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Hıristiyanlığın ilk dönem köklerini ve doğrudan kutsal kitap metinlerini esas alan Protestan Evanjelik kiliselerinin köktenci ve muhafazakâr dünya görüşleri, Hıristiyan Siyonizm anlayışının ortaya çıkmasına zemin hazırlamıştır. ABD’nin İsrail’e yönelik politikalarında belirleyici bir rol oynayan Hıristiyan Protestan Evanjelik lobiler ve Yahudi lobileri 19. yüzyılın sonları 20. yüzyılın başlarında ABD’de yükselişe geçen antisemitizm akımının kırılması için Nazi Almanya’sının 2. Dünya Savaşı sırasında Avrupa’da Yahudilere uyguladığı soykırımları lanetleyen propagandaları etkili bir şekilde kullanmışlardır. Yapılan bu propagandalar Ortadoğu coğrafyasında İsrail Devleti’nin kuruluşuna dayanak sağlamıştır. Teolojik kökleri kutsal kitap metinlerine dayanan “Siyonizm” ifadesi süreç içerisinde siyasi bir ideoloji/hareket haline gelmiştir. "Siyon" kelimesi, Kutsap Kitap’ta 163 kez (Eski Ahit'te 156 ve Yeni Ahit'te 7 kez) kullanılmıştır. Yahudilerin anavatanları olan İsrail topraklarında devlet kurması ve gelişip ilerlemesi amacıyla İsrail’e destek toplamak için dünya genelinde yürütülen faaliyetler “Siyonizm” şemsiyesi altında toplanmaktadır. İsrail ile ABD arasındaki güçlü bağın en önemli nedeni de “Hıristiyan Siyonizm” anlayışıdır. ABD’nin dış politikalarında dost müttefik bir ülke olduğu düşüncesiyle İsrail’e koşulsuz şekilde verilen desteklerde, her ne kadar jeopolitik ve stratejik anlamda ulusal çıkarlar gözetiliyor olsa da, Mesih’in dönüşünden önceki “binyıl öncesi gündem” (Premillenial Dispensational) teolojisine inanan Amerikan Evanjeliklerin dini kehanetlere olan bağlılıkları bu desteklerin altında yatan diğer bir etkendir. Hıristiyan Protestan Evanjelizmin gelecek görüşünün bir parçası olan “Premillenial Dispensational” teolojisinde “Tanrı'nın vaat edilen toprakları Yahudilere, O’nun seçilmiş halkına verdiği” inancı bulunmaktadır. Bu inancı sadakatle takip eden Hıristiyan Protestan Evanjelikler, gerçekleştirdikleri lobi faaliyetleriyle ABD’nin politik yaşamında aktif ve belirleyici bir konum işgal etmektedirler. Türkiye ve ABD arasındaki uluslararası ilişkilerde hatta Türkiye-İsrail ilişkilerinde Protestan Evanjeliklerin tutumlarının ne denli belirleyici olduğu hususunun çalışmada ortaya koyulmasının önem arz ettiği değerlendirilmektedir., Fundamental and conservative worldviews of the Protestant Evangelical churches, based on the early roots of Christianity, paved the way for the emergence of the Christian Zionist understanding. Protestant Evangelical and Jewish lobbies, which played a decisive role in shaping US policies towards Israel, effectively used propaganda condemning the holocaust committed against Jews by Nazi Germany in Europe during World War II in order to break the rising tendency of antisemitism in the United States. Because of these propaganda campaigns, the State of Israel was founded in the Middle East. The term "Zionism," which has its theological foundations in the texts of the holy books, has in the process evolved into a political ideology or movement. In the Bible, the term "Zion" appears 163 times (156 times in the Old Testament and 7 times in the New Testament). Activities carried out all around the globe are included under the term "Zionism" in order to support Israel for the Jews to build a state in their homeland. The Christian perspective of Zionism is the primary factor influencing Israel and the United States' close relationship. Unconditional support was given to Israel with the thought that it is a friendly ally country in the foreign policies of the US. Another reason for this support, despite the fact that national interests are pursued geopolitically and strategically, is the devotion of American Evangelicals to religious prophesies and their belief in Premillennial Dispensational theology before Christ's return. According to this theology, which is a component of Protestant Evangelicals’ outlook, God handed the promised territory to the Jews, to His chosen people. Protestant Evangelicals, who faithfully follow this belief, occupy an active role in the political life of the USA with their lobbying activities. It is important to reveal in the study how determinative the attitudes of Protestant Evangelicals are in the international relations between Turkey and the USA and even in the relations between Turkey and Israel.

African American Christian travel to Israel and Palestine demonstrates the role of overlapping racial and religious identities in shaping how travelers understand their experiences in the Holy Land variously as traditional religious pilgrimage, tourism, and political engagement. While traditional accounts of pilgrimage frame it as an experience set apart from mundane realities and social hierarchies, new perspectives in the study of pilgrimage show how the social identities of travelers may shape religiously inspired travel. Four case studies of African American Christian travel to Palestine and Israel—including Christian Zionist and Palestinian solidarity tours—show how participant experiences and interpretations of sites are shaped by overlapping religious and racial collective identities, which affect the religious, economic, and political perceptions of travelers. The relevance of race to pilgrimage varies depending on past experiences of racial and religious histories, perceptions of racial injustice, race-specific theologies, and religious ethics. Solidarities with resident Israelis and Palestinians are encouraged or rejected depending on participant interpretations of overlapping racial and religious identities.

This article examines the relationship between Evangelical Christian Zionists and West Bank Jewish settlers and its implications to the Jewish-Christian boundary. Significant contact with Christian...

Resumo: O objetivo deste artigo é analisar o desenvolvimento no meio evangélico brasileiro de discursos sionistas cristãos. A genealogia traçada privilegia os livros escritos em defesa do estado de Israel por lideranças nacionais de diferentes denominações e aponta fatores históricos e políticos que favoreceram essas publicações no século XX. Argumenta-se que, embora ganhe uma maior projeção nas eleições de 2018, o sionismo cristão e a teologia dispensacionalista que deram sustentação à maior parte das publicações sobre o tema, já faziam parte da cosmovisão evangélica brasileira tanto de igrejas históricas quanto das pentecostais. Examina-se ainda o impacto das peregrinações à Terra Santa, da teologia do domínio e do movimento Nova Reforma Apostólica no ativismo sionista cristão a partir da virada d século. Abstract: This article analyzes the development of Christian Zionist discourses in the Brazilian evangelical milieu. Privileging the discussion of books in defense of the State of Israel written by Brazilian evangelical leaders from different denominations, the traced genealogy pointed out some historical and political factors that fostered these publications in the 20th century. Despite their greater projection during and after Brazilian 2018 elections, Christian Zionism and the Dispensational Theology, that supported most analyzed books, were already part of the Brazilian evangelical cosmovision of both Historical and Pentecostal churches. This article also examines the impact of pilgrimages to the Holy Land, the Dominion Theology and the “New Apostolic Reformation” on Christian Zionist activism since the turn of the century

近年、アメリカにおけるキリスト教シオニストの影響力に注目が集まっている。しかし、キリスト教シオニズムは1990 年代以降、東アジアでも影響力を拡大しつつある。このうち、一部の国や地域における特定の団体についての研究は存在するが、それらを体系的に扱った研究はない。そのため、一部の団体に特徴的な--いわば個別的事例を、キリスト教シオニズムに普遍的な事柄と見なし、この運動の実像を見誤る結果を招来しかねない。そこで、本稿では韓国、中文圏、日本におけるキリスト教シオニズムの歴史的展開を辿り、様々な団体による宣教活動、政治活動について概観する。そして、それぞれの組織に共通する特徴が見られる一方で、宣教活動や政治に対する積極性に関しては、差が認められること--多様性が見られることを、指摘する。また、その違いは各国のキリスト教シオニストが置かれている社会的状況や文化的違いを反映している可能性を示唆する。, The influence of Christian Zionism in America has been extensively studied in recent years. After the 1990s, its impact had reached Eastern Asia. Although there have been a few systematic studies on Christian Zionism in this region, these research works have mostly focused on particular organizations in a specific country or region. Thus, the reported characteristics of these groups might be misunderstood as universal attributes of Christian Zionism in this part of Asia.Therefore, in this article, the historical developments of Christian Zionism in Korea, Chinese-speaking countries, and Japan are overviewed country by country, focusing on the political activities and missionary works of major organizations. A comparison of such developments in these countries reveals their common features and structures. However, the extent and nature of missionary and political activities are very different and diverse among the region's countries. These differences are likely caused by their political and social situations as well as their national cultures.

Since its inception in 1980, the International Christian Embassy Jerusalem (ICEJ) has developed into a central player in the formation of Christian Zionism globally. It is known through its high profile in Israeli society, its financial, moral and political support for the State of Israel and its controversial mix of theology and politics. This article focuses on ICEJ’s ideological and theological negotiation in relation to Israeli society. It argues that even though ICEJ’s self-understanding is based on what it claims to be “eternal, biblical mandates” and its political positions have been largely consistent over time, ICEJ’s theology, rhetoric and social positions have changed quite significantly. The article interprets this duality as a case of “flexible absolutism”, a capacity to ideologically frame diverse positions as eternal absolutes. Recognizing this tension is important in order to successfully disentangle the organization’s rhetoric from its broader ideological aims.

The topic of this paper is the complex and ambivalent relationship between the Reformed Churches and Judaism, moving from a kind of Philo-Semitism to Christian Zionism and support for the State of Israel on the one hand, to missionary movements among Jews to anti-Judaism, and the contribution to the horrors of the Holocaust on the other hand. In between the two extremes stands the respect for the Old Testament and the neglect of the Apocrypha and other early Jewish writings. The initial focus of this article will be on what Martin Luther and Jean Calvin wrote about Judaism at the beginning of the Reformation over 500 years ago. Secondly, the article will deal with the influence of mission activity toward Jews and the emergence of Liberal Judaism as both scholarship and theology in the nineteenth and first half of the twentieth centuries. Lastly, the article will address the question of how the Holocaust and subsequent Jewish-Christian dialogue have changed the course of this relationship.

When Donald Trump won the 2016 presidential elections with the help of 81 percent of self-identified white evangelicals, liberal commentators, relying on folk-conceptions of religion that privileged concepts like morality and belief, struggled to understand how someone who seemed to lack both could garner such support. Since then scholars have provided various explanations, relating to Christian nationalism evangelical appeals to authoritarianism, and straightforward racism. This article aims to expand this discussion by analyzing the way that evangelical Christian Zionists have supported Trump by rhetorically identifying him as God’s instrument on account of his support for Israel and withdrawal of the United States from the Iran Nuclear Deal. In addition to analyzing the process by which Trump is constituted as God’s instrument, the article also demonstrates more generally how religious discourse functions as a legitimating discourse for those who seek to gain, or maintain, positions of power.

Two narratives used by conservative evangelicals as justification for supporting Donald Trump are his support for the state of Israel and opposition to “globalists.” However, narratives of “globali...

Çalışma Hıristiyanlığın Protestanlık mezhebinden doğan, özellikle Amerika Birleşik Devletleri’nde kümelendiği gözlemlenen, İsrail’i ve Yahudileri orantısızca desteklemesiyle bilinen ve aynı zamanda İslam’a ve Müslümanlara karşı düşmanca yaklaşımları haiz “Hıristiyan siyonistlerini” ele almaktadır. Hareketin mahiyeti, doğuşu, teolojisi, faaliyetleri ve kendisinde mündemiç olan antisemitizm ile anti-İslamizm olguları incelenmektedir. Bulgulara göre, Hıristiyan siyonizmi çeşitli açılardan bakıldığında bir anomali teşkil etmektedir. Bunlardan en önemlisi, Yahudilerin ve Hıristiyanların yüzyıllarca birbirlerine en üst seviyede düşmanlık etmiş olan iki topluluk oluşudur. Hıristiyan siyonistler dünya tarihini Mesih’in zuhuruyla birlikte kurulacak olan bin yıllık küresel krallık öncesindeki yedi bölüm olarak ele alan, sınırları büyük ölçüde İngiliz-İrlandalı teolog John Nelson Darby tarafından çizilen ve “premillennial dispensationalism (premilenyal dispensasyonalizm)” olarak bilinen teolojinin öngördüğü kıyamet senaryosuna inanmaktadır. Bu senaryo hareketin varlık sebebini, amaçlarını, dostlarını ve düşmanlarını belirlemektedir. Dost-düşmanlar olarak Yahudilerin buradaki rolü bazı çelişkiler ve ihtilaflar barındırırken, düşmanlar olarak Müslümanların rolü açıkça olumsuz bir görünüm arz etmektedir. Bunun sonucu olarak Hıristiyan siyonistler Müslümanları şeytanlaştırma eğilimine girmektedir. Her ne kadar dindaşları tarafından ahlak, siyaset ve özellikle teoloji eksenlerinde ağır eleştirilere tabi tutulsalar da Hıristiyan siyonistler emperyalist güçlerle olan uzun ittifaklarının da bir meyvesi olarak dünya politikasında kayda değer bir güce sahiptir. Hıristiyan siyonizminin mahiyeti ve dahi antisemitizm ve anti-İslamizm ile irtibatı konusunda Türkçe yazılmış eserlerin azlığına binaen çalışma literatürdeki bu boşluğu kapatma amacı taşımaktadır.Özet: İçinde bulunduğumuz dönemde anti-İslamizm kavramı ele alınırken kendisine özellikle Amerika Birleşik Devletleri’nin (ABD) teopolitik dekorunda yer bulan “Hıristiyan siyonizmi” adlı grubun etkisine işaret edilmektedir. Bu grup literatür tarafından İsrail’i Yahudilerin vatanı olarak destekleyen Hıristiyanlar olarak tanımlanmaktadır. İsrail için Birleşen Hıristiyanlar (CUFI) gibi organizasyonlar aracılığıyla İsrail’in desteklenmesi noktasında etkin faaliyetler yürütmektedirler. Orta Doğu’da barışın tesis edilmesini inandıkları kıyamet senaryosunun önünde bir engel olarak gördükleri için kategorik olarak reddetmektedirler. Özellikle 19. yüzyılda başlayıp, 11 Eylül olayları ile birlikte ciddi bir ivme yakalayan ABD’deki anti-İslami hareketlerin büyük bir kısmı Hıristiyan siyonizmi ile ilişkilendirilen şahıslar tarafından başlatılıp desteklenmektedir. ABD’de yaklaşık 20 ila 30 milyon arasında Hıristiyan’ın bu ideolojiyi benimsediği tahmin edilmektedir. ABD dışında İngiltere, İskandinavya, Avustralya, Güney Afrika ve hatta Güney Kore ve Honduras gibi coğrafyalarda da taraftar bulmuşlardır. Birçok açıdan bakıldığında Hıristiyan siyonizmi bir anomali teşkil etmektedir. Bunun özünde Yahudilerin ve Hıristiyanların birbirlerine olan düşmanlıkları yatmaktadır. Yahudiler dini kaynaklarında Hıristiyanlığın en kutsal şahsiyetlerine ağır hakaretler ederken, Hıristiyanlar Yahudileri Tanrı katilleri olarak görmektedir. Ancak Hıristiyan siyonistlerin çoğunluğu İsrail konusunda adeta kraldan daha kralcı davranmaktadır. Hıristiyan siyonizminin teolojik zeminini incelemek isteyen bir araştırmacı eskatoloji (kıyamet bilimi), Armageddon savaşı, istiğrak, püritenler, premilenyalistler, dispensasyonalistler, fundamentalistler, restorasyonistler, evanjelistler, John Nelson Darby ve Cyrus I. Scofield gibi bazı kavram ve aktörlerle karşılaşacaktır. İrlandalı-İngiliz bir teolog olan Darby birçokları tarafından Hıristiyan siyonizminin kurucusu olarak görülmektedir. Hareket için hayati önem teşkil eden ikinci isim ise Cyrus Ingerson Scofield’dir. Scofield Reference Bible’ı yayınlayarak Hıristiyan siyonizminin milyonlar tarafından benimsenmesine yol açmıştır. Hıristiyan siyonistler “premilenyal dispensasyonel teolojinin” gerçek olduğuna ve gerçekleşeceğine inanmaktadır. Buna göre dünya tarihi yedi çağdan oluşan doğrusal bir olgudur. İnsanlığın halihazırda altıncı çağda olduğuna, yedinci çağın ise çok yakında olduğuna inanmaktadırlar. Bu teolojinin öngördüğü kıyamet senaryosu Antichrist’ın gelişi, Sahte Peygamber ve Şeytan ile birlikte cehennem teslisini kurması, Müslümanların da onlarla müttefik olarak hareket edip İsrail’e saldırmaları (Armageddon savaşı), Hz. İsa’nın gökten tekrar inerek İsrail’i kurtarması ve barışı tesis edeceği Milenyum Krallığı’nı kurması gibi öğeleri içermektedir.Siyonist olmayan Hıristiyan teologlar Hıristiyan siyonizminin teolojisini defaatle eleştiriye tabi tutmuştur. Yahudilerin seçilmiş ırk olarak görülmesi, Yeni Ahit’in bu ideolojiye destek vermemesi, “Armageddon savaşının” büyük mezheplerde karşılığının olmayışı ve hareketin Yahudi karakteri taşıması gibi sebepler yüzünden bazı Hıristiyan teologlar Hıristiyan siyonizmini heretik ilan etmiştir. Hıristiyan siyonizminin teolojisinin eleştirildiği bir diğer husus ise onun emperyal teoloji olarak yerine getirdiği işlev ile ilgilidir. Birçok düşünür Hıristiyan siyonizmi, Yahudi-Hıristiyan Batı anlatısı ve emperyalizm arasında sağlam bağlar olduğunu iddia etmektedir. Hıristiyan siyonizmi anomalisine bir açıklama getirmek isteyen şahıslar Hıristiyan siyonizmi içerisinde yer alan antisemitizme işaret etmektedir. Buna göre Hıristiyan siyonistler, Yahudilerin ve Yahudi devletinin kurulmasının gerçekleşmesinde hayati bir rol oynadığı kıyamet senaryolarını yürürlüğe koymak adına İsrail’i her şartta desteklerken, bu senaryo Yahudilerin kendisini Mesih gibi gösteren Antichrist tarafından yönetilmesini ve Yahudilerin çoğunluğunun Mesih’in gelişinden sonra ölmesini içermektedir. Aynı zamanda neredeyse daima İsrail yanlısı açıklamalar yapan bazı Hıristiyan siyonistlerin zaman zaman doğrudan antisemitik söylemlere başvurduğu gözlemlenebilmektedir. Bu sebeple Hıristiyan siyonistler ve Yahudiler arasındaki teopolitik ittifakın bir noktada bozulacak pragmatik bir ittifak olduğu iddia edilmektedir. Anti-İslamizm noktasındaki bulgulara göre Hıristiyan siyonistlerin %70’i Araplara karşı ya kayıtsız ya da düşmanca hisler beslemektedir. 11 Eylül’den sonraki dönemde İslam’ın şeytanlaştırılması operasyonu büyük ölçüde Robertson, Graham, Lindsey, Vines ve Falwell gibi Hıristiyan siyonistler tarafından gerçekleştirilmiştir. Yine İsrail’in 1948 yılında kuruluşu, Filistinliler için doğurduğu sonuçlara rağmen Hıristiyan siyonistlerin çoğu için bir kıyamet alametinin gerçekleşmesi anlamına gelmektedir. Hıristiyan siyonistlerin inandıkları kıyamet senaryosunda Müslümanlar ancak düşman saflarında savaşan Gog ve Magog olarak anlam bulabilmektedir. Onlar Şeytan, Antichrist ve Sahte Peygamber’den oluşan cehennem teslisinin müttefikleridir. Filistinliler, Araplar ve Müslümanlar senaryonun gerçekleşmesi önünde doğrudan engel teşkil etmektedir. Bu hususlar birlikte değerlendirildiğinde halihazırda Hıristiyan siyonistlerin İslam’a ve Müslümanlara neden bu kadar olumsuz yaklaştıkları hususu açıklık kazanmaktadır. Görüldüğü üzere karşı karşıya olunan, gerçek dünyadaki gerçek olaylar ve aktörler hakkında rasyonalizasyona ve değişime kapalı olan, son derece tehlike arz eden dini inançlardır. Hıristiyan siyonizmi üç dinin etkileşime girdiği, üç dinin de bağlılarını ilgilendiren bir fenomendir. Teolojik analiz hareketin Hıristiyanlık dininin kutsal metinlerini İsrail lehine yorumladığını, ancak siyonist olmayan Hıristiyan teologlarca desteklenmediğini göstermektedir. Emperyalist ajandalar dahilinde ABD ve İngiltere gibi devletlerce de destek bulan bu hareketin kıyamet senaryosuna göre Müslümanlar Şeytan’ın müttefikleri olarak kötülüğün tarafındadır. Hz. İsa’nın yeryüzüne dönüşüyle yenilecekler ve yok edileceklerdir. Milyarlarca dolarlık bütçeleriyle, sayıları on binlerle ifade edilen propagandist vaizleriyle, Kuran-ı Kerim yakmak ve Hz. Muhammed’e terörist demek gibi eylemleriyle, Yahudileri İsrail’i Filistinlilerden temizlemeye teşvik etmeleriyle, bu uğurda onlara ciddi bir finansal ve manevi destek sağlamalarıyla ve Batı devletlerini İsrail’in düşman olarak algıladığı Müslüman komşularıyla savaşmaya teşvik eden lobicilik faaliyetleriyle Hıristiyan siyonistler halihazırda İslam’ın yüzleştiği en ciddi meydan okumalardan birisini teşkil etmektedir. Bu hareketin zararlı sonuçlarıyla mücadele etmek için atılması gereken en önemli adım araştırmaları derinleştirerek kitleleri doğru şekilde bilgilendirmek olacaktır.

The hypothesis that guides this article is that Trump’s administration, in particular its foreign policy, contributed to a greater articulation between Brazilian conservatives and the American Christian right, fostering the growth of the so-called Christian Zionism in Brazil. Based on the analysis of institutional sites, publicity materials available on social networks and Youtube channels, this article tries to identify when and how Christian Zionism gains strength in Brazil. Although other explanatory factors are recognized, this article argues that the electoral victories of Trump (2016) and Bolsonaro (2018) and their alignments favored the circulation of Christian Zionism movement actors and values in Brazil. La hipótesis que guía este artículo es que el gobierno Trump, especialmente su política internacional, ha contribuido con una mayor articulación entre los conservadores religiosos brasileños y la derecha cristiana estadounidense, fomentando el crecimiento del llamado sionismo cristiano en Brasil. Apoyándonos en el análisis de los sitios web institucionales, los materiales de difusión disponibles en las redes sociales y los canales de YouTube, buscamos identificar cuándo y cómo el sionismo cristiano cobra fuerza en el país. Aunque puedan reconocerse otros factores explicativos, en esta reflexión se argumenta que las victorias electorales de Trump (2016) y Bolsonaro (2018) con su mutuo alineamiento favorecieron la circulación de actores y valores del movimiento sionista cristiano en el Brasil. A hipótese que orienta este artigo é a de que o governo Trump, em especial sua política externa, contribuiu para uma maior articulação entre conservadores religiosos brasileiros e a direita cristã estadunidense, fomentando o crescimento do chamado sionismo cristão no Brasil. Com apoio na análise de sites institucionais, materiais de divulgação disponíveis nas redes sociais e nos canais do Youtube, busca-se identificar quando e como o sionismo cristão ganha força no país. Embora se reconheçam outros fatores explicativos, argumenta-se que as vitórias eleitorais de Trump (2016) e de Bolsonaro (2018) e seus alinhamentos favoreceram a circulação de atores e valores do movimento sionista cristão no Brasil.

DURBIN, Sean. Righteous Gentiles: Religion, Identity and Myth in John Hagee’s Christians United for Israel. Leiden: Brill, 2019. 274pp. Hbk. ISBN: 9789004384958. $167.

There are many Americans and others for whom Evangelicalism and Christian Zionism conjure up images of fierce, militant, religio-political extremism and/or sensationalist apocalypticism, such as po...

Kerem Avraham was a farm for Jewish labourers established by Christian Zionist James Finn, the influential British consul in Jerusalem, and his wife Elizabeth, in 1854. Ostensibly intended to provide relief for the Jewish inhabitants of Jerusalem during a famine, the farm was in fact a deeply ideological project which foreshadowed the Zionist agricultural settlements in Palestine in the later nineteenth century. This paper chronicles the farm's development, and later influence on settler-colonial theory and practice.

近年、キリスト教シオニズムは、世界情勢を理解する上で看過できないグループとして存在感を増してきている。キリスト教シオニズムは欧米だけでなく、日本にも存在する。中田重治(1870-1939)は、日本ホーリネス教会の源流となった伝道者である。中田はユダヤ人に強い関心を持ち、1932年以降、イスラエル主義への傾倒を強めた。そして、世界の終わりにイスラエルが回復され、その時、日本人が軍事的および宗教的な使命を果たすと主張した。本稿ではイスラエル主義とも呼ばれる中田の晩年の思想を、日本におけるキリスト教シオニズムの一例として考察し、中田がユダヤ人の回復に救済史的意味を認め、ユダヤ人に過度な理想を投影していた可能性、さらにそれが多重的なユダヤ人理解を形成させ、結果的に、反ユダヤ主義を批判した中田を無意識的に反ユダヤ主義的にさせた可能性を指摘する。また、考察を通して、キリスト教シオニズムが一部のクリスチャンに支持されている理由、キリスト教シオニズムが抱える課題を明らかにすることを目指す。, Christian Zionism is now becoming a prominent school of thought indispensable to understanding world politics. Christian Zionists exist not only in the West but also in Japan. Juji Nakada (1870-1939), one of the founders of Japan Holiness Church, was deeply interested in Jewish people and became Zionistic after 1932. He asserted that Israel would be restored in the end times and that Japan would play a role to help them militarily and religiously. In this paper, Nakada's thoughts will be studied as one case of Christian Zionism in Japan. Though Nakada appreciated the Jewish people's significance in salvation history, his eschatological expectations toward them may have influenced his multi-faceted understanding of the Jewish people. As a result, even though he criticized anti-Semitism, Nakada unwittingly leaned towards anti-Semitism. Finally, we will discuss the reason why Christian Zionism is supported by some Christians, and the problematic nature of their ideas.

In the history of Canada-Israel relations, the Harper decade (2006-2015) represents a moment of great intensity. Through the intransigence of the Canadian government's support for B. Netanyahu's government, media and experts saw a break with the traditional image of Canada as an "honest broker". The Harper government's speeches underscore a moral justification for exploring the roots of the Canadian Israeli rapprochement, particularly that of Christian Zionism. The conservative rupture of the 2000s, illustrating both a change in the political and religious landscape, allowed for the formation of a mainly evangelical and pro-Israeli religious right that weighed on the desire to conservatively redefine Canada's international image. Added to this is the political convergence of Zionist Christians, Conservative Jews, and members of the Conservative Party of Canada around pro-Israeli lobbying, which questions the weight of religious convictions on their formulation of Canadian national interests.; Dans l’histoire des relations canado-israéliennes, la décennie Harper (2006-2015) représente un moment de grande intensité. À travers l’intransigeance du soutien du gouvernement canadien envers le gouvernement de B. Netanyahou, médias et experts ont pu voir une rupture vis-à-vis de l’image traditionnelle d’un Canada « médiateur impartial ». Les discours du gouvernement Harper soulignent une justification morale qui invite à explorer les racines du rapprochement canado-israélien, notamment celle du sionisme chrétien. De fait, la rupture conservatrice des années 2000, illustrant à la fois une mutation du paysage politique et religieux, a permis la formation d’une droite religieuse principalement évangélique et pro-israélienne qui a pesé sur la volonté de redéfinition conservatrice de l’image internationale du Canada. À cela s’ajoute une convergence politique des chrétiens sionistes, juifs conservateurs et membres du Parti Conservateur du Canada, autour du lobbying pro-israélien, qui interroge le poids des convictions religieuses sur leur formulation des intérêts nationaux canadiens.

In the history of Canada-Israel relations, the Harper decade (2006-2015) represents a moment of great intensity. Through the intransigence of the Canadian government's support for B. Netanyahu's government, media and experts saw a break with the traditional image of Canada as an "honest broker". The Harper government's speeches underscore a moral justification for exploring the roots of the Canadian Israeli rapprochement, particularly that of Christian Zionism. The conservative rupture of the 2000s, illustrating both a change in the political and religious landscape, allowed for the formation of a mainly evangelical and pro-Israeli religious right that weighed on the desire to conservatively redefine Canada's international image. Added to this is the political convergence of Zionist Christians, Conservative Jews, and members of the Conservative Party of Canada around pro-Israeli lobbying, which questions the weight of religious convictions on their formulation of Canadian national interests., Dans l’histoire des relations canado-israéliennes, la décennie Harper (2006-2015) représente un moment de grande intensité. À travers l’intransigeance du soutien du gouvernement canadien envers le gouvernement de B. Netanyahou, médias et experts ont pu voir une rupture vis-à-vis de l’image traditionnelle d’un Canada « médiateur impartial ». Les discours du gouvernement Harper soulignent une justification morale qui invite à explorer les racines du rapprochement canado-israélien, notamment celle du sionisme chrétien. De fait, la rupture conservatrice des années 2000, illustrant à la fois une mutation du paysage politique et religieux, a permis la formation d’une droite religieuse principalement évangélique et pro-israélienne qui a pesé sur la volonté de redéfinition conservatrice de l’image internationale du Canada. À cela s’ajoute une convergence politique des chrétiens sionistes, juifs conservateurs et membres du Parti Conservateur du Canada, autour du lobbying pro-israélien, qui interroge le poids des convictions religieuses sur leur formulation des intérêts nationaux canadiens.

The increasing appropriation by Charismatic Evangelicals of Jewish narratives, rituals, and even Zionist anxieties is now evident in many parts of the globe. Drawing on two cases, one based on a Brazilian Neo-Pentecostal church and another based on an ethnographic investigation of a ‘Judaizing Evangelical’ community in Brazil this study interrogates to what extent we can comprehend this emerging tendency within Brazilian Charismatic Evangelicalism as a result of the spread of Anglo-American Christian Zionism. The article contends that while there are significant overlaps between Anglo-American Christian Zionism and the Zionist and Judaizing tendencies within Brazilian Charismatic Evangelicalism, it is reductionist to comprehend the Brazilian case exclusively through Anglo-American frameworks. Given the particularities of the Brazilian Charismatic evangelical context, the article points to the unique ways in which Christian Zionist tendencies are being ‘glocalized’ in this country.

Peace efforts in Palestine are continuous and failing. In order to explain the failed peace attempts, experts draw different conclusions. Thomas Getman, member of a private consulting group specializing in international affairs, explains the conflict in terms of Christian Zionism, a religious doctrine prominent in the United States, and its detrimental role in the peace process. While social justice manifests itself in the cultural practices of traditional, mainstream religions, Christian Zionism ignores the rights-based approach to theology, and it perpetuates myths (Getman). Dennis Ross, the principle informant in the Israeli-Arab conflict under the Bush and Clinton administrations, blames a number of factors. He explains, “The lack of public conditioning for peace, the reluctance to acknowledge the legitimacy of the other side’s grievance and needs, the inability to confront comfortable myths, the difficulty of transforming behavior and acknowledging mistakes, the inherent challenges of getting both sides ready to move at the same time, the unwillingness to make choices, and the absence of leadership, especially among Palestinians, are all factors that have made peace difficult to achieve” (Ross 14). Ultimately, Ross says that it is “myths that prevent all sides from seeing reality and adjusting to it” (Ross 14). The failed peace efforts can be better understood by combining the two stances. Due to the stronghold Christian Zionism has held on United States politics, the Christian Zionist narrative has upheld peace talks in Israel-Palestine and disrupted the process.

This paper focuses on Laurence Oliphant's efforts to organize a Jewish settlement in Palestine between 1879 and 1882 and the Ottoman response to these efforts. After giving due information about Oliphant's Restorationist (Christian Zionist) background in order to understand why he was so deeply interested in the question of Jewish settlement in Palestine, his proposal to the Ottoman government in 1879 on this issue is explained in some detail, based primarily on Ottoman archival documents. This is the only instance in which the Ottoman government was officially faced with the issue of Jewish settlement in Palestine, and was also the first instance in which it was discussed at the highest level, resulting in a response that guided Ottoman policies during the rest of Abdulhamid II period.The following part of the article examines Oliphant's second attempt at obtaining permission for a Jewish settlement in Palestine in 1882. In this part, American support for Oliphant's efforts, as well as the Ottoman reaction to this support, will be explained. The Ottoman response to the question of Jewish settlement in Palestine constitutes an important component of the article.

Using a hermeneutical method, this study seeks to understand Christian Zionism as a meaningful practice in late modern Sweden. We visited four Christian Zionist conferences where we observed, analy...

Goldman’s stated goal for this book about America and Israel is modest: to offer a contribution to “religious literacy” by showing that “belief in a unique connection between these two peoples and ...

In this Field Notes contribution, I report on one of the largest Pentecostal church networks in Central Europe. Led by charismatic pastor Sándor Németh, Faith Church reflects trends in the globalization of Pentecostalism and the regional experience of post-Communist countries. Faith Church (Hit Gyülekezete) embraces three distinctive theologies running through contemporary evangelicalism: the charismatic gifts associated with the Toronto Blessing; the prosperity gospel of the Word of Faith movement; and philo-Semitic Christian Zionism. The evening service I attended in Budapest was structured so as to affirm these three themes.

This paper focuses on Laurence Oliphant’s efforts to organize a Jewish settlement in Palestine between 1879 and 1882 and the Ottoman response to these efforts. After giving due information about Oliphant’s Restorationist (Christian Zi- onist) background in order to understand why he was so deeply interested in the question of Jewish settlement in Palestine, his proposal to the Ottoman government in 1879 on this issue is explained in some detail, based primarily on Ottoman ar- chival documents. This is the only instance in which the Ottoman government was officially faced with the issue of Jewish settlement in Palestine, and was also the first instance in which it was discussed at the highest level, resulting in a response that guided Ottoman policies during the rest of Abdülhamid II period. The following part of the article examines Oliphant’s second attempt at obtaining permission for a Jewish settlement in Palestine in 1882. In this part, American sup- port for Oliphant’s efforts, as well as the Ottoman reaction to this support, will be explained. The Ottoman response to the question of Jewish settlement in Palestine constitutes an important component of the article.

No abstract is available.

This thesis is a critical analysis of the theology and ethics of dispensationalist Christian Zionism in America. Chapter One introduces the thesis and its method, which draws constructively from history, sociology, and anthropology while remaining substantively theological. Chapter Two describes dispensationalism’s origins in nineteenth-century Britain and its dissemination and development in America. Chapter Three moves from broad, historical description to the contemporary and particular through an introduction to Faith Bible Chapel (FBC), an American Christian Zionist congregation. This description arises from an academic term spent at FBC observing congregational life and conducting extensive interviews, as well as fieldwork undertaken in FBC’s “adopted settlement” in the West Bank, including interviews with Israeli settlers about partnerships with American Christians. The remaining chapters move to more explicitly doctrinal analysis. Chapters Four through Six are shaped by William Cavanaugh’s concept of ‘theopolitics’ (Theopolitical Imagination, 2002): a disciplined, community-gathering common imagination of time and space. Through the exploration of a key historical text (The Scofield Reference Bible, 1917) and its continuing legacies in the life and thought of FBC, these chapters examine the theopolitics of dispensationalist Christian Zionism, demonstrating that it is a complex system of convictions and practices in which the disciplines of biblicism and biblical literalism form an eschatology which subordinates ecclesiology and Christology, nurturing an imagination of the roles of Christ and the church in time and space which sever social ethics from necessary Christological and ecclesiological sources. John Howard Yoder’s work is used to bring this system into relief, and to establish that eschatology per se is not inimical to Christian social ethics. Chapter Seven concludes the thesis with a summary of its findings, as well as a discussion of the positive functions of apocalyptic in Christian social ethics, pointing toward the possibility of alternative ecclesial enactments of apocalyptic theopolitics., Funding for the completion of this PhD was received from: Fuller Theological Seminary Center for Advanced Theological Studies, The Christian Scholarship Foundation, Pepperdine University, The Panacea Society, The James Wm. McClendon, Jr. Memorial Scholarship, Andy and Stacy Young, St Edmund’s College, and the University of Cambridge Faculty of Divinity

The article presents an analysis of the influence of religion on American policy toward Israel, concentrating on a specific set of beliefs known as Christian Zionism. Although it is commonly thought that Christian Zionism is a new phenomenon, strictly connected with the views represented by the American Christian Right, the author of this article agrees with scholars who stress that in fact it was theologically influential long before the creation of the movement. Additionally, the examples presented in the article demonstrate that Christian Zionism influenced not only American theological thought but also (to a certain degree) American policy - first toward the territory of Palestine, and later toward the state of Israel. Christian Zionists (representing both, premillennial and postmillennial approaches) created various effective lobbying organizations in order to pressure the US government. Therefore, the hypothesis of the text concerns the possibility of using FPA for the analysis of their influence on the US foreign policy decision-making process. It seems that the impact of (this specific form of) religion on American policy toward Palestine/Israel - at least since the early 20th century - can be analyzed through such FPA models that take into consideration pressure groups’ influence on the foreign policy decision-making process.

This article acknowledges that fundamentalism has never been such a popular topic in Brazil as it is today; and that the wide use of the concept is rarely associated with the spectrum of Protestantism defined by the literal hermeneutics of the Scriptures, as in the onset of the fundamentalist movement. Roughly, in contemporary Brazil the adjective fundamentalist qualifies one that is a conservative or reactionary evangelical, usually Pentecostal, and with some presence in the media and politics. Thus, actions of fundamentalist evangelicals in the Brazilian public and political space must be understood by the Religious Studies (in dialogue with Theology), since democracy is at stake when particular religious interests are transformed into matters of State and governmental actions. Therefore, this article aims at assessing how the qualification “fundamentalist” associated with the name “evangelical” contributes to understand Jair Bolsonaro’s election to the Presidency of the Republic in 2018, with a focus on his promise of changing the Brazilian embassy in Israel of Tel Aviv to Jerusalem. The conclusions on the relationship of the so-called Christian Zionism (as a fundamentalist feature of evangelical sectors) with the election of Bolsonaro result from bibliographical and documentary research, whose empirical data of were obtained from the Folha de S. Paulo newspaper.

151 p. Submitted by Gabrecht Valdeci (biblio.atendimento@est.edu.br) on 2018-08-09T18:17:27Z No. of bitstreams: 2 reinke_ad_tm343.pdf: 4046880 bytes, checksum: 42a2d4a25b081b060c594d6d0afd45b3 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Approved for entry into archive by Allan Krahn (allan@est.edu.br) on 2018-08-29T17:53:18Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 reinke_ad_tm343.pdf: 4046880 bytes, checksum: 42a2d4a25b081b060c594d6d0afd45b3 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Approved for entry into archive by Allan Krahn (allan@est.edu.br) on 2018-08-29T18:00:11Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 reinke_ad_tm343.pdf: 4046880 bytes, checksum: 42a2d4a25b081b060c594d6d0afd45b3 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-29T18:00:43Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 reinke_ad_tm343.pdf: 4046880 bytes, checksum: 42a2d4a25b081b060c594d6d0afd45b3 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-07-10 Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq) O presente estudo tem por objeto o desenvolvimento histórico do sionismo cristão, a influência na cultura protestante brasileira e seus desdobramentos no posicionamento político das igrejas em relação ao Estado de Israel. A primeira parte da pesquisa se deu em torno do surgimento do sionismo cristão na Grã-Bretanha do século XIX, a gênese do dispensacionalismo e seus fundamentos teóricos, e a atuação dos protestantes britânicos para a solução nacionalista do problema judaico do antissemitismo. A segunda parte da pesquisa procurou compreender o contexto para a chegada e desenvolvimento do dispensacionalismo nos Estados Unidos da América no século XX e o sucesso definitivo desta doutrina, bem como seu engajamento na causa sionista e apoio para a formação do Estado de Israel. A terceira parte desta pesquisa tratou da influência do dispensacionalismo norte-americano entre os brasileiros, especialmente por meio das traduções de literatura e divulgação em televisão e mídias digitais, sendo então verificadas as ações sionistas cristãs concretas, por parte dos brasileiros, em viagens a Israel, organizações de apoio ao Estado israelense e em manifestações no cenário político nacional. O estudo demonstrou a predominância do dispensacionalismo como doutrina escatológica no contexto do protestantismo do Brasil, e seu produto político, o sionismo cristão, em processo de engajamento crescente pela Bancada Evangélica no Congresso Nacional. The object of this study is the historical development of Christian Zionism, its influence on Brazilian Protestant culture and its ramifications into the political positioning of the churches in relation to the State of Israel. The first part of the research revolved around the emergence of Christian Zionism in Great Britain in the 19th century, the beginning of dispensationalism and its theoretical foundations, and the actions of the British Protestants toward the nationalist solution of the Jewish problem of anti-semitism. The second part of the research sought to comprehend the context of the arrival and development of dispensationalism in the United States of America in the 20th century and the definitive success of this doctrine, as well as its engagement in the Zionist cause and support for the formation of the State of Israel. The third part of this research dealt with the influence of North American dispensationalism among the Brazilians, especially through the translations of literature and propagation on television and digital medias, after which the concrete Christian Zionist actions of the Brazilians, were verified, on trips to Israel, through organizations supporting the Israeli state and in manifestations on the national political scene. The study showed the predominance of dispensationalism as an eschatological doctrine in the context of Protestantism in Brazil, and its political product, Christian Zionism, in the process of growing involvement through the Evangelical Block in the National Congress.

When analyzing the Israel-Palestine conflict, one may be tempted to focus solely on the political and historical situation of the geographic land. However, it is also important to consider the deeply embedded religious traditions of the area. When doing so, one will come across Christian Zionism, an impediment to peace. Some of the most prominent voices find validation for their narratives and actions through Christian Zionism. Zionism, in all forms, is an ideology that anchors Jews to Eretz Yisrael, the land of Biblical Israel. Some forms of Zionism include a system of balancing accumulations of land, resources, and wealth with the displacement of Palestinians. This belief that the Jews have a divine right to the accumulation of land and resources legitimizes Zionism in their conquering of the past-legitimate Palestine. Thus, as Palestinian scholar Edward Said states, Zionism is an imported ideology in which Palestinians “pay and suffer” (Said, 1978). Christian Zionism consists of a variety of beliefs that promote and protect the Israeli state and government, while also dehumanizing the Palestinians and equating anti-Zionism with anti-Semitism. As a result, Christian Zionism is a challenging obstacle, one that is necessary to overcome to establish peace. Therefore, due to Christians being called to live peacefully (Colossians 3:15), the Christian tradition must seek and adhere to an alternative theology to Christian Zionism. Palestinian Christian Liberation Theology is a relevant way to interpret Scriptures based on the Christian tradition of peace found in the Old and New Testaments. Palestinian Christian Liberation Theology disputes dual-covenant theology and dispensationalism, two characteristics of Christian Zionism, while focusing on liberating the Palestinian from the oppression under the Israeli occupation. Therefore, Palestinian Christian Liberation Theology provides a workable road to peace, while Christian Zionism is solely a road block.

This chapter examines the use of restorationist prophecy in discussions surrounding the Anglican bishopric at Jerusalem. The first section details developments in Judeo-centric ideas from 1795, concentrating particularly on the formation of the London Society for Promoting Christianity Amongst the Jews. The chapter then traces the focus on Isaiah 18 as a prophecy of an English-led restoration of the Jews prior to their conversion. The final section examines the controversy surrounding the establishment of the Jerusalem bishopric. In particular, it examines the interplay between prophecy, politics, and providence in the work of supporters in the London Society and Lord Ashley.

This chapter examines changes to eschatological thought in early modern England, as ideas of Jewish restoration became more mainstream. After sketching medieval and patristic attitudes towards Jewish restoration, it examines the development of links between Jewish conversion and national blessing in the works of writers such as Thomas Harrison and Hugh Broughton. The chapter then examines commentators who focused on both Jewish restoration to Palestine and England’s national role, such as Thomas Brightman, Henry Finch, and Joseph Mede. The emergence of these beliefs is explored through hermeneutical changes and developing ideas of English nationhood.

This chapter examines the role played by restorationist arguments at the 1655 Whitehall Conference on Jewish readmission to England. After briefly detailing the background to the conference, the chapter analyses the literature surrounding it through three inter-related strands. Firstly, it examines the way in which literature supportive of readmission constructed Jews as superior to gentiles. Secondly, it analyses the fear that England faced providential punishment for the nation’s mistreatment of the Jews. Finally, it examines the idea that England would play the key future role in the conversion and restoration of the Jews to Palestine.

This chapter explores Judeo-centric restorationism in the controversy surrounding the 1753 Jewish Naturalization Act (the “Jew Bill”). The first part of the chapter traces the development of Judeo-centric ideas from 1660–1750, demonstrating that they remained an important part of English eschatology. The next section provides background to the Jew Bill controversy, and suggests the importance of restorationist prophecy to both its supporters and opponents. For opponents, the Bill represented an attempt to discredit prophecies of Jewish separation. Restorationist concepts portrayed the Jews as violent and disloyal, and suggested that if naturalised, they would use England as a staging ground for their conquest of Palestine. For supporters of the Act, naturalisation offered England a unique opportunity to fulfil prophecy and restore the Jews to Palestine.

In God’s Country. Christian Zionism in America, Samuel Goldman presents a comprehensive history of “Christian Zionism.” His main argument is that although the term has been popularized only recentl...