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This thesis explores the growing phenomenon of climate refugees and their right to protection. The aim is to investigate from the Human Security Approach developed by UNDP, if the human insecurities highlighted covers the situation of climate refugees making them eligible for protection. Thus, the purpose is to examine if insecurities caused by climate change are reason enough to be granted asylum in Sweden and if not, what the debate on extending asylum to climate refugees looks like. The research questions for this thesis are: What insecurities do the Swedish legislation consider grounds for granting asylum that could include the protection of climate refugees? and How do the debates in the Swedish Riksdag and the European Parliament discuss climate refugees and their legal status in Sweden's and the EU's asylum regulations? A qualitative content analysis of the Swedish Aliens Act and the Common European Asylum System (CEAS) revealed that even though all insecurities listed by the Human Security Approach are considered grounds for granting asylum, protection for climate refugees is not guaranteed. Consequently, debates in the Swedish and European Parliaments were examined to explore the intentions of extending the right to protection for climate refugees by including them in the legal framework. While the debates in the Swedish Parliament showed no indication of changing the legislation to include climate refugees, the European Parliament both debated and voted on proposals which sought to extend protection to climate refugees. Nonetheless, it is still not decided whether or not the EU will include climate refugees as a legal status in its asylum system.

The European migration crisis of 2015-2016 exposed a number of issues with the EU’s internal system for migration management, the Common European Asylum System. As a result the EU looked beyond its own borders to deal with what they had framed as a crisis. Amongst its responses were a number of external migration management agreements with third countries. Most notable and controversial was the EU-Turkey Statement. It was heavily criticised for things that were not new in external migration management agreements. Therefore, this thesis looks into how external migration management agreements changed with the migration crisis. Understanding the crisis as a framed situation in which the EU acted differently than normal, I will look at an external migration management agreement made during non-crisis—the Mobility Partnership with Moldova—and compare it to the EU-Turkey Statement made in said crisis. The similarities between these agreements show that the crisis accelerated a number of processes that had been going on in external migration management in the EU for years: informalisation and increasing focus on security. The differences show that in crisis the EU makes agreements hastily and as a result can loose its leverage over its negotiation partner.

The debate regarding the extent of EU Member States competences in immigrant integration policies was paused with the Treaty of Lisbon. European institutions took an active role in integration but did not mandate a communal approach. Consequently, each Member State instigated its own policies, which led to a wide diversity of regulations. The policy adopted by Spain stands out because of its particular approach to integration policies, which in this case are applicable to regular and irregular immigrants. A remarkable feature of the migration law in Spain is that it contains a regularisation mechanism for irregular immigrants that does not require them to have a visa in order to obtain the status of temporary residency. This mechanism is known as arraigo social (social ties). In these cases, access to regularity depends on the level of social integration that the immigrant can prove to have achieved. This article analyses the statistics on the use of this mechanism in Spain and discusses whether it could offer a path to asylum seekers looking for an official response after several years of waiting in the EU.

In this paper, we explore how the European Union (EU) legal and policy framework relates to protracted displacement. To this end, we examine the existing legal, policy and institutional framework both in the EU and globally, including the Common European Asylum System (CEAS), the 2015 ‘European Agenda on Migration’, and the New Pact on Migration and Asylum. Analytically, we employ Norbert Elias’ concept of ‘figurations’ as a conceptual lens to describe and identify distinct constellations of relationships, norms and social interactions between different actors shaping approaches towards protracted displacement. We argue that policies on protracted displacement are shaped by a triangle of three figurations – the migration-security figuration, the humanitarian-refugee relief figuration, and the protection-rights figuration. We trace how the migration-security figuration has gained the upper hand in recent years and what this means for EU policies addressing protracted displacement. We conclude that the EU is an actor that facilitates, rather than addresses, protracted displacement, and the Pact on Migration and Asylum further cements that role.

This article presents a Finnish perspective on harmonization within the Common European Asylum System (CEAS). The article analyses results from a study of the judgments and experiences of Finnish civil servants concerning the harmonization of the CEAS. The year 2015 constitutes a shift in asylum policies in many European countries, and a key question is how this shift has influenced the process of harmonization of asylum policies and practices. Senior civil servants working in the state administration of asylum and migration issues in Finland were interviewed anonymously as part of a comparative European research project (CEASEVAL). The interviews indicate that EU‐wide administrative cooperation has developed into a broad and diverse cooperation in recent years. The interviewees in Finland generally found harmonization of the asylum system to be necessary, which was connected to a need for greater predictability of the outcomes of the system. The results of the study suggest that Finnish asylum administration is developing toward harmonized practices involving transnational and supranational administrative cooperation in the field of asylum. The results support the conclusion of previous research that there is a process of horizontal Europeanization in which administrative practices develop organically within national asylum administration, independently of political disagreements at the EU level. This is relevant both to the framing of political issues and to research on Finnish migration and asylum policies, which need to take into account the ongoing European harmonization of policies and administrative practices.

According to Paul Gilbert compassion can be defined as “a sensitivity to suffering in self and others with a commitment to try to alleviate and prevent it” (p.1, Gilbert et al., 2017). Empirical evidence comes from numerous studies which suggest that the cultivation of compassion is associated with various positive effects on physical and mental health, as well as with overall life satisfaction and strengthened social relationships (e.g., Gilbert et al., 2017; Kirby, 2017; MacBeth & Gumley, 2012; Neff, 2003). In this study, we will translate and validate a German-language version of the Compassionate Engagement and Actions Scales (CEAS). The scales have been widely used in a variety of contexts, generally showing good psychometric properties (e.g., Davalos-Batallas et al., 2020; Hsieh et al., 2019; Steindl et al., 2019). With the translation and validation of a German version, we hope to further advance the understanding of the mechanisms and effectiveness of compassion, e.g. in compassion-based interventions and psychotherapy research in the German population.

A 49-year-old man complained of chronic palpitation and shortness of breath, which had recently become exacerbated. A blood examination indicated severe refractory anemia and hypoproteinemia. Physical examinations revealed anemia, a systolic murmur, and spoon nails. Multiple nonspecific ileal ulcers were observed. A pathological examination indicated a small granuloma with CD68-positive histiocytes. He had a deeply wrinkled forehead, chiseled face, and clubbed fingers. Radiography revealed periostosis of the fingers and long bones in the limb. He was diagnosed with pachydermoperiostosis. SLCO2A1 demonstrated a c.1807C>T homo-mutation. He was also diagnosed with SLCO2A1-associated chronic enteropathy and thus was treated with 5-aminosalicylic acid, which temporarily improved the ileal ulcers, anemia, and hypoalbuminemia.

The author of the article attempts to analyze the consequences for Member States’ sovereignty arising from the European asylum system reform and harmonization proposed in September 2020 by the European Commission. The author believes that so-called solidarity mechanism, however designed with intention of burden sharing and help, de facto has the potential to become migrant relocation mechanism. That argument is already being raised by Member States that are opposing the European Commission’s proposal. According to them, the proposal violates rules guaranteeing Member States’ rights to determine volumes of admissions of the third country nationals, explicitly expressed in the Treaty on the European Union. The author also notices that decision-making power on the relocations is transferred to the Commission, leaving limited flexibility in gesture of Member States. Without being opposed to subsidiarity principle itself, the article questions whether the details of the Commission’s proposal are not actually against the principle and certain elements, like effective return, are not better achieved at the national level. In the research procedure, a method of critical analysis of the content of studies and the available sources was used.

In 2015 Europe’s refugee protection crisis triggered the effective collapse of the world’s most complex regional framework for asylum. A development both unexpected and unexplained by the hierarchical model of European asylum law that tends to dominate the scholarly field. The abandonment among member states of core obligations under international and EU law and the principles of solidarity and good faith is central to this crisis. This dynamic has been in the making since the accession process when EU membership was offered in exchange for transposing international obligations through the EU asylum acquis, collectivizing external border control and shifting refugee ‘responsibility’ to new member states with minimal standards for refugee protection and weak enforcement mechanisms. Yet, the critical feature of this asylum crisis is its development into a European constitutional crisis, impacting freedom of movement, sincere co-operation, democracy, and the rule of law. A hierarchical model of law offers only a partial explanation of this interplay between refugee protection and European governance. A turn to the methodological debates in international law urges the repositioning of the lens of refugee legal scholarship, offering insights into the evolution towards crisis by looking at law from below against the backdrop of law in history, subregional law-making, and shifting power constellations. This process suggests that refugee law scholarship could benefit from widening its methodological canon by visiting its parent field of public international law.

12 páginas The European Union has proved to be ineffective in covering the needs of millions of people who seek asylum, while trying to satisfy the security claims of the Member States. The EU institutions have decided to reform the Common European Asylum System to coordinate the procedures, requirements, and conditions for acceptance, aiming to harmonise the national legislative frameworks. One of the most notorious aspects is the extension of the integration measures and conditions to asylum seekers. Nonetheless, the new rules still fail to offer a solution for those asylum requests that are going to be denied after long waiting periods even if the applicants have benefited from the integration programs. In order to avoid such legal implications for the long-term asylum seekers, this article encourages the EU institutions to adopt an ultimate solution, even if a bit creative, that would be coherent with the goals of the CEAS reforms. Medellín

La presente investigación tiene por objeto realizar un análisis de la gestión de la crisis migratoria del Mediterráneo en el año 2015 por parte de la Unión Europea, momento en el que llegan al territorio comunitario más de un millón de personas solicitantes de asilo. Tras un primer recorrido histórico y legislativo para conocer el proceso de construcción del Sistema Europeo Común de Asilo, se abordará el enfoque hotspots presentado por la Unión Europea con el fin de hacer frente a la emergencia humanitaria. Desde un enfoque crítico se analizará cuál ha sido la afectación de las propuestas legislativas sobre los derechos de los migrantes, así como se intentará aportar una visión sobre las consecuencias sociales de esta crisis migratoria. This current thesis has the aim of analyzing the governance of the Mediterranean crisis in 2015 by the European Unión, the moment in which more than a million people arrived at the community territory seeking asylum. After a first historical and legislative review of the topic, in order to know well the construction and integration of the Common European Asylum System, the hotspots approach will be evaluated, it was presented by the European Unión with the purpose of tackle the humanitarian emergency. It will be analyzed, from a critical approach, how the different legislative proposals have affected the migrants’ rights, as well as this thesis will attempt to provide a view about the social consequences of this migratory crisis. Máster Oficial en Estudios Avanzados en Derechos Humanos Presidente: Carlos Fernández Liesa.- Secretaria: Silvina Ribotta

The Common European Asylum System (CEAS) has been in a constant state of development since its conception in 1999, however the 2015 European refugee crisis demonstrated the need for several adjustments to be made. Since then, engagement between the European Union and Member States over what the future of this system could look like has increased. This thesis builds on existing Europeanisation and de-Europeanisation research by operationalising these concepts to use as lenses through which to view the EU’s engagement with the Swedish state over the sovereignty and responsibility and border management aspects of the CEAS following the peak of the 2015 refugee crisis. Employing data in the form of policy documents and speech transcripts from the Swedish Ministry of Justice and the EU, this thesis conducts a qualitative content analysis to examine the discourse between the two actors and determine whether or not dynamics of Europeanisation or de-Europeanisation can be identified. The results of this study conclude that dynamics of Europeanisation can be identified in the engagement between the Swedish Ministry of Justice and the EU over the solidarity and responsibility aspect of the CEAS while dynamics of de-Europeanisation can be identified in relation to discourse surrounding border management.

Background Primary hypertrophic osteoarthropathy (PHO) is a rare disease related to HPGD and SLCO2A1 gene mutation. Gastrointestinal involvement of PHO is even rarer with unknown pathogenesis. Clinical features of GI complication in PHO mimics other auto-immune based bowel entities, such as inflammatory bowel diseases and cryptogenic multifocal ulcerous stenosing enteritis (CMUSE). We aimed to analyze the clinical, genetic, radiological and pathological features of Chinese patients with PHO and determine the difference between PHO patients presenting with and without GI involvement. Methods We reported two PHO cases with gastrointestinal involvement and reviewed all the studies of PHO in Chinese population published from January 1, 2000, to April 30, 2018. Clinical and genetic presentations of PHO in Chinese patients were analyzed. We compared the characteristics of those patients with gastrointestinal involvement against those without. Results The two patients were both males with complete-form PHO for more than 10 years. GI related symptoms included diarrhea, chronic gastrointestinal hemorrhage, incomplete intestinal obstruction, anemia, and edema, which were unresponsive to etoricoxib treatment. Radiological examinations revealed segmental intestinal stenosis and thickened intestinal wall. Endoscopic findings included multiple ulcers and mucosal inflammation. Both patients had mutations of SLCO2A1 according to sequence analysis. The surgical pathology revealed chronic inflammation involving the intestinal mucosa and submucosa, similar to histological changes in CMUSE. According to the systemic review of 158 Chinese patients with PHO, 17.2% had gastrointestinal involvement, including peptic ulcer, gastric polyps, hypertrophic gastritis, and segmental intestinal stenosis. Patients with gastrointestinal involvement were more likely to have anemia (40.0% vs. 4.5%, P P = 0.003), and myelofibrosis (19.0% vs. 0.9%, P = 0.002) than those without. Most patients with gastrointestinal complication had SLCO2A1 mutation (86.7%, 13 /15). Conclusions Digestive tract involvement is uncommon in patients with PHO and often presents with anemia, and hypoalbuminemia resulted from intestinal inflammation. The intestinal pathologic characteristics are distinct from Crohn’s disease but similar to CMUSE. Mutations in SLCO2A1 might be the pathogenic cause of GI involvement of PHO. NSAIDs may not be effective for PHO patients with gastrointestinal complications.

European Papers - A Journal on Law and Integration, 2021 6(1), 7-15, European Forum Insight of 29 March 2021, I. Introduction. - II. Facts and context. - III. Judgment of the Grand Chamber. - IV. Comment., In December 2020, the Grand Chamber of the CJUE has confirmed that Hungary has failed to fulfil its obligations under EU law in the area of procedures for granting international protection and returning illegally staying third-country nationals. The judgment in the case Commission v Hungary (case C-808/18 ECLI:EU:C:2020:1029) is another landmark judgment concerning the Common European Asylum System (CEAS). The Court's conclusions give clear hints about the limits of a future system, as proposed by the New Pact on Migration and Asylum.

After analyzing the characteristics of climate change-related migration and highlighting the lack of protection for environmental migrants in international law, the article addresses the similar gap in the Common European Asylum System. This shortcoming is not remedied by the current proposals to amend the existing legislation contained in the Pact on Migration and Asylum, as the Pact does not provide specific protection for environmental migrants. Therefore, at the moment, only the set of international human rights standards has to be resorted to in order to ensure protection for environmental migrants, as shown by the recent monitoring activity carried out by the Human Rights Committee and the recent orientation of the Italian Court of Cassation.

La Sentencia dictada por la Gran Sala el 17 de diciembre de 2020 en Comisión/Hungría pone en videncia las graves carencias que afectan a la aplicación de las normas que forman el Sistema Europeo Común de Asilo (SECA). El Tribunal de Justicia (TJ) llega a la conclusión de que las autoridades húngaras han vulnerado de forma flagrante, y durante varios años, la normativa de la UE que regula las garantías y procedimientos que deben cumplir los Estados miembros para permitir que se presente una solicitud de protección internacional; para internar a los solicitantes de protección internacional; para expulsar a un nacional de un tercer país; y para permitir a los solicitantes de protección internacional que presenten un recurso con efecto suspensivo contra la decisión denegatoria de su solicitud. Aunque esta jurisprudencia del TJ merezca una valoración positiva, al mismo tiempo se debe insistir en que no se garantiza la efectiva aplicación de tales normas en favor de los miles de nacionales de terceros países, a los que las autoridades húngaras han impedido beneficiarse de las normas del SECA en el período comprendido entre 2015 y 2020. Cabe demandar que en situaciones como esta, en las que está en juego la aplicación de las normas del SECA en favor de miles de potenciales solicitantes de protección internacional, la Comisión Europea sea más diligente y resolutiva a la hora de iniciar un procedimiento por incumplimiento de conformidad con el art. 258 TFUE; y más en concreto, solicite al TJ la aplicación de medidas provisionales, con el apercibimiento de que en caso de no ser cumplidas, el Estado infractor será sancionado con una multa coercitiva. The judgement of the Grand Chamber of December 17 2020, in Commission/ Hungary, shows the serious shortcomings that affect the application of the rules of the Common European Asylum System (CEAS). The Court of Justice (CJEU) concludes that the Hungarian authorities have flagrantly violated, for several years, the EU norms governing the guarantees and procedures that the Member States must follow to allow an application for international protection to be submitted; to detain applicants for international protection; to forced removal a third country national; and to allow applicants for international protection to file an appeal with suspensive effect against the decision to deny their application. Although this case-law of the CJEU deserves a positive assessment, at the same time it must be emphasized that it does not guarantee the effective application of its rules in favor of the thousands of third-country nationals whom the Hungarian authorities have prevented benefiting from said rules in the period from 2015 to 2020. It should be demanded that in situations like this, in which the application of the CEAS rules in favor of thousands of potential applicants for international protection is at stake, the European Commission be more diligent and decisive when initiating an action for failure to fulfil obligations of art. 258 TFEU; and more specifically, it requests the Court to apply interim measures, with the warning that if they are not complied with, the offending State will be sanctioned with a penalty payment. El presente trabajo se enmarca en el proyecto de investigación, concedido por el Ministerio de Ciencia e Innovación, PID2019-107311RB-I00, del que es investigador principal el autor del presente trabajo; y en las actividades de la Cátedra Jean Monnet «European Neighbourhood Policy: EU Values and Global Challenges» (599477-EPP-1-2018-ES-EPPJMO-CHAIR), de la que es titular quien suscribe este artículo.

The debate regarding the extent of EU Member States competences in immigrant integration policies was paused with the Treaty of Lisbon. European institutions took an active role in integration but did not mandate a communal approach. Consequently, each Member State instigated its own policies, which led to a wide diversity of regulations. The policy adopted by Spain stands out because of its particular approach to integration policies, which in this case are applicable to regular and irregular immigrants. A remarkable feature of the migration law in Spain is that it contains a regularisation mechanism for irregular immigrants that does not require them to have a visa in order to obtain the status of temporary residency. This mechanism is known as arraigo social (social ties). In these cases, access to regularity depends on the level of social integration that the immigrant can prove to have achieved. This article analyses the statistics on the use of this mechanism in Spain and discusses whether it could offer a path to asylum seekers looking for an official response after several years of waiting in the EU. El debate sobre el alcance de las competencias de los Estados miembros de la UE sobre políticas de integración de inmigrantes llegó a su fin con el Tratado de Lisboa. Las instituciones europeas adoptaron un papel activo en integración pero sin imponer un enfoque comunitario. Cada país construyó así sus propias políticas, lo que derivó en una amplia diversidad de regulaciones entre las que destaca el modelo seguido en España por su enfoque particular del concepto de integración, aplicable aquí tanto a inmigrantes en situación regular como irregular. Como consecuencia directa de ello, una característica propia de la ley migratoria española es que contiene un mecanismo de regularización dirigido a los inmigrantes en situación administrativa irregular que no requiere ningún tipo de visado y por el que pueden acceder a un permiso de residencia temporal. Este mecanismo se conoce como arraigo social. En estos supuestos, el acceso a la regularidad depende fundamentalmente del nivel de integración social que el inmigrante demuestre haber alcanzado. Este artículo revisa las estadísticas de uso de este mecanismo de regularización en España y analiza si podría constituir una vía legal válida para los solicitantes de asilo que, tras varios años de espera en la Unión Europea, todavía no han recibido una resolución oficial.

Four years after the unprecedented influx of refugees to Europe in 2015/2016, Europe still only has temporary solutions for refugee protection. The current regulations of the Common European Asylum System are not capable of handling another influx of refugees like that of 2015/2016. The negotiations for a reform have stagnated, despite ongoing debate since 2016. Asylum seekers keep crossing the Mediterranean, and in pursuit of solutions, political tension appears strong. A series of studies of citizen’s reactions to the refugee crisis in Europe have documented an increase in demands for restrictions and border controls. But beyond immediate reactions, much remains unknown about citizen preferences over specific asylum policies. The research question posed here is: Do citizens support a European system of responsibilitysharing for the reception of asylum applicants even if that means accepting more applicants? A study conducted in 15 European countries in the early spring of 2016 found broad-based support for responsibility-sharing of asylum seekers. The purpose of this thesis is to test if that finding replicates. A tougher test of the original study is possible through within-country comparison in a context where the situation concerning asylum seekers has changed substantially. This contextual change is utilized with the objective of extending the knowledge introduced by the original authors. The replication data was collected through a survey experiment in the Norwegian Citizen Panel Wave 16 (fall 2019). How citizens make the tradeoff between responsibility-sharing and accepting more applicants to their country, is determined through a set of randomly assigned manipulations. Comparison of cross-national data collected in 2016 and data collected among Norwegian respondents in 2019, show that the number of received asylum applications is important when citizens form their preferences, but responsibility-sharing is decisive for the majority of citizens. The data collected for this thesis successfully replicated the findings from the original study. The conclusion is that citizens still support a European system of responsibility sharing for the reception of asylum applicants even if that means accepting more applicants. Masteroppgåve SAMPOL350 MASV-SAPO

Background SLCO2A1 was recently reported to cause nonspecific ulcers at small bowel, it was named as chronic enteropathy associated with SLCO2A1 (CEAS). It was rarely reported beyond the Japanese population. Case presentation A 4-year-5-month old girl presented with intractable anemia since 1-year-3-month. Her stool occult blood test was positive and the result of esophagogastroduodenoscopy and colonoscopy were normal. She was considered as obscure gastrointestinal bleeding. The magnetic resonance enterography and ultrasound of small intestinal revealed segmental thickening of small bowel. The capsule endoscopy detected ulcers, erosion and slightly stenosis near the site of junction of jejunum and ileum. She was considered chronic non-specific multiple ulcers of the small intestine and was advised to have whole exon sequencing. She was treated with exclusive enteral nutrition and iron supplement for two months. However, she was not responsive to this treatment, then she had three doses of infliximab. At the same time, the next-generation sequencing of this patient revealed two novel compound heterozygous mutations in SLCO2A1. She was diagnosed with CEAS and was treated with oral mercaptopurine. Her hemoglobin level was stable and the serum albumin level was slightly decreased during the follow up. Conclusion CEAS may present as nonspecific small bowel ulcers, and misinterpret as small bowel Crohn’s disease. Genetic tests may help with the precise diagnosis of small bowel ulcers.

A pulsed laser-induced plasma (LIP) was generated in ambient air inside a high-finesse near-concentric optical cavity. The broadband optical plasma emission was successfully sustained within the cavity and the light leaking from the cavity was used to measure broadband absorption spectra of gaseous azulene through (i) time-dependent cavity ring-down (CRDS), and (ii) intensity-dependent incoherent broadband cavity-enhanced absorption spectroscopy (IBBCEAS) methodologies. Based on the broadband ring-down time of light within the cavity, cavity mirror reflectivities may be calibrated in situ, thus facilitating measurements of absolute absorption coefficients with the intensity-dependent (IBBCEAS) approach. Each of the two spectroscopic approaches are compared in terms of their overall performance and suitability to the experimental requirements. The IBBCEAS approach was found to possess numerous advantages over the CRDS approach in terms of measurement speed, and achievable signal-to-noise ratios and minimum detectable absorption coefficients. However, the IBBCEAS approach is limited by the presence of an artificial offset in the measured absorption that arises due to the absorption of light occurring between LIP formation and the commencement of data collection. This delay prior to data collection is necessitated by the non-Lambert-Beer conditions during plasma equilibration. For the given experimental conditions, the cavity output typically takes ~ 1.5 μs to begin mono-exponential decay. The time-dependence of the cavity output intensity was also investigated. Light propagating within the cavity is subject to direct absorption by the intra-cavity LIP, and a lensing effect (f ≈ −3.1 cm) by the LIP as a result of a localised nonlinear refractive index change induced by the high temperatures and strong electric fields associated with the LIP. This time-dependence was observed to be dependent on both the mirror separation and the pulse duration of the LIP formation laser. These dependencies come about as a consequence of the LIP lensing temporarily affecting both the cavity stability and the imaging of the light that is output from the cavity, with both of these aspects being dependent on the cavity geometry. In the case of fs-lasers, the increased pulse power density expectedly yields a more significant lensing effect when compared to LIP formation with ns-pulsed lasers.

Nuestra sociedad ha ido evolucionando e implementando las Tecnologías de la Información y la Comunicación (TIC) y que, en consecuencia, ha provocado una brecha digital en los grupos más vulnerables. Concretamente, la comunidad gitana ha notado ese retroceso social en diferentes ámbitos y, en particular, afecta a las mujeres gitanas jóvenes y de mediana edad, debido al género y el difícil acceso a las TIC. Por ello, se realiza un proyecto dirigido a las mujeres gitanas entre 25 y 40 años en el Centro de Acción Social (CEAS) Arturo Eyries de Valladolid que pretende fomentar la alfabetización digital para adquirir la competencia digital en el uso de TIC teniendo en cuenta el acceso del que dispongan las mujeres y de una manera transversal, tratar de buscar su autonomía y empoderamiento. Our society has been developing and implementing Information and Communication Technologies (ICT) and, consequently, it has caused a digital divide in the most vulnerable groups. In particular, the Roma community has noticed this social decline in different areas and especially affects young and middle-aged Roma women, due to gender and difficult access to ICT. For this reason, a project is proposed to Roma women between the ages of 25 and 40 is carried out at the Arturo Eyries Social Work Center in Valladolid, which aims to promote digital literacy through basic ICT-related skills to which they have access. and, in a more transversal way, seeks to promote autonomy and empowerment. Grado en Educación Social

Over the past few years, the exceptional increase in the number of migrant arrivals and of asylum claims in Europe has dramatically strained the "European migration regime"1 based on the so-called managed migration approach. The rationale of this approach was to allow for managed and orderly migration (Spencer 1994), selecting immigrants according to labour market needs (COM 2005, 184). This system was undermined by a sudden and significant acceleration in the number of entries registered from 2014 onwards. The European Agenda on Migration, which was intended to be a first political response to some meaningful shortcomings of the European migration regime, has, in fact, amplified these shortcomings. The significant change in the European migration space produced by the so-called 2015 refugee crisis is at the root of this problem. The latter has been mainly a crisis of management of those new migration patterns linked to structural changes in the Euro-African political and economic regional space.

Nuestra sociedad ha ido evolucionando e implementando las Tecnologías de la Información y la Comunicación (TIC) y que, en consecuencia, ha provocado una brecha digital en los grupos más vulnerables. Concretamente, la comunidad gitana ha notado ese retroceso social en diferentes ámbitos y, en particular, afecta a las mujeres gitanas jóvenes y de mediana edad, debido al género y el difícil acceso a las TIC. Por ello, se realiza un proyecto dirigido a las mujeres gitanas entre 25 y 40 años en el Centro de Acción Social (CEAS) Arturo Eyries de Valladolid que pretende fomentar la alfabetización digital para adquirir la competencia digital en el uso de TIC teniendo en cuenta el acceso del que dispongan las mujeres y de una manera transversal, tratar de buscar su autonomía y empoderamiento., Our society has been developing and implementing Information and Communication Technologies (ICT) and, consequently, it has caused a digital divide in the most vulnerable groups. In particular, the Roma community has noticed this social decline in different areas and especially affects young and middle-aged Roma women, due to gender and difficult access to ICT. For this reason, a project is proposed to Roma women between the ages of 25 and 40 is carried out at the Arturo Eyries Social Work Center in Valladolid, which aims to promote digital literacy through basic ICT-related skills to which they have access. and, in a more transversal way, seeks to promote autonomy and empowerment., Grado en Educación Social

Climate change is one of the greatest challenges facing humankind and its effects will hit the most vulnerable persons disproportionately hard. Several millions of people risk displacement due to environmental hazards, natural disasters and climate mediated conflicts, influencing migration patterns across the world. Without a strategy for protecting specifically climate refugees, States risk violating several human rights, which makes the issue highly relevant to the international community. Nevertheless, an intergovernmental strategy for addressing the challenges does not yet exist. This thesis focuses specifically on the European Union’s role in protecting climate refugees. It offers an analysis of the mechanical and attitudinal dimensions of refugee protection in the Common European Asylum System (CEAS) and uses post-colonial theory as a tool for interpreting its implementation. This thesis is written with the purpose of contributing to the discourse on how climate refugees can and should fit in under current EU legislative mechanisms.

This thesis measures the extent of the impact of the EU’s management of its migration flow in the aftermath of the ‘Summer of Migration’ on its legitimacy and normative power towards external actors. Although historically funded and legitimated by its commitment to Human Rights values, the EU has failed to manage effectively and ethically the migration crisis indenpently. Building upon Buchanan’s constructivist approach of the strategies of legitimation used by IOs in IR, this thesis argues that this failure, by shedding light on the union’s weaknesses and pressuring it into to unethical external deals, deteriorates its image towards external actors and provides delegitimating tools to competitors of the EU in a global context of post-US hegemony, feeding power struggles in a shifting polarized world. By creating a theoretical bridge between EU internal policies and their external consequences, this thesis investigates interconnexions and causality effects between the structural flaws of the CEAS, the 2016 EU/Turkey deal and the loss of legitimacy of the EU. The arguments defended by this thesis are supported by an empirical research based on the critical discourse analysis of the evolutions of Turkish leaders’ speeches given at the UN General Assembly debates between 2009 and 2019. Using methods deriving from Discourse Historical Analysis (DHA), the analysis of the speeches pinpoints the role of the EU’s management of the migration crisis in the shift from positive to negative discourses of Turkish leaders towards the union. Finally, the study considers that the normative arguments related to the non-commitment of the EU to its upheld HR values has become a semantic tool of delegitimation for Turkey against the EU, and to promote itself as a new leader of IR.

As eleições europeias de maio de 2019, trouxeram alterações significativas na composição do Parlamento Europeu (PE). Uma dessas alterações passou pela perda de lugares parlamentares dos dois blocos principais de centro-direita e de centro-esquerda, o Grupo Político do European People’s Party (EPP) e o do Social and Democrats (S&D) e, consequentemente, da perda da maioria absoluta de que, até ao momento, eram detentores. A presente dissertação procura analisar as implicações que a nova composição do PE pode ter sobre o Sistema Europeu Comum de Asilo (SECA), num período em que a pressão migratória na fronteira sul, ainda que com menor intensidade, continua a questionar a ação da UE. Face aos resultados eleitorais, coloca-se a questão de saber o que irá acontecer ao trabalho que tem vindo a ser desenvolvido em torno de uma legislação de migração e asilo mais unitária dos Estados-Membros, personificado no SECA. Para tal, procurou-se situar os diferentes grupos políticos que integram o PE, através da análise dos seus manifestos, do ponto de vista dos mecanismos de gestão, das propostas apresentadas, e das considerações tecidas quanto ao SECA. Sendo o objetivo deste trabalho o de contribuir para a previsão do grau de aceitação destas políticas no contexto do PE. Acontece que, a principal conclusão desta dissertação é que, dada a novidade destas recomposições, está ainda em aberto a evolução do futuro do SECA, que poderá ter uma tendência mais positiva caso as negociações entre os diferentes grupos parlamentares resultem frutíferas. The 2019 European elections, brought significant changes to the European Parliament composition. One of which, was the loss of parliamentary seats by the two main center-right and center-left blocs, the European People's Party (EPP) and the Social and Democrats (S&D) political groups and, consequently, the loss of their majority. This dissertation seeks to analyze the implications that the new EP composition may have on the Common European Asylum System (CEAS), at a time when migratory pressure on the southern border, albeit less intensely, continues to question EU action. In the light of the electoral results, the question arises as to what will happen to the work that is being done regarding a more unitary migration and asylum legislation of the Member States, embodied in the CEAS. To this end, we sought to situate the different political groups that make up the EP, through the analysis of their manifestos, from the point of view of their management mechanisms, the proposals presented, and the considerations made regarding the CEAS. The objective of this paper is to contribute to predicting the degree of acceptance of these policies in the context of the EP. It turns out that the main conclusion of this dissertation is that, given the novelty of these recompositions, the evolution of the future of the CEAS is still open, which could have a more positive trend if negotiations between the different parliamentary groups are fruitful.

This comparative report investigates the ways in which the mobility of applicants for international protection, beneficiaries of international protection and irregular migrants intersect with the borders encountered during their trajectories before, during and after their arrival in six EU countries (Greece, Hungary, Germany, Luxembourg, France and Spain) and Turkey. After defining the concept of borders, this study contextualises the securitisation of EU external and internal borders, and it provides some background information on the CEAS and the Dublin Regulation, which are central to this research. Moreover, it engages with the legislative framework in place in the field of asylum in the seven countries on which this report draws. Based on qualitative interviews with a total of 96 asylum seekers, refugees and irregular migrants, as well as 94 state and non-state actors and ethnographic observation, the empirical part of the study explored the following aspects: experiences and conceptualisations of borders; mobility patterns and trajectories; the interplay between the Schengen zone and the Dublin system; the shortcomings of CEAS; as well as policies and experiences in the fields of housing and employment. The main finding of this comparative report is that while territorial borders cannot always impede human mobility, they are recreated within countries as administrative borders, which can encourage secondary movements.

This country report investigates the ways in which the border as a site of control interferes with asylum seekers’ and refugees’ mobility trajectories before, upon and after arrival in France. The interplay between borders and mobility plays a key role in the Common European Asylum System, the Schengen area and the Dublin regulation, which all have been affected by the 2015 so-called migration crisis. Based on in-depth qualitative interviews with thirteen migrants and ten institutional actors in the city of Metz, the overarching finding indicates that migrants’ movements evolve from geographical trajectories in order to reach a country of destination, to administrative trajectories, in order to become regularised in the host country. Furthermore, while physical borders have interfered with some informants’ migratory journeys, they have done so only by changing their trajectories, and, at times, the initial country of destination. Thus, they did not deter the migrants from reaching a safe country of destination. Once in Metz, the migrants become subject to administrative borders performed by state agents, such as the Préfecture and the French Agency for Immigration and Integration (OFII), as well as by private actors from the employment market.

This country report sought to explore the border as a site of control and the ways in which it interferes with migrants’ (asylum seekers, refugees and rejected asylum seekers) trajectories before, upon and after arrival in Luxembourg. To this end, it explored, through qualitative interviews with a total of 29 state and civil society actors and migrants, as well as ethnographic observation at Findel airport, Luxembourg’s only external border, the multiple conceptualisations and experiences of borders. It has identified that the suppression of internal controls within the Schengen area has been accompanied by a surge of controls within the member states, either at the stage of lodging an asylum claim, or at the street level, where migrants can be stopped and searched by police officers. Furthermore, the data showed that the migrants interviewed not only did they experience bordering practices during their interactions with public actors, but they were also subject to bordering during their interactions with private actors from the housing and employment market. The principal finding of this research with regards to the interplay between borders and the mobility of migrants is that cross-border mobility is commonplace, the migrants’ mobility practices reflecting the movements of the local population. As such, borders do not represent efficient mechanisms of control which can prevent migrants’ mobility trajectories.

The paper describes an integrated laser absorption system as a potential tool for breath analysis for clinical diagnostics, online therapy monitoring and metabolic disorder control. The sensors operate basing on cavity enhanced spectroscopy and multi-pass spectroscopy supported by wavelength modulation spectroscopy. The aspects concerning selection of operational spectral range and minimization of interference are also discussed. Tests results of the constructed devices collected with reference samples of biomarkers are also presented. The obtained data provide an opportunity to analyse applicability of optoelectronic sensors in medical screening.

Following the political changes induced by the fall of the Communist regimes across Eastern Europe, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary and Poland embarked on the road of economic liberalization and democratization. This process was formally concluded with the so-called Visegrád countries' accession to the EU in 2004. However, in relation to the refugee crisis the Visegrád countries emerged within the EU united in their opposition to comply with the so- called mandatory refugee relocation scheme. The position of the Visegrád countries evoked not only significant media attention but also academic inquiry on the securitization of asylum policies in the Visegrád region. This research analyses the Europeanisation of the asylum policies in the Visegrád countries in three periods: 1. the early years of democratic development 2. The harmonization of policies leading up to EU accession and 3. The development of related policies after EU accession. The Europeanisation of asylum policies coincide with the development of the Common European Asylum System and the deepening of EU legislative powers in the field of asylum policy. The author concluded that the field of integration policy where Member States retain significant authority has become a strict control mechanism of limiting displaced person access to...

Building on three theories of European integration – liberal intergovernmentalism, neofunctionalism and postfunctionalism – I offer an explanation to the process and outcomes of the development of the Common European Asylum System (CEAS) between 2008 and 2018. The process to establish the CEAS has been characterized by clashing actor preferences, which forced actors into negotiations. This thesis aims to analyze the dynamics of these negotiations surrounding the CEAS. My results show that liberal intergovernmentalism explains locked positions in interstate bargaining and highly compromised outcomes, and even non-decisions, of the CEAS. I also argue that neofunctionalism loses explanatory power when sensitive issues concerning automatic quota systems and national sovereignty are discussed, although many arguments by the involved actors in the policy process draw upon neofunctional assumptions. Postfunctionalism is argued to gain explanatory power during recent years, since identityrelated arguments and Eurosceptical and anti-immigrant ideas in European governments have increased.

The refugee's flows have alighted the European political debate boosting nationalistic forces in almost all countries. The aim of this paper is to show that the actual number of asylum seekers does not really allow to talk about a "refugee crises". It argues, however, that the current European Union institutions and procedures are highly insufficient to manage successfully refugee's inflows and asylum requests. A European foreign policy could have helped to prevent refugees' inflows from war-thorn areas such as Afghanistan, Iraq, Eritrea, Libya and Syria. Once the problem is there, the procedures centred on the Dublin Convention are inadequate and the paper provides a few radical suggestions that are made for an EU- centred refugees and asylum seekers management and policy.

The system of governance of the national reception system in Finland can be described as a centralised state–led system with a top-down decision-making, where the municipalities and civil society are key partners in implementation processes, but they can only indirectly influence the governance of the reception system. Reception and integration are formally two different areas of practice, with the state as responsible for reception measures and the municipalities responsible for integration measures. The centralisation of the system has involved the strengthening of the role of the Finnish Immigration Service. The administrative reforms involve a long history of centralisation and Europeanisation of the administration, which predates the so-called migration crisis of 2015. A convergence of the functioning, accessibility and quality of reception services is an aim of the centralised national system. Yet, the system also involves structural conflicts of interest between local and national perspectives, which are strengthened by the legal and administrative division of reception and integration into two different areas of practice.

1 Relocation as a Solution to the EU Migration Crisis Abstract Asylum law has traditionally been perceived as a sensitive area of state policy. For this very reason, for a long time, it was mostly excluded from the process of European integration. However, the development of the internal market and the removal of internal borders have ultimately necessitated some degree of harmonisation of asylum and migration policies amongst the Member States. Consequently, there have been several major increases in EU competence in the field of asylum and migration since the 1990s. This has eventually led to the creation of the Common European Asylum System (CEAS). Yet, a prolonged lack of political will to introduce a major reform of the CEAS and to duly implement the principle of solidarity has over the years resulted in serious systemic deficiencies. These defects, in particular the uneven distribution of responsibility between the Member States, have fully shown during the EU migration crisis. This far-reaching crisis has translated into several ad hoc solutions, including the use of an emergency EU competence to adopt temporary measures under Art. 78(3) SFEU (ex Art. 64(2) TEC), which had not been used until then. The adoption of two Council relocation decisions in September 2015 has raised numerous legal questions...

La mancanza di solidarietà dimostrata dai governi europei durante le crisi dei rifugiati iniziata nel 2015 ha minato fondamentalmente il progetto di integrazione europea. Il punto di partenza dei governi era certamente contraddittorio: da un lato, l'UE si basa sul principio della libera circolazione delle persone e sui principi di solidarietà tra stati membri e rispetto dei diritti umani. D'altro canto, la politica europea sui rifugiati si basa ancora sull'idea, ribadita nei vari regolamenti di Dublino, secondo cui lo Stato membro che dovrebbe assumersi la responsabilità primaria di ogni richiedente asilo è quello di primo ingresso nell'UE. Inoltre, c'è significativa discrepanza tra i principi su cui si fonda l'UE e le azioni di politica interna ed esterna che essa ha intrapreso. Piuttosto che affrontare questi problemi, riscrivendo i regolamenti e modificando le politiche in atto, i governi dell'UE hanno preferito scaricarsi le responsabilità tra loro, o addirittura verso Paesi terzi. Questo paper affronta tre temi. Il primo concerne i flussi: il numero di arrivi e di richiedenti asilo in asilo giustifica la definizione di crisi dei rifugiati? Il secondo riguarda, invece, la gestione: le regole dell'UE sono adeguate ad affrontare questi numeri? La Convenzione di Dublino emerge sempre più come un tentativo altamente irrealistico di gestire i flussi di rifugiati. Una regolamentazione alternativa potrebbe ridurre le tensioni intra-europee? Il terzo, infine, riguarda la passività con cui l'UE ha visto arrivare rifugiati da zone di guerra: in che misura i Paesi europei hanno effettivamente cercato di evitare crisi internazionali? Il problema dei flussi di rifugiati avrebbe dovuto essere affrontato rafforzando una politica estera comune dell'UE, in grado di contenere i flussi alla fonte, soprattutto dalle aree, come la Siria, l'Afghanistan, l'Iraq e l'Eritrea, che hanno generato un numero importante di rifugiati.

Migrant crisis and large number of asilym seekers created pressure to re-form the Common European asylum System (CEaS). in 2016 the European Commission proposed a reform package that should be adopted according to ordinary legislative procedure. The goal of this article is to analyse the role of EU institutions, and especially European Parliament, in the process of adop-tion of Dublin IV, the centerpeice of CEaS reform package. The main thesis is that European Parliament, although supportive of CEaS reform, remains a secondary actor compared to EU member states which are unable to achieve an agreement on the most important elements of the reform. Recent elec-tions for the European Parliament raise the issue whether the Parliament's stance would be changed, but another question is even more important -what would be, having in mind member states positions, the fate of the pro-posed reform package. Migrantska kriza koja je zahvatila Evropsku uniju (EU) poslednjih godina, sa velikim brojem tražilaca azila u zemljama članicama, nametnula je neophodnost promene zajedničkog evropskog sistema azila. Reforma predložena 2016. godine obuhvata paket legislativnih predloga koji treba da budu usvojeni po redovnoj zakonodavnoj proceduri. Cilj ovog rada je da analizira ulogu institucija EU, a posebno Evropskog parlamenta, u dosadašnjem toku usvajanja Dablina IV kao ključnog dela predloženog reformskog paketa, kao i da pokuša da predvidi njegov stav u daljem procesu. Osnovna teza rada je da Evropski parlament, iako jedan od promotera promene zajedničkog evropskog sistema azila, ostaje sekundaran akter u odnosu na zemlje članice koje u Savetu EU ne uspevaju da postignu dogovor o najvažnijim elementima reforme. Visoko politizovano pitanje azila i migracija je u prethodnom sazivu Evropskog parlamenta u najvećoj meri narušilo koheziju EPP-a, ali i pokazalo da su poslanici iz zemalja koje imaju najviše primedbi na predložene reforme glasali češće u skladu sa nacionalnim prioritetima nego sa politikom partijske grupe. Nedavno održani izbori za Evropski parlament otvaraju dilemu da li će stav Parlamenta biti promenjen, ali se postavlja i drugo pitanje - kakva će, uzimajući u obzir stavove zemalja članica, biti sudbina predloženih reformi.

ADECUACIÓN DE MEDIDAS TERAPÉUTICAS (AMT) - GUÍA DE ÉTICA CLÍNICA Sí

Le retour des ressortissants de pays tiers en séjour irrégulier est l‘un des principaux piliers de la politique de l‘UE en matière de migration et d‘asile. Dans son plan d‘action sur le retour en 2015 et dans sa communication de 2017 relative à une politique de retour plus efficace et la recommandation qui l‘a accompagnée, la Commission a souligné la nécessité d‘une mise en œuvre plus stricte des règles européennes en la matière. Cette note de synthèse présente les principaux résultats de l’étude réalisée en 2017 par le point de contact de l´European Migration Network au Luxembourg intitulée «L’efficacité du retour dans les Etats membres de l’UE: défis et bonnes pratiques dans l’application des règles européennes en matière de retour» ainsi que du rapport synthétique qui en résulte. L’étude se base sur les informations recueillies jusqu’au mois de juillet 2017. Cette note de synthèse vise à analyser l‘impact des règles européennes sur le retour ainsi que sur les politiques et pratiques mises en œuvre dans les différents États membres. Elle présente également la manière dont les normes et procédures européennes ont été interprétées et appliquées au niveau national et, dans la mesure du possible, leur impact sur l‘efficacité du dispositif de retour. Toutefois, une certaine prudence s’impose tant il est difficile d‘établir des liens de causalité entre des mesures politiques spécifiques et le nombre de retours mis en œuvre.

This report addresses the politicization of common European policy for refugee relocation, with particular focus on the question of responsibility for the so-called “refugee crisis”. As Finland faced the tenfold increase in the annual number of asylum seekers in 2015, public debate on the topic was rapidly electrified. The media attention culminated in September, when Finland decided as the only member state to abstain from voting on the issue of relocation. The decision was widely considered to be imposed on the Finnish government by the Eurosceptic, right-wing populist Finns party, whose path to the coalition government was paved with the party’s highly mediatized anti-immigration political rhetoric during the past decade. This report defines politicization as a practice of competitive claims-making in in the public sphere. Politicization is analyzed within two distinct corpora: a mainstream news corpus of 127 articles in Finland’s largest daily newspaper, and a parliamentary debates corpus consisting of 26 addresses by Finnish MPs to the floor during 10 plenary sessions. On the basis of quantitative and qualitative analysis, we conclude that while both arenas exerted strong influence on public opinion and heavily politicized the issue of refugee relocation, there are important differences in how the question of responsibility was framed within the two contexts. The articles published during the first episode of contention (March – November 2015) focus on the strife between Visegrád countries and other member states. The articles underline EU’s shortcomings in mediating the conflicted interests among member states, presenting Finland’s decision to abstain as tacit support to the bloc opposing common relocation mechanisms, and decrying the ensuing impact to Finland’s previously conciliatory reputation within the EU. On the other hand, the parliamentary debates taking place in the turn of the year are largely dominated by Finns party MPs. The debates emphasize Finland’s sovereign responsibility to prevent crime and protect the autochthonous population’s welfare from irregular migration, often framed in terms of “illegal refugees.” While refugees plight is repeatedly presented as the responsibility of the sending countries, the MPs commonly assert that the EU is responsible for letting in “the wave of refugees”.

Resistance to 5-Fluoruracil (5-FU) has been linked to elevated expression of the main target, thymidylate synthase (TYMS), which catalyses the de novo pathway for production of deoxythymidine monophosphate. The potent oncogenic forkhead box transcription factor, FOXM1 is is regulated by E2F1 which also controls TYMS. This study reveals a significant role of FOXM1 in 5-FU resistance. Overexpression and knock-down studies of FOXM1 in colon cancer cells suggest the importance of FOXM1 in TYMS regulation. ChIP and global ChIP-seq data also confirms that FOXM1 can also potentially regulate other 5-FU targets, such as TYMS, thymidine kinase 1 (TK-1) and thymidine phosphorylase (TYMP). In human colorectal cancer tissue specimens, a strong correlation of FOXM1 and TYMS staining was observed. Elevated FOXM1 and TYMS expression was also observed in acquired 5-FU resistant colon cancer cells (HCT116 5-FU Res). A synergistic effect was observed following treatment of CRC cells with an inhibitor of FOXM1, thiostrepton, in combination with 5-FU. The combination treatment decreased colony formation and migration, and induced cell cycle arrest, DNA damage, and apoptosis in CRC cell lines. In summary, this research demonstrated that FOXM1 plays a pivotal role in 5-FU resistance at least partially through the regulation of TYMS.

The paper presents some practical aspects of cavity enhanced absorption spectroscopy application in detection of nitrogen dioxide (NO2), nitrous oxide (N2O), nitric oxide (NO) and carbon monoxide (CO). These gases are very important for monitoring of environment. There are shown results of lab-setups for N2O, NO, CO detection and portable sensor of NO2. The portable instrument operates in the UV spectral range and reaches a level of single ppb. The lab–devices use high precision mid-infrared spectroscopy and they was demonstrated during testing the laboratory air. These sensors are able to measure concentration at the ppb level using quantum cascade lasers, high quality optical cavities and modern MCT detection modules. It makes it possible to apply such sensors in monitoring the atmosphere quality.

Zaangażowanie parlamentów państw członkowskich w dyskusję nad problemem nielegalnej migracji do UE przybrało na sile w latach 2015 i 2016. Artykuł omawia uprawnienia przysługujące parlamentom na mocy traktatu lizbońskiego, pozwalające im wpływać na procesy polityczne w UE, w szczególności w ramach polityki migracyjnej, azylowej i kontroli granic. Następnie przedstawiono aktywność parlamentów w latach 2015–2017 wobec propozycji legislacyjnych KE dotyczących mechanizmu relokacji i przesiedleń oraz reformy wspólnego europejskiego systemu azylowego. Uzyskane wnioski pozwalają stwierdzić, że najczęściej używanymi przez parlamenty instrumentami była współpraca międzyparlamentarna, kontrola przestrzegania zasady pomocniczości oraz dialog polityczny. Ze względu na brak niezbędnych aktów wykonawczych pozwalających prowadzić kontrolę działań Europolu, parlamenty w latach 2015–2017 nie wykorzystywały w ogóle spotkań grupy ds. wspólnej kontroli parlamentarnej w ramach przestrzeni wolności, bezpieczeństwa i sprawiedliwości. Jednocześnie można było zauważyć, że parlamenty narodowe państw negatywnie ustosunkowanych do przyjmowania imigrantów, czyli przede wszystkim państw z Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej, były bardziej aktywne na forum UE niż parlamenty państw pozytywnie nastawionych do migrantów. Involvement of Member States’ parliaments in the debate on the problem of illegal migration to the EU has intensified in 2015 and 2016. The article discusses the powers of parliaments under the Treaty of Lisbon, allowing them to influence political processes in the migration, asylum and borders control policies in the EU. Article presents also the activities of parliaments in the years 2015–2017 regarding the legislative proposals on mechanism of relocation and resettlement and the reform of the Common European Asylum System. The results show that the instruments most frequently used by parliaments were: interparliamentary cooperation, control of compliance with the principle of subsidiarity and political dialogue. Due to the lack of necessary executive acts to control Europol’s activities, in 2015–2017 parliaments did not use the meetings of the Europol Joint Parliamentary Scrutiny Group in the area of freedom, security and justice. At the same time, it could be noted that the national parliaments of the Member States that opposed the admission of immigrants (mainly from Central and Eastern Europe) were more active in the EU than the parliaments of states with positive attitude towards relocation and resettlements program.

Il capitolo rappresenta una riflessione sulla tutela europea del minore 'migrante' alla luce degli standard internazionali in materia di tutela dei diritti umani a protezione dell'infanzia. Riprendendo la relazione presentata al XXII Convegno SIDI, il contributo mette in luce la crescente convergenza del framework europeo con gli standard di tutela elaborati a livello universale attraverso la CRC e l'attività interpretativa del relativo Comitato. Sembra, tuttavia, trattarsi di una 'convergenza selettiva', abbracciata fino a quando il perseguimento degli interessi generali in materia di immigrazione lo permetta. In effetti, pur trattandosi di una tendenza senz'altro positiva, l'ancoraggio agli standard di tutela universale potrebbe rappresentare un grosso ostacolo al raggiungimento di soluzioni più in linea con la compiuta realizzazione dell'interesse del minore (indipendentemente dal suo background migratorio).

I kölvattnet av den så kallade flyktingkrisen 2015 har allt fler röster höjts i Europa om att förändra asylrätten för skapa ett mer förutsebart och hållbart asylmottagande. Diskursen synliggör asylrättens centrala rättighetskonflikt där det allmännas intresse av reglerad invandring vägs mot den enskildes rätt till asyl. Denna uppsats utreder möjligheterna att ersätta EU:s nuvarande asylsystem med ett EU-gemensamt kvotflyktingsystem. Utgångspunkten för uppsatsen är ett förslag som Moderaterna under oktober 2017 antog i sitt partiprogram vars innebörd är att EU ska övergå till ett gemensamt asylsystem med enbart kvotflyktingmottagande. Frågeställningen är vilka hinder som föreligger för en sådan förändring med hänsyn till gällande rätt och ändamålen bakom asylrätten. Moderaterna föreslår alltså en ordning som skulle inskränka rätten att söka asyl. Rättighetsinskränkningar ska vara proportionerliga. Uppsatsen besvarar därför huvudfrågeställningen utifrån fyra delfrågor som påminner om en proportionalitetsbedömning för att avgöra om förslaget är möjligt eller lämpligt. Först diskuteras om dagens asylsystem behöver förändras med hänsyn till den så kallade flyktingkrisen 2015, sedan utreds andra brister i dagens system. Slutsatsen nås att det finns brister med dagens system som motiverar en förändring som exempelvis de höga dödstalen för migranter som reser över Medelhavet för att söka asyl i EU. Därefter undersöks vilka möjligheter en förändring till enbart ett EU-gemensamt kvotflyktingsystem skulle kunna medföra och det konstateras att förslagets största fördel är att vidarebosättning utgör en laglig och säker väg för asylsökande till EU. Kärnan i uppsatsen är utredningen av de praktiska och juridiska hinder som finns för en förändring till enbart ett EU-gemensamt kvotflyktingsystem. Där finner jag att det största hindret är svårigheten att organisera systemet på ett sätt som är förenligt med principen om non-refoulement enligt såväl folkrätten som Europakonventionen. Jag identifierar även andra allvarliga praktiska och juridiska hinder för en sådan ordning. Slutligen undersöks om det finns alternativa lösningar att tillgå som är mindre ingripande än förslaget om enbart ett EU-gemensamt kvotflyktingsystem. Jag finner att så är fallet. Till exempel kan medlemsstaterna öka sitt kvotflyktingmottagande, införa humanitära visum eller inrätta en EU-centraliserad asylprövning. Min slutsats är att rätten att söka asyl på plats i EU måste kvarstå och att de mindre ingripande lösningarna som tas upp i uppsatsen är att föredra framför ett asylsystem i EU med enbart kvotflyktingmottagande.