cuban historiography was characterized by two different groups: Cuban studies and the publications of historians-emigrants.

The Cuban Revolution meant transformations in all directions (eco-nomic, political, legal and sociocultural) depending on the internal and external contexts that took place. A Revolution; a country for workers, peasants, petty bourgeois and progressive intellectuals, where everyone was to be revolutionary. A Revolution; a policy of interaction that in-cludes the former marginalized sectors and links them with other sec-tors of the society without class distinction, proclaiming them all as equals. A Revolution that needed a new way of thinking, of behaving, of socializing, of living, under the principles of socialism. National cinematography has reflected these incidents ahead of historiography in many of his speeches. His keen gaze reveals the Changes made, dia-logues with them reflecting new codes, patterns and realities. It exposes the scenario in which society develops and the solutions adopted by the government and the people in the face of vicissitudes showing the Rev-olution in its entirety. The paper proposes a look at cinema as a histori-cal source from the analysis of five film that reflect different moments of national development. Namely: Memorias del subdesarrollo, De cierta manera, Páginas del diario de Mauricio, Larga distancia and Sergio y Serguei.

La recepción de la Revolución Cubana en Argentina: el caso del MIR-Praxis y el trotskismo (1958-1961) En este artículo analizaremos la recepción de la Revolución Cubana en la Argentina a partir de las caracterizaciones de aquel proceso elaboradas por el Movimiento Izquierda Revolucionaria - Praxis (MIR-P), la organización trotskista Palabra Obrera y el Grupo Liberación (GL). Para ello relevaremos los periódicos, revistas y folletos editados por esas agrupaciones y evaluaremos en qué medida sus concepciones previas se vieron alteradas y qué contradicciones se generaron en su interior. In this article we will analyze the reception of the Cuban Revolution in Argentina from the characterizations of that process elaborated by the ‘Movimiento Izquierda Revolucionaria – Praxis’ (MIR-P), the Trotskyist organization ‘Palabra Obrera’ and the ‘Grupo Liberación’ (GL). For this we will survey the newspapers, magazines and brochures published by these groups and evaluate to what extent their previous conceptions were altered and what contradictions were generated inside them. Fil: Díaz, Javier. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Oficina de Coordinación Administrativa Saavedra 15. Instituto de Historia Argentina y Americana "Dr. Emilio Ravignani". Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Filosofía y Letras. Instituto de Historia Argentina y Americana "Dr. Emilio Ravignani"; Argentina

Shortly after the Cuban Revolution of 1959, the government eradicated Havana's most famous shantytown, Las Yaguas. This essay traces more than a decade of negotiations between shantytown networks and government officials that preceded the eradication. While previous scholarship has made virtually no mention of pre-1959 policies, many aspects of post-1959 slum clearance grew directly from earlier initiatives. These policies were shaped by two overlapping types of disputes: those about property, and those about poverty. Over time, officials sought to neutralize activism around property and local autonomy, focusing on social welfare and rehabilitation instead. Shantytown leaders used this compromise to maximize claims for social assistance after 1959. Yet the relocations also reaffirmed long-standing stigmas against the urban poor, labeling them as passive or noncompliant. In the end, Las Yaguas residents were defined as beneficiaries, not heroes, of the Cuban Revolution.

Küba Devrimi, soğuk savaşın en yoğun yaşandığı 1950’li yıllarda, kapitalist kutbun lider ülkesi ABD’nin arka bahçesi tabir edilecek bir bölgede, halkın desteğini almış bir grup sosyalist görüşlü direnişçinin, ABD güdümündeki General Fulgencio Batista diktatörlüğüne karşı verdikleri meşhur silahlı mücadeledir. Küba halkının dikta rejimine karşı verdiği bu mücadele, başta Güney Amerika ve bazı Afrika ülkeleri olmak üzere, birçok ülkenin ulusal kurtuluş mücadelesinin gelişmesinde önemli siyasi ve sosyal etkileri oluşturmuştur. Küba devrimi içerisinde liderlik misyonu dolayısıyla öne çıkan Fidel Castro ve Ernesto Che Guevara’nın Batista diktatörlüğüne ve dolaylı olarak da ABD müdahaleciliğine karşı kazandıkları bu başarı, onları dünya genelinde popüler bir hale getirerek özellikle 1968 yılı gençlik olaylarında sol görüşlü gençlerin her haliyle örnek aldığı birer devrim ikonuna dönüştürmüştür. Dünya genelinde hem siyasi ve sosyal hem de kültürel anlamda büyük bir etki yaratan Küba Devrimi, Türk basını tarafından da o dönem yakından takip edilmiş, sık sık haberleri ve makaleleri gazetelerin baş sayfalarında yayınlanmıştır. Bu çalışmada dünya siyasi tarihi açısından büyük etkileri olan Küba Devriminin Türk basınına yansıması ve basının bu devrimi nasıl kaleme aldığı Milliyet gazetesi örneği üzerinden açıklanmaya çalışılmıştır., The Cuban Revolution is the famous armed struggle against the US-controlled General Fulgencio Batista dictatorship, in the 1950s, by a group of socialism-minded insurgents.This struggle of the Cuban people against the dictatorial regime has also had important political and social effects in the development of the national liberation struggle of many countries, especially South America and some African countries. This success of Fidel Castro and Ernesto Che Guevara, who led the Cuban revolution, against Batista's dictatorship, made them popular around the world and turned them into icons of revolution, which were exemplified by youth in the youth scene in 1968. It has transformed. The Cuban Revolution, which had a great impact both politically and socially and culturally throughout the World. The Cuban Revolution was closely followed by the Turkish press at that time, and frequently its news and articles about it were published in the top pages of the newspapers. In this study, the reflection to the Turkish press of the Cuban Revolution, which has great effects in terms of world political history, and how the press is interpreted this revolution was tried to be explained through the example of Milliyet newspaper.

This article examines how the severe drought of 1961–62 and the fury of Hurricane Flora in October 1963 influenced the Cuban Revolution socioeconomically and geopolitically in the crucial f...

The article analyses the influence of the Cuban Revolution and of Che on Lotta Continua (LC) – the main organisation of the Italian extra-parliamentary Left – from 1969 until 1974, through the pages of the newspaper Lotta continua. Che was a political and moral example for LC, which by 1974 went beyond myth and reached a balanced view on him. The issue of Che’s relevance in present-day Italy is also assessed.

espanolResumen: En 1959 el triunfo de la Revolucion Cubana marco sin duda un parte aguas para la historia de America Latina y tambien para el Movimiento Comunista Internacional. Las particularidades del proceso liderado por Fidel Castro inspirarian ademas nuevas reflexiones sobre las caracteristicas de la Revolucion en nuestro continente, y no solo en el, y las formas de alcanzarlo. En este sentido, el debate acerca de la “via” revolucionaria paso a ocupar un lugar preponderante en los temarios de los partidos revolucionarios. El presente trabajo tiene como objetivo reconstruir la recepcion de la Revolucion liderada por Fidel Castro en los PC de Chile y Uruguay. EnglishAbstract: In 1959 the triumph of the Cuban Revolution undoubtedly marked a watershed for the history of Latin America and also for the International Communist Movement. The particularities of the process led by Fidel Castro would also inspire new reflections on the characteristics of the Revolution in our continent, and not only in it, and the ways to achieve it. In this sense, the debate about the revolutionary "way" came to occupy a preponderant place in the agendas of the revolutionary parties. The objective of this paper is to reconstruct the reception of the Revolution led by Fidel Castro in the PCs of Chile and Uruguay.

El trabajo inquiere en los debates culturales desarrollados en los primeros años de la Revolución Cubana a través de un análisis crítico de las reflexiones publicadas por intelectuales integrados al proceso entre 1959 y 1964, y establece puntos de contacto entre aquellas suscitadas previamente a la declaración del carácter socialista de la Revolución y las posteriores. Tales polémicas permiten acceder a una de las peculiaridades del proceso en sus comienzos: la amplitud en la convocatoria a los intelectuales a sumarse a la gestión cultural de la isla, lo que vuelve coherente la heterogeneidad de posturas sobre el quehacer estético presentes en el seno de la Revolución. Desde este lugar, el texto discute lecturas que sentencian la uniformidad ideológica y cultural de Cuba desde su ingreso a la órbita socialista, y ofrece un diálogo crítico con los estudios referidos a esta temática. El estudio se realizó desde un enfoque cualitativo y sincrónico, a través de un trabajo de documentación que incluyó fuentes primarias y secundarias. Los debates fueron sistematizados mediante el empleo de herramientas de la crítica textual, del comparatismo y de abordajes teóricos y críticos. A ello se sumó una perspectiva histórico-cultural que permitió encuadrar en su específico marco temporal las polémicas examinadas. The present work examines the cultural debates arose in the first years of the Cuban Revolution through a critical analysis of reflections published by intellectuals integrated into that revolutionary process between 1959 and 1964. Moreover, this text establishes contact points between those studies appearing before and after the declaration of the Revolution socialist nature. Such debates allow us to learn about one of the process´ characteristics at its beginnings: the wide call of intellectuals to be joined to the cultural administration of the island, situation which provides coherence to the heterogeneity of postures towards the esthetic work present in the heart of the Revolution. From this perspective, the text discusses interpretations that affirm the cultural and ideological uniformity of Cuba from its entry into the socialist orbit, and offers a critical dialogue with studies referred to this issue. This study was performed from a qualitative and synchronic research method and through a documentation work that included primary and secondary sources. Debates were systematized by employing tools of textual criticism, of comparatism and theoretical and critical approaches. The work was also combined with a cultural and historical perspective that allowed the examined polemics to be framed in their specific temporal context. Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación

For decades, the iconic image of the Cuban Revolution has been set in Havana's ‘Revolution Square’, with thousands of Cubans thronging to hear Fidel Castro speak. This portrait undergirds a primary assumption about the Revolution: that many Cubans came to embrace it by basking in the euphoria of Fidel's live presence. For the Revolution's crucial early years, this article proposes that we should reimagine this archetypal conversion experience, setting it not only under Cuba's hot sun in an hours-long rally but also in front of a television (or radio) set. From 1959 to 1962 and beyond, the interactive drama of revolutionary conversion would be constantly staged and actualized on the small screen. The early years of the Cuban Revolution thus offer a compelling window onto political life lived with and through television.

Кубинская революция рассматривается сквозь призму ключевых вопросов теории революции. Утверждается, что для Кубинской революции характерны не только удачные технологии – организации и управления социальным протестом, использования радикальных массовых форм социального протеста в политической борьбе, которые стали популярными во второй половине XX – начале XXI в., но и определенные закономерности, типичные для явления революций. Алгоритм Кубинской революции, как и ее социальная база, имеет сходства с другими революциями, особенно в так называемых странах третьего мира или «революциях восточного типа» по С. Хантингтону.

In 1966, under the patronage of the Cuban Communist Party, the first official poets of the Cuban Revolution founded a journal entitled The Bearded Caiman. This ‘beard’ was a reference to the beards often maintained by former Revolutionary fighters in remembrance of combat, which had become a revolutionary insignia which merged masculine identity with political identity. Starting in 1966, these young, smooth-faced poets brandished their discursive beards as one would have displayed a red star. Yet, to what extent did their virile displays amount to political displays? How was the “new man”, ushered in by political leaders, supposed to articulate gender and political commitment? And how should excessive, borderline parodic gender performances in these texts be interpreted? To answer these questions, we must first examine the political and gendered dictates weighing on the official poets, as well as on the whole literary field. We must thus consider their gender performance, in their texts and in their social performances, as the deliberate casting of a doubt over their political commitment. Could the object of the parody be the revolutionary subject rather than the gendered subject?

The Cuban Revolution fundamentally changed the approach taken by the Soviet Union and the Eastern Bloc countries toward Latin America. When Fidel Castro took power, the Communist countries began to...

El trabajo que aquí se presenta se titula “Los imaginarios y últimos días de Rogelia Gómez: una excombatiente de la Revolución cubana desde el cortometraje Pucha vida”, y hace parte de un macroproyecto de investigación denominado Prácticas multimodales en Latinoamérica. En este caso particular, se parte del cortometraje Pucha vida para analizar, desde un modelo semiótico, las prácticas culturales y de vida de Rogelia Gómez. Este trabajo se enmarca en el paradigma de la investigación cualitativo-interpretativa y se desarrolla con una metodología de estudio de caso. En el proceso de análisis de datos se emplea la semiótica de las prácticas culturales de Jacques Fontanille, que a su vez absorbe el modelo semiótico de Greimas. Como resultado, el trabajo permite ver el imaginario de vida de Pucha, quien es la protagonista; así como parte de la cultura cubana después de la revolución y el pensamiento actual sobre la misma. This article is entitled "The imaginaries and last days of Rogelia Gómez: a former combatant of the Cuban revolution from the short Pucha vida", and is part of a macro-research project called Multimodal Practices in Latin America. In this particular case, the short film Pucha vida is used to analyze, from a semiotic model, the cultural and life practices of Rogelia Gómez.This article uses the paradigm of qualitative-interpretative research and is developed with a case study methodology. In the process of data analysis, the semiotics of Jacques Fontanille's cultural practices are used, which in turn absorb the semiotic model of Greimas. As a result, the work allows us to see the life imaginary of Pucha, who is the protagonist; as well as part of Cuban culture after the revolution and current thinking about it. Cultural practices, by Jacques Fontanille, which in turn absorbs the semiotic model of Greimas.

Povijest Kube, koja je bila pod kolonijalnom vlašću Španjolske te naposljetku ovisila o Sjedinjenim Američkim Državama, odigrala je važnu ulogu u podršci javnosti i legitimizacije Kubanske revolucije tijekom vremena. Uzroci Kubanske revolucije vuku svoje korijene još iz 19. stoljeća, pa i ranije. Naime, nakon što je SAD intervenirao u kubansko-španjolski rat 1898., Španjolska je izgubila svoju vlast nad Kubom. No, porazom Španjolaca, kontrola Kube prelazi u ruke SAD-a. Nakon četiriju godina izravne vlasti SAD-a, Kuba je napokon proglašena neovisnom, ali joj je nametnut Plattov amandman koji je dopuštao SAD-u pravo intervencije u unutarnja pitanja Kube. U međuvremenu, sve je više stranih investitora, posebice onih iz SAD-a, koji ulažu u kubansko gospodarstvo, odnosno kubansku industriju šećera. Kako je Kuba jeftino mogla proizvoditi šećer te je ranih 1900-tih bila najveći svjetski proizvođač i opskrbljivač više od polovice svjetskog tržišta šećera, tako se kubansko gospodarstvo sve više počelo okretati oko količine i vrijednosti šećerne trske, što je dovelo do monokulture koja je bila profitabilna za strane investitore, ali ne i za samu Kubu i njeno stanovništvo. Idućih pedeset godina kubansku vladu karakterizira korupcija, nesposobnost, nepotizam i despotizam. Tijekom pedesetih, Kuba je bila pod diktaturom Fulgencija Batiste. Napadom na vojarnu Moncada 26. srpnja 1953., kojeg je predvodio Fidel Castro, započinje revolucionarna borba protiv Batistina režima koja je trajala sve dok pobunjenici nisu svrgnuli Batistu 1959. Kubanska revolucija imala je vrlo snažne posljedice na međunarodne odnose. Konkretno, odnosi Kube i SAD-a drastično se mijenjaju. Neposredno nakon revolucije, Castrova je vlada započela program nacionalizacije, centralizacije tiska i političke konsolidacije koja je promijenila kubansko gospodarstvo, ali i civilno društvo.

Desde los tiempos coloniales y durante los siglos de dominación española, la Iglesia Católica estuvo muy presente en la vida social, económica, cultural y política de Cuba, casi siempre al lado del poder ejercido por el gobierno de la metrópoli y por los terratenientes, tanto españoles como criollos. El triunfo de la Revolución Cubana en 1959 marcó un claro punto de inflexión en las relaciones, no exentas de conflictos, entre el gobierno revolucionario cubano y la jerarquía de la iglesia católica, pues esta última perdió privilegios e influencia. Pese a la educación religiosa de los hermanos Fidel y Raúl Castro, el afianzamiento del carácter socialista de la revolución hacía insostenible el papel que la religión católica había desempeñado durante la etapa colonial y también durante el periodo republicano tras la independencia del país. Aunque el Estado cubano sea formalmente laico y aconfesional, el pueblo cubano ha manifestado su religiosidad de diversas formas, bien siguiendo los preceptos católicos, bien mediante un sincretismo religioso con las creencias yoruba llevadas por los esclavos africanos. En los últimos tiempos, ha habido tres visitas papales a Cuba que han ayudado a normalizar de alguna manera las relaciones entre la isla y el Vaticano. El futuro de estas relaciones sigue siendo una incógnita. From colonial times and during centuries of Spanish domination, the Catholic Church was very present in the social, economic, cultural and political life of Cuba, almost always alongside the power exercised by the government of the metropolis and by the landowners, both Spaniards as Creoles. The triumph of the Cuban Revolution in 1959 marked a clear turning point in the non-conflict-free relations between the Cuban revolutionary government and the hierarchy of the Catholic Church, since the latter lost privileges and influence. Despite the religious education of the brothers Fidel and Raúl Castro, the strengthening of the socialist character of the revolution made the role that the Catholic religion played during the colonial period and also during the republican period after the country's independence unsustainable. Although the Cuban State is formally secular and non-denominational, the Cuban people have manifested their religiosity in various ways, either by following the Catholic precepts or by a religious syncretism with the Yoruba beliefs carried by African slaves. In recent times, there have been three papal visits to Cuba that have helped normalize relations between the island and the Vatican in some way. The future of these relationships remains a mystery. Desde os tempos coloniales e durante os séculos de dominação espanhola, a Igreja Católica esteve muito presente na vida social, econômica, cultural e política de Cuba, quase sempre ao lado do poder exercido pelo governo da metrópole e pelos proprietários de terras, tanto espanhóis como criollos. O triunfo da Revolução Cubana em 1959, marcou um claro ponto de inflexão nas relações, não isentas de conflitos, entre o governo revolucionário cubano e a hierarquia da igreja católica, pois esta última perdeu mordomias e influência. A pesar da educação religiosa dos irmãos Fidel e Raul Castro, com o fortalecimento do carácter socialista da revolução, tornou-se insustentável o papel que a religião católica havia desempenhado durante o período colonial, bem como também, durante o período republicano após a independência do país. Embora que, o Estado cubano seja formalmente laico e aconfesional, o povo cubano tem manifestado sua religiosidade de diversas formas, seguindo os preceitos católicos, mediante um sincretismo religioso, com as crenças yoruba levadas pelos escravos africanos. Nos últimos tempos, ocorreram três visitas papais a Cuba, no qual têm ajudado a normalizar, de alguma maneira, as relações entre a ilha e o Vaticano. O futuro destas relações segue sendo uma incógnita.

In a summer 2018 interview conducted for this special issue of RHR, the US-born lesbian feminist artist, activist, and scholar Margaret Randall reflects on the Cuban Revolution’s achievements and shortcomings in the arena of women’s and sexuality rights. What have women and sexual minorities contributed to Cuba’s experiment in radical equality, and what remains to be done? How has feminism—in all its variety—shaped the aspirations of Cuban men and women, and what have US feminists learned from their efforts? What makes gender justice happen, and who or what constitutes barriers to change?