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This study uses individual-level survey data from women and men in Uganda and South Africa to examine coupled women's joint ownership of land and housing. It compares women's control over and benefits from jointly held land and housing with those of coupled women not owning land or housing at all and coupled women owning them solely. The lack of a clear and consistent advantage of joint ownership potentially arises from frequent disagreement within couples about whether the land or house is jointly owned. The study serves as a reminder of the complexities of joint ownership in practice, particularly within families, that need to be considered in order for coupled women to benefit from joint asset ownership. Efforts promoting joint ownership, for example, joint titling and marital property laws supporting joint ownership, should not only consider these complexities but also establish and communicate clear and enforceable rules for joint ownership.

Background This study analyzes the consequences of maternal death to households in Western Kenya, specifically, neonatal and infant survival, childcare and schooling, disruption of daily household activities, the emotional burden on household members, and coping mechanisms. Methods The study is a combination of qualitative analysis with matched and unmatched quantitative analysis using surveillance and survey data. Between September 2011 and March 2013 all households in the study area with a maternal death were surveyed. Data were collected on the demographic characteristics of the deceased woman; household socio-economic status; a history of the pregnancy that led to the death; schooling experiences of surviving school-age children; and disruption to household functioning due to the maternal death. These data were supplemented by in-depth and focus group discussions. Quantitative data on neonatal and infant survival from a demographic surveillance system in the study area were also used. Descriptive and bivariate analyses were conducted with the quantitative data, and qualitative data were analyzed through text analysis using NVivo. Results More than three-quarters of deceased women performed most household tasks when healthy. After the maternal death, the responsibility for these tasks fell primarily on the deceased’s husbands, mothers, and mothers-in-law. Two-thirds of the individuals from households that suffered a maternal death had to shift into another household. Most children had to move away, mostly to their grandmother’s home. About 37% of live births to women who died of maternal causes survived till age 1 year, compared to 65% of live births to a matched sample of women who died of non-maternal causes and 93% of live births to surviving women. Older, surviving children missed school or did not have enough time for schoolwork, because of increased housework or because the loss of household income due to the maternal death meant school fees could not be paid. Respondents expressed grief, frustration, anger and a sense of loss. Generous family and community support during the funeral and mourning periods was followed by little support thereafter. Conclusion The detrimental consequences of a maternal death ripple out from the woman’s spouse and children to the entire household, and across generations.

Background This study explores the consequences of a maternal death to households in rural Western Kenya focusing particularly on the immediate financial and economic impacts. Methods Between September 2011 and March 2013 all households in the study area with a maternal death were surveyed. Data were collected on the demographic characteristics of the deceased woman; household socio-economic status; a history of the pregnancy and health care access and utilization; and disruption to household functioning due to the maternal death. These data were supplemented by in-depth and focus group discussions. Results The health service utilization costs associated with maternal deaths were significantly higher, due to more frequent service utilization as well as due to the higher cost of each visit suggesting more involved treatments and interventions were sought with these women. The already high costs incurred by cases during pregnancy were further increased during delivery and postpartum mainly a result of higher facility-based fees and expenses. Households who experienced a maternal death spent about one-third of their annual per capita consumption expenditure on healthcare access and use as opposed to at most 12% among households who had a health pregnancy and delivery. Funeral costs were often higher than the healthcare costs and altogether forced households to dis-save, liquidate assets and borrow money. What is more, the surviving members of the households had significant redistribution of labor and responsibilities to make up for the lost contributions of the deceased women. Conclusion Kenya is in the process of instituting free maternity services in all public facilities. Effectively implemented, this policy can lift a major economic burden experienced by a very large number of household who seek maternal health services which can be catastrophic in complicated cases that result in maternal death. There needs to be further emphasis on insurance schemes that can support households through catastrophic health spending.