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Line 40 of Callimachus’ Coma Berenices (fr. 110 Pfeiffer = 110 Harder = 213 Massimilla) has been transmitted with an initial lacuna. This article aims to defend a supplement proposed by Lenchantin and discarded by all subsequent editors. Este articulo trata sobre una laguna al principio de la línea 40 del frg. 110 Pfeiffer (= 110 Harder [2012] = 213 Massimilla [2010]) de Calímaco, conocido como El rizo de Berenice. El autor tiene como objetivo de defender una integración propuesta por Lenchantin de Gubernatis y descartada por otros editores posteriores.

Greek-to-Latin verse translation is a phenomenon entirely absent from the Middle Ages, and which appears only fitfully and tardily in the 15th century, some decades after prose translation becomes a staple of humanist practice. By the end of the 16th century, however, almost the entire corpus of Ancient Greek poetry had been translated into Latin verse, often several times. This dissertation proceeds from the premise that this remarkable phenomenon merits more direct and specific attention than scholarship has hitherto given it. It seeks to define, in literary and historical terms, the characteristics of this development across the geographical and institutional breadth of the European Renaissance. The argument, broadly speaking, is that Renaissance Greek-to-Latin verse translation develops according to a norm of responsion: though not exclusive, the defining tendency is towards a strict identity – of words, sense, character, and meter – between original text and translation. This tendency runs counter to the theory and practice of translation in Roman antiquity, which generally aspires to creative deformation and appropriation, and it is insufficient to see the Renaissance phenomenon as a mere rediscovery of the ancient one. To understand why discourses and practices of translation develop askance from those around creative imitation, this dissertation takes humanist commerce with antiquity as only one of several crucial determinants, the others including the relationship between humanism and scholasticism, the uses of translation in an education system newly accustomed to Greek, and the impetus and effect of the printing industry. These determinants are instantiated through a particular chain of influence, to which Angelo Poliziano is central. The importance of Poliziano’s 1489 Miscellanea in the history of scholarship is widely acknowledged. The “pene ad uerbum” verse translations contained in this work present a similar picture, and were widely read, imitated, and disputed by his successors; the earliest example of a substantial Greek poem’s being printed alongside its Latin translation, they did much to disseminate a responsion model of verse translation. This thesis outlines the development of Poliziano’s thought and practice in relation to earlier 15th- century attempts at translating verse, and explores the wide ramifications of his example in the following century. To demonstrate this, it directs its attention to a corpus of translators who, like Poliziano, tried their hand at translating Callimachus, whilst also arguing for Poliziano’s influence on important figures such as Erasmus, Melanchthon, and Dorat.

The present study focuses on how etymology could play an important role in the mythology of Apollo. Obviously, when it comes to the issue of the meaning of names, one often enters the realm of speculation. However, in many instances of Apollo’s mythology, etymology seems to reflect important aspects of the myth. These aspects start with Apollo’s family and birth, and continue with his role in Greek mythology. The accord between etymology and mythology appears to be more than a simple coincidence. El presente artículo estudia cómo la etimología desempeña un papel importante en la mitología de Apolo. Obviamente, cuando se trata de la etimología de los nombres, se entra a menudo en el ámbito de la especulación. Sin embargo, en muchos aspectos de la historia mítica de Apolo, la etimología parece reflejar aspectos importantes del mito, empezando con la familia y el nacimiento del dios y continuando con su papel en la mitología griega. La concordancia entre etimología y mitología no parece ser una simple coincidencia.

The first part of the article offers a metapoetic interpretation of Herondas’ Mimiamb 3, suggesting that the Hellenistic poet describes Cottalos and his passion for dice with allusion to Alexander Aetolus that wrote Astragalistai. In the second part, starting from some touch points between Mimiamb 3 and Calliamchus’ Iambus 2 (in particular the presence of three mysterious characters with similar names), the author gives some evidence for the identification of that characters with three poets who lived at that time and had undoubted contacts both with Alexander Aetolus and Callimachus: they are Antagoras of Rhodes, Philicus of Corcyra and Timon of Phlius. L’articolo offre nella prima parte un’interpretazione metapoetica del Mimiambo 3 di Eronda, suggerendo che il poeta ellenistico descriva Cottalo e la sua passione per i dadi con allusione ad Alessandro Etolo che scrisse gli Astragalistai. Nella seconda parte, prendendo le mosse da alcuni punti in comune tra il Mimiambo 3 ed il Giambo 2 di Callimaco (in particolare la presenza di tre misteriosi personaggi con nomi simili), vengono fornite alcune prove per l’identificazione di tali personaggi con tre poeti che vissero in quel periodo ed ebbero sicuri contatti sia con Alessandro Etolo che con Callimaco: si tratta di Antagora di Rodi, Filisco di Corcira e Timone di Fliunte.

The article is devoted to the translations of M.N. Muravyov. We present more than ten unpublished texts from his Notebook, which is preserved at the Manuscripts Department of the Russian State Library: a number of works of Horace, Virgil, Anacreon, Martial, Callimachus, Lucretius and Lucan. Secondary in this context, but no less important, is the translation of a fragment from the famous poem Jerusalem Delivered by T. Tasso. These texts do not exhaust the subject (many of Muravyov’s translations still remain unpublished), but, along with others, may become the basis for the reconstruction of Muravyov’s literary position, which can already be characterized as oriented towards European “classicism.”

Nous essayons de montrer à partir de quelques exemples du recueil fragmentaire des Aitia que Callimaque est aussi sensible aux effets sonores (allitérations, assonances, anagrammes, chiasmes sonores) dans la composition de sa poésie et que ce penchant est lié au pouvoir des noms qui est au fondement de son écriture poétique. We try to show from a few examples of the fragmentary collection of the Aitia that Callimachus is also sensitive to sound effects (alliterations, assonances, anagrams, sound chiasms) in the composition of his poetry and that this inclination is linked to the power of names which is the base of his poetic writing. Cerchiamo di mostrare da alcuni esempi della raccolta frammentaria di Aitia che Callimaco è sensibile anche agli effetti sonori (allitterazioni, assonanze, anagrammi, chiasmi sonori) nella composizione della sua poesia e che questa inclinazione è legata al potere di nomi che è il fondamento della sua scrittura poetica.

A detailed analysis of the scholiastic material relating to Ar. Av. 299-300 shows not only that the entire scholium is ascribable to the grammarian Didymus, but also that the ancient interpretation of the Aristophanic line implied several reception dynamics: firstly, the influence played on Euphronius’ dialectological exegesis by the allusion to Alcman’s poem on the bird named kērylos in ll. 250-252 of the Birds; secondly, the reuse of zoological writings and, possibly, of Callimachus’ Aitia in Didymus’ explanation of the pun on the ornithonym kērylos.

Cet article se propose de relier la poésie de Callimaque avec les questions de mesure de la terre et de distribution des terres dans le domaine colonial. Dans sa description de la fondation de Zancle et quelques autres épisodes, certains termes employés par Callimaque (par exemple γεωδαῖται, σπάρτον, σχοῖνος, μέτρον ἀρούρης, διαμετρέω) renvoient à un vocabulaire technique autant qu’à des unités de mesures largement attestées dans l’Égypte ptolémaïque et dans le sud de l’Italie. À côté de l’influence de la connaissance égyptienne locale, ce fait montre la diffusion des traditions scientifique et philosophique (Aristote et l’école aristotélicienne, le pythagorisme, etc.) dans les poleis grecques de Sicile et de Grande-Grèce. This article aims to relate Callimachus’ poetry with the measurement and distribution of land in a colonial environment. Certain words used by Callimachus in his description of the foundation of Zancle and in some other episodes (for example γεωδαῖται, σπάρτον, σχοῖνος, μέτρον ἀρούρης, διαμετρέω) refer to a technical vocabulary as well as units of measurement widely attested in Ptolemaic Egypt and Southern Italy. Besides the influence of local Egyptian knowledge, these features display the diffusion of scientific and philosophical traditions (Aristotle and the Aristotelian school, Pythagoreanism, etc.) in the Greek poleis in Sicily and Magna Graecia.

RiassuntoL’articolo prende in esame un ben noto frammento degli «Aitia» di Callimaco che offre la più importante testimonianza del culto dell’ecista nelle colonie siciliane. Una più approfondita indagine dei vv. 40–41 consente di istituire un parallelo con le norme rituali concernenti i Tritopatreis nella lex sacra di Selinunte (A 9–15). In entrambi i casi a un sacrificio animale con sversamento del sangue segue una libazione senza vino e un banchetto sacro. La sequenza rituale è inusuale e la sua diffusione nel mondo coloniale siciliano mette in luce sia la complessità del culto dell’ecista dal punto di vista religioso, sia l’intimo nesso che lo connette con la memoria sociale e l’identità della comunità politica.

Voluntary contributions (epidoseis) in Hellenistic Athens were key moments for the life and safeguarding of the city: all inhabitants of Attica were invited to participate. Although the procedures and aims of these contributions are well known, little has been said about the ways in which the participants registered on the preserved lists were named. This article aims to analyse the ways of naming and self-naming that are represented in these commemorative lists. Much more diverse than the usual form of name, patryonymic and/or ethnic, it seems that the ways of naming were the result of a negotiation between the honored and the honoring. The city was happy to respond to the requests of their generous contributors., Les souscriptions volontaires (epidoseis) dans la cité d’Athènes à l’époque hellénistique sont des moments forts de participation à la vie et à la sauvegarde de la cité : tous les habitants de l’Attique sont invités à y participer. Si les procédures et finalités de telles souscriptions ont bien été analysées, peu a été dit sur les modes de dénomination des participants enregistrés sur les listes conservées. Cet article met en lumière les manières d’être nommé et de se nommer sur ces listes commémoratives. Bien plus variés que le formulaire normé (nom, patronyme et/ou ethnique), ces modes de dénomination apparaissent liés à une négociation entre le personnage honoré et la cité. Cette dernière répond volontiers à des demandes de ses généreux donateurs.

Des études notables ont conduit à dresser une liste de treize athlètes-héros, à partir de sources dont le degré de fiabilité est variable. Prenant pour base Pausanias, qui offre le plus grand nombre de références, nous examinerons d’abord les quatre athlètes déclarés héros par lui (Oibôtas de Dymé, Théogénès de Thasos, Cléomédès d’Astypalaia et Hipposthénès de Sparte), afin de repérer ce qui, pour le Périégète, garantit le statut héroïque. En prenant appui sur ces cas, nous mettrons à l’épreuve les témoignages anciens sur lesquels reposent les autres identifications avancées par les érudits, parfois tentés d’imaginer une figure héroïque sur le modèle d’une autre. Le reste des treize athlètes figurant dans la liste sera ainsi pris en considération, et tout particulièrement Orsippos de Mégare, Euthyklès de Locres, Chionis de Sparte et Euthymos de Locres. Nous apprécierons ainsi les témoignages de Callimaque qui sont cités à l’appui de l’héroïsation des deux athlètes locriens. Significant studies have led to identify a group of thirteen athletes-heroes, from sources of varying degrees of reliability. Taking Pausanias as the basis since he offers the greatest number of references, we will first examine the four athletes declared hero by him (Oebotas of Dyme, Theogenes of Thasos, Cleomedes of Astypalaea and Hipposthenes of Sparta); it will allow us to identify what, from his point of view, guarantees heroic status. Building on these cases, we will assess the ancient testimonies at the origin of other identifications put forward by scholars, sometimes tempted to imagine a heroic figure modeled on another. The remaining thirteen athletes on the list will be taken into consideration, but particular attention will be paid to the cases of Orsippos of Megara, Euthykles of Locri, Chionis of Sparta and Euthymos of Locri. We will thus appreciate Callimachus’ testimonies, which are cited in support of the heroisation of the two Locrian athletes.

Les Argonautiques contiennent des noms de peuples et des noms de héros, mais aussi beaucoup de noms de lieux. En grec, les noms de personnes et les noms de lieux sont souvent accompagnés de dérivés en -ῐδ... (-ῐδ- ou -ῐδᾱ-), mais l’adjonction du suffixe peut créer un mot qui n’entre pas dans l’hexamètre. Le but de l’article est de voir quels procédés morphologiques ou phonétiques ont été employés par Apollonios de Rhodes pour plier ces dérivés aux contraintes de l’hexamètre. On étudie l’absence de contraction (Ἀνθεμοεισις), la diffusion d’un infixe -η- (Βρυγηΐς, Δολοπηΐς, Πελοπηΐς) et l’alternance entre -ιδ- et -ιαδ- (Ἀχερουσίς/Ἀχερουσιάς). The Argonautica contain names of people and hero names, but also many place names. In Greek, names of people and place are often accompanied by derivatives in -ῐδ ... (-ῐδ- or -ῐδᾱ-), but the addition of the suffix can create a word that does not fit into the hexameter. The purpose of the paper is to see which morphological or phonetic processes were used by Apollonius Rhodius to adapt these derivatives to the constraints of the hexameter. I study the absence of contraction (Ἀνθεμοεισις), the diffusion of an infix -η- (Βρυγηΐς, Δολοπηΐς, Πελοπηΐς) and the alternation between -ιδ- and -ιαδ- (Ἀχερουσίς / Ἀχερουσιάς). Le Argonautiche contengono nomi di persone e eroi, ma anche molti nomi di luoghi. In greco i nomi di persone e luoghi sono spesso accompagnati da derivati in -ῐδ... (-ῐδ- o -ῐδᾱ-), ma l'aggiunta del suffisso può creare una parola che non si adatta all’esametro. Lo scopo dell’articolo sarà di considerare quali processi morfologici furono usati da Apollonio di Rodi per piegare questi derivati ai vincoli dell’esametro. Saremo portati in più occasioni a chiederci a quale dialetto greco o a quale lingua appartengono le parole che portano questi suffissi.

This dissertation examines the social status of poets and the value of poetry as a cultural capital in Hellenistic court society through an investigation of the work of Callimachus. Long considered l’art pour l’art, Callimachus’ poetry has been shown by more recent scholars to play important roles in its social, historical, and religious contexts, and it is argued that Callimachus was a fully-fledged member of the Ptolemaic court society. Little attention, however, has yet been paid to the key questions that arise from this social context: what was the function of poetry at the Ptolemaic court, and what was its value compared to that of rival courtiers’ inventions, military triumphs, wide-ranging political connections, and financial assets? I analyze Callimachus’ Hymns and Aetia 3-4 and argue that he positions his poetry as an invaluable gift to his kings and queens in their struggle for preeminence among rival courts and Greek cities. In so doing, Callimachus portrays himself as worthy of the most distinguished position at court. I conceptualize Callimachus’ competition with a wide range of courtiers for royal favor at court using Bourdieu’s ideas of cultural capital and the struggle for distinction. I then apply this sociological theory to the case of Callimachus in Ptolemaic Alexandria by making use of inscriptions, documentary papyri, coins, archaeological evidence, contemporary literature, and later historical tradition. These different sources have been quartered off in distinct sub-fields of Classics and Ancient History, and as a result literary scholars rarely consider them together. My approach makes the literary interpretation of Callimachus significant and accessible to those outside the sub-field of Hellenistic poetry and even of Classics at large, especially scholars of court societies, patronage, and the politics of culture. Chapter One sketches the structure of Hellenistic court society and the place of poets therein, focusing on Callimachus’ Alexandria. Hellenistic courts were hierarchical, hypercompetitive social networks surrounding kings whose high-ranking members were called his philoi, ‘friends’; courtiership was thus a long-term relationship of philia maintained by the reciprocal exchange of gifts. Historical sources indicate that some poets were considered royal philoi, and my analyses of Theocritus Idyll 17 and Posidippus Anathematika 37 AB show that poets presented themselves as philoi vying against a range of courtiers for their patrons’ favor. Moreover, the Ptolemies positioned themselves as the legitimate arbiters of cultural production, allowing them to judge the value of poets accurately. I then argue that the state dinners served to poets at the Alexandrian Museum were a highly valuable symbolic capital comparable to civic sitesis and honorary portions of sacrificial meat. In the language of civic honors, the Museum dinners placed poets on a par with other public benefactors in the court society. I then demonstrate the significance of the royal symposium as a crucial site for the consumption of poets’ cultural capital by the court at large. The chapter concludes by considering the evidence for Callimachus’ long and distinguished career at the Ptolemaic court, both of which make him an ideal case study for how a poet might win and maintain a distinguished position at court. Chapters Two, Three, and Four examine Callimachus’ Hymns, a collection of six poems in honor of traditional Greek divinities, as a valuable cultural capital which contributes to the Ptolemies’ religious and political aims. Chapter Two begins by reviewing recent arguments in favor of the hymns’ original performances and argues that the collection of Hymns functions as a textual automaton reperforming its splendid Ptolemaic festivals throughout the oikoumene. I then compare Callimachus’ strategy of aligning the Ptolemies with the Olympian gods with the contemporary religious phenomenon of deifying the Ptolemies as synnaoi theoi (‘temple-dwelling gods’) with pre-existing divinities. I both cult and Callimachus’ Hymns the Ptolemies are not only assimilated to the Olympians, but also the Olympians to the Ptolemies. I argue that Callimachus’ presentation of the Olympian court society in the Hymns offers a valuable ‘charter myth’ legitimizing their exercise of power at court. I then demonstrate that the court which Zeus establishes on Olympus in the first hymn is shot through with realia from the courts of Alexander and the Ptolemies, anchoring their historical innovations with an Olympian precedent. In the hymn to Apollo, I show that Apollo’s patronage is analogous to Ptolemaic patronage as attested in numismatic, papyrological, and historical evidence. I argue that the hymn’s celebration of Apollo’s epiphany in Cyrene paves the way for the city’s embrace of Ptolemaic rule. In both hymns, then, Callimachus positions himself as an invaluable ambassador for the Ptolemaic court. Chapter Three examines Callimachus’ self-portrayal as an agent of deification in the third and fourth hymns to Artemis and Delos. I first compare the series of exchanges by which Artemis attains Olympian prominence to the various ways in which new members of the Ptolemaic house gained status and power at court, including negotiations for honors, performance of rituals, and participation in high-status social engagements. I then compare the gluttony of the deified Heracles, whom Artemis meets on Olympus, to Ptolemaic tryphe and argue that Callimachus hereby makes room for his patrons at the Olympian court. In exchange for his hymn’s gift of divinity, I demonstrate that Callimachus angles for his divine patron’s life-long, preferential philia. I then discuss the hymn to Delos in tandem with the Nicouria Decree, which records the divine honors voted by the League of Islanders to Ptolemy I Soter. I show that Callimachus positions himself in the proem as a poet of the Ptolemaic Museum offering Delos the gift of Ptolemaic cultural capital owed to her as a result of her divinization of Apollo. Callimachus thus positions himself as a crucial intermediary between the Ptolemies and the wider world. In exchange, I argue that he presents himself as worthy of public honors from both Delos and Ptolemy II Philadelphus. Chapter Four discusses the final hymns to Athena and Demeter as warnings to those who would transgress against the Olympians and Callimachus’ divine Ptolemaic patrons. In the hymn to Athena, the Cronian Law which demands Athena to punish Teiresias for seeing her against her will echoes the prohibition of the first king in Greek imagination, the Median king Deioces, that no one see the king. I argue that Callimachus offers a divine Greek precedent for Athena’s and his patrons’ exercise of power through court ceremonial, and I discuss how Athena’s gifts of compensation to Teiresias transform him into an analogy for a court poet. I then discuss the court politics of feasting in the hymn to Demeter. I argue that Erysichthon’s wish to cut down wood from Demeter’s grove for a dining room in which to feast his friends ceaselessly sets him up as a rival to the divine Ptolemaic kings. Chapter Five analyzes how Callimachus positions himself towards his patron Berenice II in Aetia 3-4, two books framed by elegies in her honor. Discussing the meaning of ἕδνον at the beginning of the Victoria Berenices, I argue that Callimachus harnesses a Pindaric metaphor of the epinician poem as a ‘bride-price’ to pose as a suitor competing for Berenice’s hand in marriage. I then discuss the resonance of this bridal metaphor for patronage in the Victoria’s remaining fragments, ‘Acontius and Cydippe,’ and the Coma Berenices. I argue that Callimachus offers Berenice the ‘bride-price’ of a public image as an eternal bride. Hellenistic court poetry has long been considered ivory tower and consumed only by a privileged few. My dissertation shows instead that Callimachus’ poetry aimed to disseminate powerful images of their courts far beyond the royal center. His cultural capital had immense value at court in large part because of its wide ambit and social relevance. In return, Callimachus laid claim to nothing less than the most distinguished position in his patrons’ court society.

The aim of this work is to study hellenistic poetry through a new concept of « humility ». Poetic and metapoetic aspects of Callimachus’ Hecale andepigrams, Theocritus’ Idylls and epigrams, Herodas’ Mimiambi and Leonidas’ of Tarentum epigrams are explored in this light., Selon Callimaque, l’artiste a pour tâche d’emprunter des sentiers non encore battus parses prédécesseurs. Explorer de nouveaux chemins de création va de pair avec le fait de chanter une nouvelle catégorie de figures : celle des humbles. L’humilité, c’est-à-dire le caractère de ce qui présente un manque considéré comme un défaut, est à distinguer de la pauvreté, qui n’est liée qu’à la possession des biens. Elle est un élément de caractérisation des figures poétiques et revêt des formes multiples, particulièrement liées aux âges de la vie, à l’apparence et au statut social des personnages, et devient un champ d’expérimentations poétiques pour les poètes hellénistiques. Bien qu’aucun terme ne désigne en grec ancien, à l’époque hellénistique, l’humilité et qu’on ne peut de ce fait affirmer l’existence d’un concept d’humilité en tant que tel à cette période, les figures caractérisées par l’humilité apparaissent structurées en réseau, par des biais sémantiques, lexicaux et stylistiques. Ce phénomène est particulièrement observable dans les Idylles et les épigrammes de Théocrite, ainsi que dans l’Hécalé et les épigrammes de Callimaque, les Mimiambes d’Hérondas et les épigrammes de Léonidas de Tarente. Ces oeuvres, où des figures caractérisées par leur humilité occupent des rôles de premier plan contrairement à ce qui était le cas dans la poésie antérieure, constituent le corpus choisi pour notre étude de manière à permettre l’analyse du traitement de la thématique au sein de genres poétiques divers. Ce sont les modalités et les enjeux du traitement dont fait l’objet l’humilité dans la poésie hellénistique qui sont ici analysées. Il s’agit de déterminer les critères qui permettent de distinguer des sèmes d’humilité afin de reconstruire ce « concept » omniprésent bien que non nommé, puis, à partir des réseaux sémantiques liées à l’humilité qui parcourent la poésie hellénistique, de montrer les enjeux métapoétiques que le traitement de ce thème soulève., Secondo Callimaco, l’artista deve scegliere delle strade diverse da quelle che hanno percorso i suoipredecessori. Il fatto di cantare una nuova categoria di personaggi, gli umili, fa parte dell’esplorazione diun nuovo modo di comporre poesia.L’umiltà, cioè la caratteristica di tutto ciò che presenta una qualche mancanza ed è perciò consideratoin difetto, è diversa dalla povertà, che corrisponde alla sola mancanza dei beni. L’umiltà è un modo percaratterizzare i personaggi. Le forme della sua realizzazione, legate in particolare all’età, all’apparenza, allivello sociale e alla ricchezza, sono varie e offrono un campo di sperimentazione ai poeti ellenistici.Siccome il senso di nessuna parola greca corrisponde a quello della parola «umiltà» in epoca ellenistica,non è possibile essere sicuri dell’esistenza, in quel periodo, di un simile concetto. Gli elementicaratterizzati dall’umiltà, tuttavia, sembrano organizzati secondo la struttura di una rete, grazie a deiprocessi semantici, lessicali e stilistici. Questo fenomeno appare in modo particolarmente chiaro negliIdilli e negli epigrammi di Teocrito, nell’Ecale e negli epigrammi di Callimaco, nei Mimiambi di Eroda, enegli epigrammi di Leonida di Taranto. Il corpus analizzato è composto da questi quattro gruppi di testipoetici, in cui alcuni personaggi umili svolgono ruoli da protagonisti, affinché la tematica dell’umiltà possaessere studiata in generi poetici differenti.In questo lavoro analizziamo le modalità di sviluppo di questa tematica nella poesia ellenistica e lesfide estetiche che essa implica. Si tratta, in primo luogo, di individuare i criteri che permettono diriconoscere la presenza della nozione di umiltà, per ricostruire questo «concetto» ben percepibile anche semai nominato, e poi di studiare le reti semantiche che lo strutturano; infine, di mettere in luce gli aspettimetapoetici tanto della nozione di umiltà quanto degli stessi personaggi umili.

This paper seeks to shed fresh light on the aesthetic and stylistic affiliations of Lycophron's Alexandra, approaching the poem from two distinct but complementary angles. First, it explores what can be gained by reading Lycophron's poem against the backdrop of Callimachus’ poetry. It contends that the Alexandra presents a radical and polemical departure from the Alexandrian's poetic programme, pointedly appropriating key Callimachean images while also countering Callimachus’ apparent dismissal of the ‘noisy’ tragic genre. Previous scholarship has noted links between the openings of the Aetia and of the Alexandra, but this article demonstrates that this relationship is only one part of a larger aesthetic divide between the two poets: by embracing the raucous acoustics of tragedy, Lycophron's poem offers a self-conscious and agonistic departure from Callimachus’ aesthetic preferences. Second, this article considers another way of conceiving the aesthetics of the poem beyond a Callimachean frame, highlighting how Lycophron pointedly engages with and evokes earlier Aristotelian literary criticism concerning the ‘frigid’ style: the Alexandra constructs its own independent literary history centred around the alleged name of its author, ‘Lycophron’. The article proposes that this traditional attribution is best understood as a pen name that signposts the poem's stylistic affiliations, aligning it not so much with the Ptolemaic playwright Lycophron of Chalcis but rather with Lycophron the sophist and a larger rhetorical tradition of stylistic frigidity. Ultimately, through these two approaches, the article highlights further aspects of the Alexandra's aesthetic diversity.

El presente trabajo propone una lectura del Yambo 1 de Calímaco de Cirene (c. 320-244 a. C.) ligada a la imagen del poder real en Egipto bajo la égida de Ptolomeo II Filadelfo. En este sentido, nuestra hipótesis considera que en la parábola de la copa de Baticles -relato enmarcado dentro del poema-, el recorrido trazado por el viaje de la mítica copa ofrecida como premio al mejor de los Siete Sabios de la Antigüedad podría estar remedando un mapa geopolítico en el que se plasman las pretensiones de soberanía de la dinastía ptolemaica sobre distintas regiones de Licia, Caria y el sur de Jonia; en particular, sobre la ciudad de Mileto y el santuario de Apolo en Dídima. Consideramos, finalmente, que la relevancia de Mileto y Dídima en Calímaco podría corresponderse con la importancia política de la ciudad y el santuario para la dinastía ptolemaica. The present paper aims at a reading of Callimachus of Cyrene’s Iambus 1 (c. 320-244 BC) linked to the image of real power in Egypt under the aegis of Ptolemy II Philadelphus. In this sense, our hypothesis considers that in the parable of Bathycles’ cup –a framed narrative within the poem-, the route traced by the journey of the mythical cup offered as a prize to the best of the Seven Sages of ancient Greece could be mimicking a geopolitical map that embodies the claims of sovereignty of the Ptolemaic dynasty over different regions of Lycia, Caria and southern Ionia; in particular, over Miletus and the Apollo’s temple at Didyma. We consider, finally, that the relevance of Miletus and Didyma in Callimachus could correspond to the political importance of the city and the sanctuary for the Ptolemaic dynasty.

This paper discusses the use of caves in Ovid’s works. It focuses on several passages from Ars Amatoria, Fasti, and Metamorphoses in which Ovid uses cave imagery as part of his Golden age discourse. Ovid’s use of cave as a motif in Golden age imagery is distinct from his Greek predecessors (Homer, Hesiod, and Callimachus) whose works he heavily drew on. Caves are sometimes dangerous, but most often they are presented as places of refuge, where one finds privacy from prying eyes including the gaze of Augustus, whose moral laws Ovid criticized.Keywords: Ovid, Augustus, adultery, caves, Roman literature, intertextuality, Hesiod, Homer, CallimachusOd prapovijesti špilje su bile mjesta osobitog vjerskog i kultnog značaja. Špilje su pružale sklonište čovjeku kad nije imao doma. Nije čudno da nam najraniji prikazi odnosa čovjeka s prirodom dolaze iz poznatih špilja Altamira i Lascaux, gdje nalazimo umjetnost velikog značaja za povijest čovječanstva.

Part I of this study argued that Aratus’s decision to base his LEPTĒ acrostic, which occurs during a discussion of moonlight (Phaen. 783-87), on Homer’s LEUKĒ acrostic (Il. 24.1-5) was motivated by the connection in Homer between the adjective λευκός and various types of light from the sky, including the light of dawn, which appears shortly after the acrostic (Il. 24.12), and the light of the moon (Il. 23.455). In Part II, I argue that a study of the reception of Aratus’s acrostic in Greek and Latin poetry reveals that many ancient poets solved the “riddle” of how Aratus’s acrostic relates to Homer’s.

The author of the article proves that Pindar served as necessary source and model for the Alexandrian poets. It is not by chance that Callimachus refers to him in his most significant programmatic statements on poetry. It is no coincidence, either, that allusions to the fourth Pythian ode are also concentrated around the key moments of Apollonius’ narration (departure, meetings with the beloved, the hero’s trial, wedding and the poem’s ending). Pindar appears a source of the ideas for Callimachus anticipating his own notion of poetry. Callimachus, while formally opposing himself to the previous tradition, with the help of quotes and allusions constantly relies upon that very tradition; his picking up from it shows which ideas and images correspond to the main principles of Alexandrian poetics, Pindar plays here an important role. Apollonius considers Pindar among his major predecessors when recounting the story of the Argonauts. The poem of the Alexandrian poet and the fourth Pythian ode are obviously united by this topic. In the “Argonautica” there are lots of lexical parallels to Pindar. Pindaric expressions become the epic formulas in “Argonautica”. According to the author’s aim, Apollonius’ epic poem and the fourth Pythian ode could interact in the mind of the reader. They represent a certain unity, complementing each other. In this way, Pindar remains the major source uniting Callimachus and Apollonius, the poets traditionally opposed to each other., Автор статьи показывает, что Пиндар явился важным источником и образцом для александрийских поэтов. Не случайно Каллимах отсылает к нему в наиболее значимых своих программных заявлениях о поэзии. Показательно, что и у Аполлония аллюзии на четвертую Пифийскую оду концентрируются вокруг ключевых моментов повествования (отправление, встреча с возлюбленной, испытание героя, свадьба, финал). В своих программных заявлениях относительно поэзии Каллимах, формально противопоставляя себя предшествующей традиции, в то же время с помощью цитат и аллюзии к этой традиции отсылает, вероятно, показывая тем самым, чтó в ней соответствует основным принципам александрийской поэтики. Отсылки к Пиндару играют у Каллимаха важную роль. Для Аполлония Пиндар – один из важнейших предшественников в изложении сюжета об аргонавтах. Эта тема объединяет поэму александрийского поэта с четвертой Пифийской одой. В «Аргонавтике» много лексических параллелей с Пиндаром. Пиндаровские выражения в «Аргонавтике» становятся эпическими формулами. По замыслу Аполлония, его поэма и произведение Пиндара должны были вступить в определенное взаимодействие в сознании знающего читателя, представляя собой некое единство, дополняя друг друга. Таким образом, Пиндар – это одно из тех звеньев, которые связывают Каллимаха и Аполлония, традиционно противопоставляемых друг другу поэтов.

On essaie de corroborer l’hypothèse de Rudolf Merkel selon laquelle l’affranchi d’Auguste, philologue, ami d’Ovide et préfet de la Bibliothèque Palatine Hygin est bien le destinataire de la dernière pièce du livre 3 des Tristes. Pour ce faire, avant d’identifier les signa cryptologiques disposés par Ovide, on évoque les fonctions et la personnalité d’Hygin ainsi que les fonctions de Pompeius Macer, qui s’est aussi occupé de la Bibliothèque Palatine. Au cours de la discussion on interprète plusieurs passages d’auteurs divers (Auguste, Ovide, Suétone, Tzetzès sur Callimaque), on suggère des émendations de certains de ces passages et l’on évoque aussi des questions relatives au travail des bibliothécaires de l’Antiquité et à la cryptologie littéraire antique, We try to corroborate Rudolf Merkel’s idea that Ovid’s friend, the philologist and prefect of the Palatine Library Hyginus is actually the addressee of the last poem of book 3 of the Tristia collection. In order to do so, before identifying the cryptological signa laid by Ovid, we discuss the position and personality of Hyginus, the position of Pompeius Macer, who was also busy with the Palatine Library. We also endeavour to explain passages of various authors (Augustus, Ovid, Suetonius, Tzetzes on Callimachus), suggest emendations of some of these passages and discuss various issues pertaining to the achievement of ancient librarians and to ancient literary cryptology, Intentamos confirmar la idea de Rudolf Merkel de que Higino, el amigo de Ovidio y filólogo y prefecto de la Biblioteca Palatina, era en realidad el destinatario del último poema del tercer libro de la colección de las Tristezas. Para ello, antes de identificar las marcas criptológicas dejadas por Ovidio, vamos a analizar la posición y la personalidad de Higino, y la posición de Pompeyo Macro, quien también se encargaba de la Biblioteca Palatina. También vamos a intentar explicar los pasajes de varios autores (como Augusto, Ovidio, Suetonio o Tzetzes) sobre Calímaco, los cuales sugieren correcciones de algunos de estos pasajes, y examinan varios temas pertenecientes al logro de los antiguos bibliotecarios y a la antigua criptología literaria.

This chapter uses Callimachus’ Aetia, Aratus’ Phaenomena and Nicander’s Theriaca to explore the intense engagement with Hesiodic poetry in the Hellenistic period. Informed by statistics for explicit references to Hesiod at this time, it asks: why is this the only period of antiquity in which the Theogony and the Works and Days are considered equally important? Questions of genre and didaxis, of inspiration and knowledge, are set against a backdrop of learned library culture, in order to determine what it really meant in the Hellenistic age to be a scholar-poet. This chapter draws on a recent wave of interest in the ancient reception of Hesiod, and considers not only how Hesiodic poetry was used, but also how the potential for that use is embedded in the archaic poems themselves.

Lyric after Pindar should be seen not as declining and petering out, but as developing in ways which radically question or play with the fundamentals of the genre (or “super-genre”). The stanza is a crucial feature of lyric up to Pindar, especially when seen textually; “modernist” expansion into huge astrophic entities (Timotheus, etc.) and “postmodern” reduction into stichic lines (Callimachus, etc.) both involve radical rethinking of the super-genre, and one is a reaction to the other. However, the most innovative postmodernists are the poets somewhat earlier than Callimachus and Theocritus (Simmias, Philicus, etc.); Callimachus and Theocritus continue their ideas with new twists and new point. And the stanza is not really dead: within Timotheus’ and Callimachus’ poems stanza-like structures are built up. The late-classical and Hellenistic development of lyric is as dynamic and thought-provoking as that of sculpture. On ne devrait pas considérer que la lyrique après Pindare décline et s’épuise, mais plutôt qu’elle se développe selon des voies qui questionnent radicalement ou jouent avec les fondements du genre (ou « super-genre »). La strophe est une caractéristique cruciale de la lyrique jusqu’à Pindare, surtout d’un point de vue textuel ; l’expansion « moderniste » en grandes entités astrophiques (Timothée entre autres) et la réduction « postmoderne » à des vers stichiques (Callimaque entre autres) impliquent toutes deux une remise en cause radicale du super-genre, et l’une est une réaction à l’autre. Cependant, les postmodernistes les plus novateurs sont les poètes un peu antérieurs à Callimaque et Théocrite (Simmias, Philicos entre autres) ; Callimaque et Théocrite prolongent leurs idées avec de nouveaux ajustements et de nouveaux objectifs. Mais la strophe n’est pas réellement morte : dans les poèmes de Timothée et de Callimaque se construisent des structures d’apparence strophique. Le développement tardif et hellénistique de la lyrique est aussi dynamique et stimulant que celui de la sculpture. Dopo Pindaro la poesia lirica non declina e non si esaurisce, ma si sviluppa in modi che mettono in discussione o giocano con i fondamenti del genere (o sopra-genere). La stanza è un aspetto cruciale della lirica fino a Pindaro, specialmente se considerata da un punto di vista testuale; un’espansione “modernista” in enormi entità astrofiche (Timoteo, ecc.) e una riduzione “postmoderna” in versi stichici (Callimaco, ecc.) implicano entrambe un totale ripensamento del sopra-genere e l’una è una reazione all’altra. Tuttavia, i postmodernisti più innovativi sono i poeti che collochiamo un po’ prima di Callimaco e Teocrito (Simmia, Filico, ecc.). Callimaco e Teocrico riprendono il loro pensiero con nuovi sviluppi e una nuova prospettiva critica. La stanza non è davvero morta. Con i poemi di Timoteo e Callimaco vengono costruite strutture simili alla stanza. Lo sviluppo tardo-classico e ellenistico della lirica è dinamico e stimolante come quello della scultura.

La inclusión de un término tan específico como ζωστήρ por Dionisio de Halicarnaso y Plutarco al narrar cómo el « primer » Breno arrojó espada y cinturón mientras exclamaba vae victis introduce un elemento, la cadena de suspensión, anacrónico para el 386 a.C. pero que se convertirá durante el siglo III a.C. en uno de los marcadores étnicos con los que se identifique a los galos . A partir de aquí podemos argumentar cómo el líder galo, Breno, no sería más que un doble del Breno que en 279 a.C. atacó Delfos, incorporado a la historia escrita por Fabio Píctor, una inclusión que debe entenderse dentro de una reformulación en clave filohelena de la identidad y el pasado romanos. Abstract: When weighing the ransom of the Capitol, Brennus is said to have thrown his sword and belt onto the scales while exclaiming « vae victis ». When telling us this story both Plutarch and Dionysius of Halicarnassus use a specific term, ζωστήρ, which refers to the Celtic suspension chain. Although the suspension chain became a marker of Gallic identity during the 3rd century BC, it had yet to come into use in 386 BC. From this starting point, I argue in this paper that the « first » Brennus was actually a borrowing from the Brennus who attacked Delphi in 279 BC. The incorporation of Brennus into Roman history can be credited to Fabius Pictor, and should be understood in the framework of a philhellenic reappraisal of the Roman past and identity.

El principal objetivo de esta tesis consiste en analizar los modos en que la primera persona se inscribe en la poesía yámbica de la Grecia arcaica y helenística, para lo cual se abordan en particular las producciones de los reconocidos yambógrafos Arquíloco de Paros (c. 660 a. C.), Hiponacte de Éfeso (c. 500 a. C.) y Calímaco de Cirene (c. 310-244 a. C.). Con este propósito, se investigan los procesos de producción, transmisión y recepción de lo que tradicionalmente se conoce como “yo lírico” o “persona poética”, es decir, una voz que se manifiesta en primera persona en una composición dada y que se interpreta como dramatización de la figura del poeta. Partiendo de implicancias teóricas y metodológicas diferentes a la perspectiva tradicional en que se acuñaron estos términos, el presente proyecto postula específicamente el concepto de persona yámbica, entendido como un determinado tipo de máscara (πρόσωπον) propia de este género, que regula la legalidad del ‘yo’ en una tonalidad que puede ir desde un anclaje intimista, expresión en clave autobiográfica, hasta un artilugio de distanciamiento mediante el cual el ‘yo’ aparece bajo el disfraz de un personaje ficticio, de una figura típica o, probablemente, de personas reales pertenecientes al entorno social del poeta. El desarrollo de la presente investigación se ha estructurado de la siguiente manera: en este capítulo introductorio (capítulo 1) se puntualizan las características del género yámbico, sobre todo en su período arcaico. Por un lado, ahondamos en lo atinente al trasfondo mítico y religioso de esta particular forma poética. En particular, nos remontamos a las relaciones que entabla en sus orígenes con los cultos eleusinos y dionisíacos, porque estos resultan fundamentales para entender los rasgos estructurales de su composición. Con este objetivo, se indaga en la figura de la mítica Ἰάμβη (Hymn. Hom. Dem. 122) como αἴτιον retrospectivo del ἴαμβος y en las asociaciones etimológicas y genéricas que el ἴαμβος mantiene con otras expresiones festivas ligadas al ámbito dionisíaco, concretamente: δυθύραμβος, θρίαμβος e ἴθυμβος. Por otro lado, se presentan las justificaciones y fundamentos del corpus seleccionado y las perspectivas teóricas y metodológicas seleccionadas para el análisis de los textos poéticos. En los tres capítulos siguientes (capítulos 2, 3 y 4) se desarrolla el estudio sistemático del corpus yambográfico. Al final de cada sección se consignan los resultados parciales sobre la escenografía enuncivo-enunciativa mediante un esquema que permite visualizar los distintos actantes y actores que intervienen en cada poema y sus relaciones de identidad. En estas secciones se realiza también una caracterización del enunciador a partir del concepto de persona yámbica, como máscara lingüística particular que posibilita la funcionalidad de este género poético. Por último, en el capítulo 5 se presentan las conclusiones finales considerando diacrónicamente las diferencias y similitudes entre las personas yámbicas de Arquíloco, Hiponacte y Calímaco, y entre las funciones particulares en el período arcaico y el helenístico., Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación

Cet article traite des expressions littéraires de la jeunesse et de la nouveauté chez Apollonios de Rhodes. Il examine l’usage du langage de nouveauté dans plusieurs passages des Argonautiques tout en employant des méthodes philologiques, herméneutiques et métalittéraires, afin de démontrer que le principe et le langage de nouveauté chez Apollonios expriment un nouveau regard sur le monde. This article examines literary expressions of youth and newness in Apollonius of Rhodes. It explores the use of the diction of newness in a select number of passages throughout the Argonautica, employing philological, hermeneutic and metaliterary approaches in order to demonstrate that the concept and the language of novelty in Apollonius articulate new perspectives on the world. Questo articolo esamina le espressioni letterarie di giovani e novità in Apollonio Rodio. Essa esplora l’uso della dizione di novità in un numero selezionato di passaggi in tutto Le Argonautiche, impiegando gli approcci filologici, ermeneutici e metaletterari al fine di dimostrare che il concetto e il linguaggio di novità in Apollonio articolano nuove prospettive sul mondo.

The monumental new commentary by Simon Hornblower on Lycophron’s “minor masterpiece,” as he calls the Alexandra, much helps our understanding of the text. Focussing rather on the historical evidence that might be alluded to in the work, however, Hornblower fails to take due care of literary interpretation. Le commentaire monumental que Simon Hornblower vient de publier sur le « chef d’œuvre mineur » de Lycophron, ainsi qu’il désigne l’Alexandra, apporte une aide importante à la compréhension du texte. Cependant, en se focalisant surtout sur la matière historique à laquelle l’œuvre peut faire allusion, Hornblower oublie de prendre suffisamment en considération l’interprétation littéraire du poème. Il nuovo commento monumentale di Simon Hornblower sul “piccolo capolavoro” di Licofrone, come chiama l’Alexandra, aiuta molto la nostra comprensione del testo. Concentrandosi in particolare sul materiale storica che potrebbero essere accennato nel lavoro, Hornblower tuttavia non tiene la dovuta cura dell'interpretazione letteraria.

L’originalité, cette nouveauté par rapport à la tradition, est un leitmotiv de la littérature hellénistique qui sera par la suite adopté par les écrivains romains. Callimaque défend notamment une esthétique qui rejette les voies poétiques habituelles. Le poète doit ainsi plutôt suivre « les chemins peu fréquentés » (Aet. 1, 27‑28 : κελεύθους | ἀτρίπτο]υς). Il ne s’agit pourtant pas d’une répudiation d’Homère ou du genre épique ; Callimaque se situe dans une longue tradition littéraire, à laqu...

In this study I evaluate Callimachus’ rhetorical presentation and characterization of local historians and their material as either “old” or “new.” The first section focuses upon the Hecale. I show that Callimachus artificially antiquates and at the same time highlights the newness of previously unattested elements that he draws from the contemporary Attic histories of Philochorus and Amelesagoras I turn to the Aetia in the second section and concentrate on four examples of the poet’s representation of local historians and historical texts. By exaggerating the antiquity of the historian, Callimachus presents himself as a participant in an ancient historical tradition, while simultaneously emphasizing the modern qualities of his own “local history” of the Ptolemaic oikoumene. Cette étude réévalue la présentation et la caractérisation des historiens régionaux comme « anciens » ou « nouveaux » chez Callimaque. Dans la première section, on se concentre sur l’Hécalé, afin de démontrer comment Callimaque rend artificiellement vétustes et à la fois nouveaux des éléments des histoires attiques de Philochore et d’Amélésagoras. Dans la deuxième section, on se tourne vers les Aitia, dont on précise quatre exemples de la représentation d’historiens régionaux. En amplifiant l’antiquité de l’historien, Callimaque se représente comme un participant à la tradition, de même qu’il met l’accent sur les aspects modernes de sa propre ‘histoire locale’ de l’oikoumene des Lagides. In questo studio esamino la presentazione retorica e la caratterizzazione degli storici locali e del loro materiale da parte di Callimaco come “antico” o “nuovo.” La prima sezione è dedicata all’Ecale. Qui mostro che Callimaco, in modo artificiale, attribuisce antichità e al tempo stesso sottolinea la novità di elementi precedentemente non attestati che attinge dalle coeve storie attiche di Filocoro e di Amelesagora. Passo poi a trattare degli Aetia nella seconda sezione e mi concentro su quattro esempi del modo in cui il poeta ritrae gli storici locali e i loro testi. Esagerando l’antichità dello storico, Callimaco presenta se stesso come partecipe di un’antica tradizione storica e, insieme, pone in rilievo le caratteristiche moderne della sua stessa “storia locale” dell’ecumene tolemaica.

Par cet article nous souhaitons examiner, à travers le cas particulier de Lysippe, le processus d’élaboration de la notion de filiation artistique dans la critique d’art ancienne. Il s’agira notamment de voir comment les théoriciens du début de l’époque hellénistique ont envisagé les rapports d’imitation entre Lysippe et ses disciples, ainsi que les phénomènes de continuité ou de discontinuité stylistique entre le maître et ses successeurs. Le point de départ de cette étude est la première épigramme du cycle des andriantopoiika de Posidippe, dont nous souhaitons mettre en évidence les liens avec des théories probablement exposées dans les traités contemporains de Douris de Samos et de Xénocrate d’Athènes. Cette épigramme mentionne trois artistes « anciens » (peut-être trois générations d’artistes : maître, disciple et Enkelschüler) dont les œuvres sont caractérisées comme « rigides » et opposées à celles des nouveaux artistes qui suivent les préceptes de Lysippe, un artiste qui passait, selon certaines anecdotes, pour n’avoir été formé par aucun maître, mais par la nature elle-même. Les autres épigrammes que Posidippe consacre aux bronziers montrent que les principes de Lysippe ont pu inspirer des œuvres aussi différentes que le portrait très précis du vieux poète Philitas par le bronzier Hécataios ou la représentation auguste et colossale du dieu Hélios par Charès de Lindos. Un passage plinien lui aussi inspiré de ces premiers traités d’histoire de l’art, la description des qualités stylistiques de l’œuvre d’Euthycrate, disciple de Lysippe, fait état d’une conception de la transmission de l’enseignement artistique, des qualités stylistiques et du savoir technique entre le maître et son disciple qui rejoint les présupposés théoriques de Posidippe. Le vocabulaire stylistique employé dans ce passage de Pline nous permet de deviner la complexité de l’appareil théorique élaboré, au début de l’époque hellénistique, par Xénocrate et Douris. This paper examines the notion of “artistic filiation” in Early Hellenistic theories of art. We wish to highlight the links between the first epigram of Posidippus’ andriantopoiika cycle and the theories of art probably illustrated in the contemporary treatises of Duris of Samos and Xenocrates of Athens. In his epigram, Posidippus establishes a contrast between “ancient” and “modern” art. Ancient art was possibly represented by the mention of three artists belonging to three successive generations (an ancient master, his pupil and his Enkelschüler). Their works share a characteristic rigidity, apparently passed from one generation to the next. On the contrary, “new” works should now imitate the works of Lysippus, an artist believed to have had no other master than nature herself. Other epigrams by Posidippus express ideas on the stylistic qualities of ancient and new works of art and suggest that Lysippan principals were the source of inspiration of works as different as Hecataios’ slender and subtle portrait of the poet Philitas and of Chares of Lindos’ gigantic and noble representation of Helios, the Sun god. Pliny’s presentation of Euthykrates (one of Lysippus’ pupils), which probably derives from Xenocrates, expresses a similar conception of the transmission of artistic education, stylistic qualities and technical knowledge between master and pupil. The stylistic vocabulary that Pliny uses to characterize the works of Lysippus’ pupil allow us a tantalizing glimpse into Early Hellenistic theories of art. Attraverso questo articolo ci proponiamo di esaminare, tramite il caso particolare di Lisippo, il processo di elaborazione della nozione di filiazione artistica nella critica dell’arte antica. Vedremo soprattutto in che modo i teorici dell’arte vissuti all’inizio dell’età ellenistica concepirono sia i rapporti imitativi tra Lisippo ed i suoi discepoli che i fenomeni di continuità o di discontinuità stilistica fra il maestro ed i suoi successori. Il punto di partenza di questo studio è il primo epigramma del ciclo degli andriantopoiika di Posidippo, di cui desideriamo mettere in evidenza i legami con le teorie esposte, probabilmente, nei trattati coevi di Duride di Samo e di Senòcrate di Atene. Questo epigramma menziona tre artisti “antichi” (forse tre generazioni di artisti: maestro, discepolo ed Enkelschüler) le cui opere sono connotate come “rigide” e contrapposte a quelle dei nuovi artisti che seguono i precetti di Lisippo, il quale, stando a certi aneddoti, era noto per non aver avuto altri che la natura come maestro. Gli altri epigrammi che Posidippo dedica ai bronzisti mostrano che i principi di Lisippo hanno potuto ispirare opere diverse, come l’accuratissimo ritratto del vecchio poeta Filita realizzato dal bronzista Ecateo oppure la rappresentazione maestosa e colossale del dio Helios di Carete di Lindo. Un passaggio di Plinio — anch’egli ispirato da questi primi trattati di storia dell’arte — la descrizione delle qualità stilistiche dell’opera di Eutìcrate discepolo di Lisippo, attesta una concezione della trasmissione dal maestro al discepolo dell’insegnamento artistico, delle qualità stilistiche e del sapere tecnico che incontra i presupposti teorici di Posidippo. Il lessico stilistico utilizzato in questo passo pliniano permette di dedurre la complessità dell’apparato teorico elaborato, agli inizi dell’età ellenistica, da Senòcrate e da Duride.

This article offers a new interpretation of Stesichorus’ influence on the portrayal of the Cyclops in Theocritus’ Idylls 6 and 11. Stesichorus’ sympathetic treatment of Geryon provides a model for the reinvention of Polyphemus, although the characterization of the latter is more complex and informed by more genres, modes, and perspectives. In what follows I examine the relation between material archives and the rise of new literary forms before considering how tropes and allusions connected with youth, desire, blindness, and vulnerability generate a “neomorphic Cyclops” who, like other Hellenistic etiological constructs, internalizes the archive through the renewal of traditional poetics. Ce texte propose une nouvelle interprétation de l’influence de Stésichore sur le portrait du cyclope dans les 6e et 11e Idylles de Théocrite. Le portrait favorable de Géryon chez Stésichore fournit un modèle pour la réinvention de Polyphème, bien que le portrait de celui-ci soit complexe et influencé par plusieurs genres, modes et perspectives. Par la suite, on explore les rapports entre les archives et de nouvelles formes littéraires. On analyse comment les motifs liés à la jeunesse, le désir, la cécité et la vulnérabilité engendrent un cyclope ‘néomorphique’ qui, comme d’autres constructions étymologiques, assimile l’archive par le renouvellement de la poétique traditionnelle. Questo articolo propone una nuova interpretazione dell’influsso di Stesicoro sul ritratto del Ciclope negli Idilli 6 e 11 di Teocrito. Il trattamento simpatetico di Gerione offre un modello per la reinvenzione di Polifemo, benché la caratterizzazione di quest’ultimo è più complessa e costruita a partire da un numero maggiore di generi, modi e prospettive. Nelle pagine che seguono analizzerò la relazione tra gli archivi materiali e l’ascesa di nuove forme letterarie prima di passare a considerare il modo in cui i tropi e le allusioni associate con la giovinezza, il desiderio, la cecità e la vulnerabilità generino un “Ciclope neomorfico” che, come altre costruzioni eziologiche ellenistiche, interiorizza l’archivio tramite il rinnovamento della poetica tradizionale.

This paper investigates how Suetonius uses his representation of the literary taste of the emperor Tiberius to characterize him. Tiberius allegedly loved and imitated Hellenistic poets (Euphorion, Rhianus and Parthenius). How does this characterize him? Another question is whether this taste is modern or old-fashioned in comparison with the tastes of his contemporaries, in particular his predecessor Augustus. Finally I ask whether the fact that a similar literary taste (partly for the same authors) is attributed in the biographical tradition to Hadrian can be connected to Suetonius’ account of Tiberius’ literary interests. Cette étude examine la présentation des goûts littéraires de l’empereur Tibère chez Suétone. L’empereur était prétendûment passionné de littérature hellénistique et imita des poètes de l’époque, dont Euphorion, Rhianos et Parthénios. Comment cela contribue-t‑il à la caractérisation de Tibère ? Les goûts de Tibère sont-ils modernes ou démodés par rapport à ceux des autres empereurs romains, en particulier son prédécesseur Auguste ? Une telle passion littéraire est attribuée aussi à l’empereur Hadrien dans la tradition biographique, un cas que l’on peut associer au portrait de Tibère chez Suétone. Questo articolo esamina il modo in cui Svetonio utilizza la sua rappresentazione del gusto letterario dell’imperatore Tiberio per caratterizzarlo. A quanto sembra, Tiberio amava e imitava i poeti ellenistici (Euforione, Riano e Partenio). In che modo ciò lo caratterizza? Un’altra questione è se questo gusto sia moderno oppure antiquato al confronto con i gusti dei suoi contemporanei, in particolare il suo predecessore Augusto. Infine, mi domando se il fatto che un simile gusto letterario (in parte per gli stessi autori) sia attribuito ad Adriano nella tradizione biografica possa essere connesso al resoconto svetoniano degli interessi letterari di Tiberio.

This paper presents issues for the philosophy of books. Bibliophilia and bibliophobia are both virtues and vices. Constructing a library is also a philosophical tasks, for books are philosophical objects.

Catullus’ poem 64 is a highly complex text, the interpretation of which has long divided scholarship. In the present paper I look at possible political resonances of the epyllion in its historical context. First, I propose an intertextual reading of two passages from Catullus 64 (the catalogues of mortal and divine guests that attend the wedding at Pharsalus) in the light of Callimachus’ Hymn to Delos. I argue that Catullus uses the Thessalian section of the hymn with the struggle between the river Peneios and the war-god Ares not only as a source for learned mythological and geographical details, but also as a substantial subtext for his dark vision of Thessaly as a landscape foreboding war and civil war. In a second reading, I then look back at Catullus 64 from the perspective of two later Roman poets, Virgil and Lucan, who historicize Catullus’ mythical Thessaly even more specifically in the light of the civil wars. As examples I take the epilogue to the first book of the Georgics and especially Lucan’s Thessalian excursus in the sixth book of his Bellum civile, where he reworks Catullus as well as Callimachus in order to characterize his Thessaly as a literary landscape predestined for the horrors of the civil war battle at Pharsalus. Le poème 64 de Catulle est un texte très complexe, dont l'interprétation a longtemps divisé les savants. Dans le présent article, je recherché les résonances politiques possibles de l’epyllion dans son contexte historique. Tout d'abord, je propose une lecture intertextuelle de deux passages du poème 64 de Catulle (les catalogues des clients mortels et divins qui sont présents au mariage à Pharsale) à la lumière de l'Hymne à Délos de Callimaque. Je soutiens que Catulle utilise la section thessalienne de l'hymne sur la lutte entre le fleuve Pénée et le dieu de la guerre Arès, non seulement comme source érudite pour plus de détails mythologiques et géographiques, mais aussi comme un sous-texte important pour sa vision sombre de la Thessalie comme paysage annonçant la guerre et la guerre civile. Dans un deuxième temps, je reviens au poème 64 de Catulle dans la perspective de deux poètes latins ultérieurs, Virgile et Lucain, qui historicisent la Thessalie mythique de Catulle encore plus nettement à la lumière des guerres civiles. À titre d'exemples, je prends l'épilogue du premier livre des Géorgiques et surtout l’excursus thessalien de Lucain dans le sixième livre de son Bellum civile, où il retravaille Catulle ainsi que Callimaque afin de caractériser sa Thessalie comme un paysage littéraire prédestiné pour les horreurs de la la bataille de la guerre civile à Pharsale. Il carme 64 di Catullo è un testo molto complesso la cui interpretazione divide da tempo la critica. Nel presente articolo considero i possibili echi politici dell’epillio nel suo contesto storico. In primo luogo, propongo una lettura intertestuale di due passi dal carme 64 (il catalogo degli ospiti mortali e divini che partecipano al matrimonio a Farsalo) alla luce dell’Inno a Delo di Callimaco. Sostengo che Catullo utilizzi la sezione tessalica dell’inno, con lo scontro fra il fiume Peneo e il dio della guerra Ares, non solo come fonte di dettagli mitologici e geografici, ma anche come rilevante sottotesto per la sua visione negativa della Tessaglia come paesaggio che prefigura la guerra e soprattutto la guerra civile. In una seconda lettura, ritorno al carme 64 di Catullo dal punto di vista di due più tardi poeti romani, Virgilio e Lucano, che storicizzano la Tessaglia mitica di Catullo ancora più precisamente alla luce delle guerre civili. Come esempi prendo l’epilogo al primo libro delle Georgiche e soprattutto l’excursus tessalico di Lucano nel sesto libro del Bellum civile, nel quale egli rielabora Catullo così come Callimaco al fine di caratterizzare la sua Tessaglia come paesaggio letterario, predestinato agli orrori della battaglia di Farsalo.

Studies of epyllion have largely been limited to texts in dactylic hexameter. Certain elegiac poems, however, are similar to these epyllia in style and theme. Using Callimachus’ Victoria Berenices as a case study, this paper argues that these elegiac poems have a place in the conclusions and investigations of epyllion. After situating the Victoria Berenices relative to previous epinician poetry, the poem is explored in terms of its relationship to archaic elegiac predecessors that also bear resemblances to modern conceptions of epyllion. The discussion of these elegiac epyllia is then read in the context of several ancient literary critics. Les études sur l’epyllion ont été largement limitées aux textes en hexamètres dactyliques. Certains poèmes élégiaques cependant sont semblables à ces epyllia aussi bien par leur style que par leur sujet. Prenant La Victoire de Bénénice de Callimaque pour étude de cas, cet article soutient que ces poèmes élégiaques ont une place dans les conclusions et les enquêtes à propos de l’epyllion. Après avoir été situé par rapport à la poésie épinicique qui l’a précédé, le poème est exploré dans sa relation à ses prédécesseurs élégiaques archaïques qui apportent aussi des points de contact avec les conceptions modernes de l’epyllion. La discussion de ces epyllia élégiaques est ensuite envisagée dans le contexte de plusieurs critiques littéraires anciennes. Gli studi sull’epillio si sono per la maggior parte limitati all’analisi dei testi in esametri. Alcuni componimenti elegiaci, tuttavia, sono simili a questi epilli per stile e tema. Utilizzando la Victoria Berenices come esempio, questo articolo sostiene che questi componimenti elegiaci abbiano un posto nelle conclusioni e nelle indagini relative all’epillio. Dopo aver collocato la Victoria Berenices alla più antica poesia epinicia, il componimento è esplorato nei termini del suo rapporto con i precedenti elegiaci arcaici che hanno anche somiglianze con i concetti moderni di epillio. La discussione di questi epilli elegiaci è quindi inquadrata nel contesto della critica letteraria antica.

Nel presente articolo si suggerisce l’ipotesi che il dorismo τεθμός, presente in alcuni oracoli epigrafici del santuario di Klaros, costituisca un’ importante testimonianza dei rapporti che intercorrono tra l’opera di Callimaco e la poesia oracolare di Klaros. In particolare, assumendo come estremi dell’analisi l’Ecale callimachea e gli oracoli clarii provenienti dai centri di Hierapolis e Kaisareia Troketta, si cercherà di dimostrare che il reimpiego del vocabolo, inserito nel nesso oracolare κατὰ τεθμόν/κατὰ τεθμά, è da ricondursi a Callimaco. L’argomentazione si articolerà pertanto nell’indagine delle occorrenze letterarie ed epigrafiche di τεθμός/θεσμός dall’età classica all’età imperiale, ossia nel periodo in cui furono prodotti gli oracoli, riservando una particolare attenzione all’ evoluzione semantica del termine sino all’epoca ellenistica. Si noterà che, sebbene il recupero della ‘glossa’ callimachea da parte degli oracoli non sia isolato all’interno della produzione epigrafica in versi in età imperiale, l’impiego sistematico del dorismo nella poesia oracolare di Klaros non può che discendere dall’importanza che Callimaco gli attribuisce nella sua opera. Cet article formule l’hypothèse que le terme dorien τεθμός, qu’on trouve dans certains oracles épigraphiques du sanctuaire de Claros, représente une preuve pertinente des relations entre l'œuvre de Callimaque et la poésie oraculaire de Claros. Cette conclusion est fondée sur l'examen des occurrences littéraires et épigraphiques de τεθμός / θεσμός de l'époque classique jusqu'à l'époque impériale, avec un accent particulier sur l'évolution sémantique du mot jusqu'à l'époque hellénistique. L'emploi systématique de ce terme ne peut pas ne pas provenir de l'importance attachée à celui-ci par Callimaque dans ses œuvres. The paper suggests that the dorism τεθμός, found in some epigraphical oracles from the sanctuary of Klaros, represents a relevant proof of the relationships between Callimachus’ oeuvre and the oracular poetry from Klaros. This conclusion is based on the scrutiny of the literary and epigraphical occurrences of τεθμός/θεσμός from the classical era up to the imperial age, with particular emphasis on the semantic evolution of the word up to the Hellenistic age. The systematic employ of this gloss cannot but derive from the importance attached to it by Callimachus in his works.

L’epica di III secolo non può essere intesa se non partendo dal presupposto che essa, nella modalità del cosiddetto epillio, rappresenti il tentativo di rinnovare, nelle forme e nel contenuto, un genere il quale più di ogni altro risulta appesantito da una dizione tradizionale, fissa e ripetitiva, e irrigidito da una narrazione circolare, in quanto appunto legato, nella sua genesi, ad una facies diversa della cultura greca, quella dell’oralità. Tentativi di rinnovamento iniziano già nel IV sec. con Cherilo di Samo e Antimaco di Colofone. Callimaco e Teocrito riproducono talvolta alcuni procedimenti simili a quelli già sperimentati da Antimaco, tuttavia la langue omerica viene declinata in essi con una funzionalità molto diversa. Il processo conduce ad un abbassamento del livello dei generi alti con l’introduzione di termini prosastici o dialettali sia pur epicizzati e ad un innalzamento di quello dei generi cosiddetti bassi nella gerarchia letteraria ormai standardizzata dalla codificazione postaristotelica. Una connotazione generale, che percorre tutta la poesia ellenistica, da Callimaco ad Apollonio, concerne invece sia la presenza di σχήματα tragici riprodotti in funzione diegetica (il deus ex machina, la figura del messaggero, racconti mitologici digressivi tipici delle sezioni corali), sia l’uso di scene omeriche topiche, utilizzate come struttura tipologica base rimodulata e variata per le funzionalità narrative più disparate. Gli autori di questi poemetti conservatici nel Corpus bucolicorum hanno ben assimilato i meccanismi e gli espedienti di rinnovamento narrativo, che rappresentano l’esperienza letteraria più rilevante degli autori ellenistici maggiori, e li riproducono con scaltrita tecnica retorica, rivelando per altro talvolta una buona competenza della letteratura arcaica e classica. Tuttavia, rispetto alla necessità di trovare una nuova langue evocativa, straniante e immaginifica, per rinnovare alla radice la poesia, che era stata la fondamentale esigenza callimachea e in maniera diversa impegno non negletto da Apollonio, essi sembrerebbero rimanere freddi; o meglio ne trascurano la rilevanza. Riproducono invece solo le linee innovative più superficiali della poesia di ‘nuovo stile’, in sostanza più facili da imitare e da variare La poésie épique du IIIe siècle avant J.-C. ne peut être comprise sans tenir compte du fait que, en particulier avec ce que l’on appelle l’epyllion, elle représente une tentative de rénovation, en termes de formes et de contenus, d’un genre qui, plus que tout autre, est marqué par une diction traditionnelle, fixe et répétitive et rendu plus sévère par un mode narratif circulaire, c’est-à-dire qu’il a des caractéristiques associées dès l'origine au caractère orale de la culture grecque. Les tentatives de rénovation tradition épique commencent déjà au cours du IVe siècle avec Choirilos de Samos et Antimaque de Colophon. Parfois, Callimaque et Théocrite présentent des caractéristiques similaires à ce qui avait déjà été expérimenté par Antimaque ; toutefois, leur utilisation de la langue homérique a une fonctionnalité très différente. Le processus entraîne à la fois un abaissement du niveau des genres « élevés », dans lequel la langue de la poésie puise son vocabulaire à la prose ou aux dialectes, même s’il est reproduit avec une couleur épique, et une élévation des genres prétendument « bas » dans le cadre de la hiérarchie littéraire, qui se trouve dès lors normalisée par les enseignements d'Aristote. Un trait général, qui couvre l'ensemble de la poésie hellénistique, de Callimaque à Apollonios, est constitué à la fois par la présence de σχήματα tragiques reproduits dans le cadre diégétique (le deus ex machina, la figure du messager, les récits mythologiques de nature dégressive qui sont typiques des sections chorales) et l'utilisation de scènes homériques typiques, employées comme structure typologique remodelée et variée en raison de plusieurs fonctions narratives. Les auteurs de ces poèmes conservés dans le Corpus bucolicorum ont bien assimilé les mécanismes et les dispositifs de rénovation narrative, qui représente l'expérience littéraire la plus pertinente de la part des principaux auteurs hellénistiques, et ont su les reproduire avec une habileté rhétorique sophistiquée, manifestant souvent une bonne connaissance de la littérature archaïque et classique. Cependant, pour ce qui est d’inventer une nouvelle langue évocatrice et imaginative, qui serait apte à rénover la poésie de manière radicale, ce qui était une exigence fondamentale de l’esthétique de Callimaque et ne fut pas, dans un certain sens, négligé par Apollonios, ces poètes sont restés plutôt tièdes, ou plutôt ont sous-estimé la pertinence d’une telle recherche. Au lieu de cela, ils reproduisent uniquement les fonctionnalités les plus superficielles de la poésie de « style nouveau », qui est plus facile à imiter et à varier. Third-century BCE epic poetry can not be understood without taking into account that, especially with the so-called epyllion, it represents an attempt at renovating, in terms of forms and contents, a genre that more than any other is weighed down by a fixed and repetitive diction and made harsher by a circular narrative fashion, i.e. by features that originally were due to a different facies of Greek culture, that is orality. Attempts at renovating epic tradition begin already in the fourth century with Choerilus of Samos and Antimachus of Colophon. Sometimes Callimachus and Theocritus exhibit features similar to those already experimented by Antimachus; however, their use of the Homeric langue has a very different functionality. The process brings forth a lowering of the level of ‘high’ genres, where the language of poetry draws its vocabulary from prose or dialects, even if with an epic nuance, and an elevating of the so-called ‘low’ genres within the frame of the literary hierarchy, by now already standardised by the teachings of Aristotle. A general trait, covering the entire Hellenistic poetry, from Callimachus to Apollonius, concerns on the other hand both the presence of tragic σχήματα reproduced in diegetic function (the deus ex machina, the figure of the messenger, mythological narratives of digressive nature that are typical of choral sections) and the use of topic Homeric scenes, employed as typological structure refashioned and varied in view of several narrative functions. The authors of the shor poems preserved in the Corpus bucolicorum have assimilated well mechanisms and devices of narrative renovation, that represent the most relevant literary experience on the part of the major Hellenistic authors, and they reproduce them with a sophisticated rhetorical skill, sometimes exhibiting a good knowledge of archaic and classical literature. However, they appear rather cold with respect to the drive to find a new langue, one that may be evocative, estranging and imaginative, and apt to renovate poetry radically, which had been a fundamental need on the part of Callimachus and, in a different way, an engagement which Apollonius did not neglect; or rather they underestimate its relevance. Instead, they reproduce only the most superficial features of the ‘new style’ poetry, basically easier to imitate and vary.