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Over the past decade, immigration has been the main driver shaping Poland’s migration policy. This has given rise to the concept and problem of an immigrant as an “other” who should be adjusted to Polish reality. The idea of parochialism is helpful in addressing the matter of the lookingglass self and its consequences for immigration policy. This article aims to interpret Poland’s immigration policy in the context of parochialism and its virtues. It points to the consequences of a migration paradigm shift generated by modernisation and indigenisation. The methodology embraces a theoretical framing of parochialism, an interpretive political analysis approach, a qualitative content analysis, and an interpretation of selected public opinion polls and surveys. The argument developed in this article holds that Poland’s immigration policy after 2015 has been marked by the tendency to favour parochialism as an attitude which captures immigrants in the exclusionary formula of “others”. The mobilisation of the Polish population to oppose the inflow of immigrants is in line with their “domestication” according to ethno-nationalist standards. Such process facilitates the implementation of Poland’s immigration policy by shifting responsibility from the central authorities to local communities.

Szeroki zakres misji i operacji Unii Europejskiej (UE) wymaga odpowiedniej świadomości strategicznej i oceny sytuacji w celu skutecznego wykonywania zadań operacyjnych na obszarach działań prowadzonych przez UE. W oparciu o koncepcję wymuszonego izomorfizmu, w artykule postawiono tezę, że wsparcie wywiadowcze dla wspólnych działań w zakresie wspólnej polityki bezpieczeństwa i obrony UE było ograniczone i budzące kontrowersje ze względu na rozbieżność ocen podatności na zagrożenia spowodowaną przez wzorce działania narzucone przez państwa członkowskie. Priorytet narodowych interesów i zasobów utrudnia kierowanie się logikę wzajemności. Obniża to wartość synergicznych powiązań między służbami wywiadowczymi państw członkowskich a odpowiednimi agencjami i organami UE. Pomimo licznych przeszkód i ograniczeń, strategiczna luka podatności na zagrożenia została stopniowo ograniczona dzięki opracowaniu i wdrożeniu skuteczniejszych mechanizmów współpracy wywiadowczej w ramach UE. The broad range of European Union (EU) missions and operations sets out the requirement of strategic awareness and situational assessments for effective fulfillment of operational tasks in the areas of EU-led activities. Building on the concept of coercive isomorphism, this article argues that intelligence support for common security and defense policy activities has been limited and contentious because of the vulnerability gap caused by patterns enforced by member states. Priority for national interests and assets hinders the logic of reciprocity. It lowers the value of synergetic links between the intelligence services of member states and relevant EU agencies and bodies. Regardless of numerous obstacles and limitations, the strategic vulnerability gap has been slowly bridged thanks to the development and implementation of more reliable mechanisms of intelligence cooperation within the EU.

Niniejszy rozdział zawiera kilka spostrzeżeń dotyczących wybranych strategicznych aspektów wojny w Ukrainie. Podnosi kwestie wrogości Rosji w stosunku do Zachodu oraz wsparcia dla niej ze strony antyzachodnich krajów rozwijających się. Akcentuje znaczenie Chińskiej Republiki Ludowej jako rewizjonistycznego mocarstwa kwestionującego - podobnie jak Rosja - globalne strategiczne przywództwo USA. Wskazuje na ograniczenia i ryzyka strategii Zachodu. This chapter contains remarks on some strategic aspects of the war in Ukraine. It discusses Russia’s hostility towards the West and support for Russia from anti-Western developing countries. It emphasises the importance of the People’s Republic of China as a revisionist power questioning - like Russia - the strategic global leadership of the US. It points to the limitations and risks of the West’s strategy.

Attitudes towards migrants and refugees are created and reflected at the level of public policies, as well as in local communities which cultivate traditional approaches and a specific worldview. The refugee crisis in Europe in the mid-2010s showed how public opinion translated into voting behaviour and became a source of strength for nationalist anti-immigrant movements and parties across the continent. East-Central Europe was no exception, regardless of the absence of a long-term, massive inflow of refugees. Nevertheless, the migration crisis created a new political narrative which exploited deeply rooted resentments, complexes, and fears. This article aims to analyse the official policy responses to the refugee crisis in the four East-Central European countries: Poland, Hungary, Slovakia, and the Czech Republic, which together constitute the so-called Visegrad Four. It puts the emphasis on the discriminatory practice of misnaming the refugees, which became deeply anchored in the political discourse of these countries. Based on a qualitative content analysis supplemented by the findings of public opinion polls, the argument developed in the article is that reluctant and defensive attitudes towards the refugees have been determined by the revival of parochialism as a radical reaction to the challenges of global trends and supra-local processes. The theoretical framing of the refugee problem is built on politicization, in connection with the concept of parochialism, seen from political and social perspectives, and the meaning of the use of the misnomer as a policy instrument. The article concludes that the migration crisis petrified traditional cleavages at the supra-local level, reinforcing simultaneously the sense of parochial altruism and hostility towards “the other.”

This article presents one of the most salient aspects of the migration crisis in the EU, namely the turbulent management of external borders, and analyzing it in the case of the central region of the Mediterranean Sea. The study is focused on risks and threats to the security of the European Union and its member states, particularly Italy, posed by negative aspects of migratory flows and accompanying phenomena such as migrant smuggling, trafficking in human beings, drug smuggling or document frauds. For this purpose, a concept of ‘extended borderland’ is applied as particularly suitable for analyzing border-security policies and actions undertaken by the European Union. The argument developed in this article is that the Central Mediterranean area has been converted into an extended borderland where conventional systems, methods and tools of border management are superseded by spatial taming created by international actors acting through joint maritime operations.

This article aims to make an insight into the conditions of immigration policy and actions undertaken by the Swedish authorities and political parties in the face of the migration crisis in Europe after 2015. A hypothesis presented here assumes that a decisive evolution of the attitudes of the Swedish authorities, political parties, and society towards a restrictive approach to immigration arose from the awareness of the negative consequences of migration management for the Swedish socio-economic model and the political scene. The theoretical framework used in this article is the concept of policy responsiveness, including the ability of political authorities to respond effectively and lawfully to the needs and expectations of the citizens. Process tracing was applied as a research method useful for following the transformation process of Sweden’s immigration policy. Statistical data, documents issued by the government and political parties, as well as the subject literature were the sources utilised in the research. Conclusions drawn from the research point to the tightening of immigration policy as a result of the fear of a prolonged pull effect on foreigners and concern surrounding the appropriate handling of immigration in full accordance with the adopted model of immigration policy.

This article aims to make an insight into the conditions of immigration policy and actions undertaken by the Swedish authorities and political parties in the face of the migration crisis in Europe after 2015. A hypothesis presented here assumes that a decisive evolution of the attitudes of the Swedish authorities, political parties, and society towards a restrictive approach to immigration arose from the awareness of the negative consequences of migration management for the Swedish socio-economic model and the political scene. The theoretical framework used in this article is the concept of policy responsiveness, including the ability of political authorities to respond effectively and lawfully to the needs and expectations of the citizens. Process tracing was applied as a research method useful for following the transformation process of Sweden's immigration policy. Statistical data, documents issued by the government and political parties, as well as the subject literature were the sources utilised in the research. Conclusions drawn from the research point to the tightening of immigration policy as a result of the fear of a prolonged pull effect on foreigners and concern surrounding the appropriate handling of immigration in full accordance with the adopted model of immigration policy.

Migration movements to Europe, triggered by dramatic political and social developments in North Africa and the Middle East, have contributed to a decrease in the level of security in the European Union and to the crisis of this organization. This article addresses the issue of migration in the context of the phenomenon of neo-nomadism and its effects on the policies of the member states of the European Union, as well as its institutions and agencies. The consequences of neo-nomadism are analyzed in regard to ​​the EU’s "extended borderland" on the example of the activities of the European Border and Coast Guard Agency (Frontex) in the Central Mediterranean. Frontex’s joint operations "Triton" and "Themis" serve as a useful frame of reference in examining this agency’s "agent power" expressed in activities concerning migratory movements in the EU's "extended borderland". The hypothesis developed in this article holds that the dynamics of mobility resulting from the specific features of neo-nomadism activates the "agent power" of entities involved in mobility and border management in two forms: inclusionary, for humanitarian reasons, and exclusionary, for the sake of security. As an agency responsible for supporting the management of the EU's external borders and implementing return policy, Frontex has concentrated its agent power on securing territory, borders and population at the expense of humanitarian search-and-rescue operations. Joint operations "Triton" and "Themis" have clearly highlighted the trend towards an exclusionary approach to migrants. Post-functionalism referring to the original conceptualisation put forward by Hooghe and Marx is the theoretical frame adopted in the present study. The research method is qualitative, based on desk research includng the analysis and interpretation of primary and secondary sources.

The EU has been under severe strain as a free-travel area. The migration crisis of the mid-2010s and the current Covid-19 pandemic have exerted a negative impact on the freedom of movement in the EU and the undisturbed crossing of internal borders within the Schengen area. Direct effects and long-term consequences of the prolonged crisis have shown that the dynamics of integration, which are determined by spillover effects of transnational processes, are counterposed by a politicization of domestically-embedded issues of security governance. This assumption underpins the postfunctionalist approach to European integration proposed originally by Hooghe and Marks. The tendency towards longstanding derogations from the Schengen regime, termed “internal rebordering,” should be juxtaposed with efforts of the European Commission towards a full restoration of the Schengen area without controls at internal borders. The argument developed in this article holds that internal rebordering has been embedded in the logic of the EU as an area of freedom, security, and justice comprising the Schengen area as its territorial manifestation. The rebordering processes in the EU and in the Schengen area have questioned the principle of “constraining dissensus” underlaying the postfunctionalist approach.

Contemporary security is shaped by a variety of factors which determine the changing dynamics of connections and interdependencies within and between social groups and political actors. The growing importance of technology and innovation for states and societies has been a critical factor in the infrastructural, organizational and decision-making dimensions. This article aims to integrate some aspects of contemporary security into current dynamics of technology and innovation as vehicles of rapid and substantial changes in security policies and actions. Designed as an essay based on qualitative method in social sciences, this paper raises theoretical and empirical questions concerning modernization and innovation as determinants of contemporary security structures and policies. The empirical dimension of technology, innovation and politics are presented in the microscale (local security), in the mesoscale (state security, national security, sectoral security) and in the macroscale (international security in regional and global dimensions), as well as from the cross-sectional (transversal) perspective.

Already, the 21st century has seen an unprecedented increase in cross-border movements of people, goods, information, and financial capital. Numerous incentives and facilitators have expanded international interconnectedness and mobility, so altering the conventional nature and functions of state borders, as captured by the “new mobilities” paradigm. Yet the weaponization of global economic interdependencies and other trends towards deglobalization mean there is now a growing pressure on governments to re-establish the conventional attributes of borders. Against the current mobility and security backdrop, this collection of articles takes stock of the meaning, roles, and practices of border activities. Now is the moment to consider the special role that borders perform as an institution of state security in a contemporary world exposed to massive international flows of people and goods, as well as technologically-driven control and management systems.

Książka dotyczy problematyki bezpieczeństwa narodowego, analizowanego przez pryzmat systemów, z uwzględnieniem wymiaru lokalnego i państwowego. W publikacji zostały przedstawione najnowsze wyniki badań, dotyczące zróżnicowanych czynników wpływających na zagadnienia bezpieczeństwa, zarówno na poziomie lokalnym, jak i ogólnym systemu bezpieczeństwa narodowego.

Książka jest publikacją zbiorową zawierającą artykuły naukowe poświęcone problematyce relacji między wiedzą a władzą, ze szczególnym odniesieniem do kwestii bezpieczeństwa w erze informacji. We współczesnym świecie jest ono determinowane przez nakładanie się zróżnicowanych czynników o charakterze technicznym, jak również społecznym, politycznym i gospodarczym, co znajduje odzwierciedlenie w poszczególnych artykułach publikacji. Dotyczą one zarówno odniesienia w tym aspekcie do problematyki bezpieczeństwa narodowego, jak również w szerszym ujęciu procesów bezpieczeństwa międzynarodowego, dzięki czemu publikacja stanowi istotne kompendium z zakresu badań dotyczących problematyki bezpieczeństwa informacyjnego i jego wpływu na relacje między wiedzą a władzą.

2018 was another year of heated debate on the consequences and effects of migration on political stability, social order and international ethics. The debate encompassed multiple specific issues and varied aspects of migration: political, criminal, legal, ethical and humanitarian. In this chapter main migration trends are analysed against the backdrop of national policies of selected states and international efforts undertaken on the global as well as regional scales. Three case studies are presented: the global compacts adopted by the United Nations; the cooperation in the European Union on immigration, borders and asylum issues; the US immigration policy under the Trump administration.

This book focuses on current key issues of international security from an actor-centered approach. The volume is divided into 3 sections: the first part analyses an array of security issues in Europe, the second one explores how those security issues play out in the Americas, and the third focuses on Africa. Each of the chapter authors outlines the relevant ideas, interests and institutions. The volume provides an overview of how global, regional, and national actors, differ in their management approaches, capacity levels, and how these differences translate into cross-regional cooperation on security issues.

Contemporary security has expanded its meaning, content and structure in response to globalisation and the emergence of greatly improved world-wide communication. The protocols of modern warfare, including targeted killing, enhanced interrogations, mass electronic surveillance and the virtualisation of war have changed the moral landscape and brought diverse new interactions with politics, law, religion, ethics and technology.

Niniejszy artykuł podejmuje w formie interdyscyplinarnej analizy prawno-politologicznej problematykę włączenia acquis Schengen do prawa Unii Europejskiej oraz prawa krajowego państw członkowskich UE w świetle koncepcji hybrydowego reżimu zarządzania granicami i terytorium. Zgodnie z nią, acquis Schengen stymulowało proces krzyżowania interesów bezpieczeństwa wewnętrznego i ochrony granic państw członkowskich z ponadnarodowym imperatywem ideologicznym w odniesieniu do zasady swobodnego przepływu osób. Hipotezą badawczą w tym artykule jest założenie, że inkorporacja acquis Schengen do prawa UE ugruntowała hybrydowość prawno-instytucjonalnej konstrukcji UE po wejściu w życie traktatu amsterdamskiego wskutek sprzeczności logiki przetargu politycznego na poziomie międzyrządowym i wertykalnego spill-over wygenerowanego na poziomie ponadnarodowym w wymiarze instytucjonalnym i polityczno-decyzyjnym. Wnioski wskazują na ukonstytuowanie w wyniku "schengenizacji" przestrzeni wolności, bezpieczeństwa i sprawiedliwości UE, w której zasada swobodnego przepływu osób skutkowała zróżnicowaniem mechanizmów adaptacyjnych państw w odniesieniu do zdeterminowanego ideologicznie projektu transformacji systemu zarządzania terytorium i granicami w Unii Europejskiej. This article takes up in the form of an interdisciplinary legal and political analysis the issue of the incorporation of the Schengen acquis into European Union law and the national legal systems of the EU member states in the light of the concept of a hybrid system of territorial governance. Accordingly, the Schengen acquis stimulated the process of intersecting the interests of internal security and the protection of Member States' borders with the supranational ideological imperative with regard to the principle of free movement of persons. The argument developed in this article is that the incorporation of the Schengen acquis into EU law consolidated hybridity of the legal and institutional construction of the EU after the Amsterdam Treaty as a result of the contradiction between the logic of political bargain at the intergovernmental level and the vertical spillover generated at the supranational level in the institutional and decision-making dimensions. The conclusions point to the emergence, as a result of "schengenisation", of the area of freedom, security and justice in the EU, in which the principle of free movement of people brought about diversification of the states' adaptation mechanisms in relation to the ideologically determined project of transformation of the system of management of the territory and borders within the European Union.

This chapter identifies and analyses synergetic mechanisms emerging in institutional, political and strategic domains of the EU intelligence community. A multi-variant exercise in the central section tests the viability of interactions among particular intelligence hubs which function in permeable and intersecting security fields. The concept of fusion centres is discussed as a practical example of synergy building among diverse intelligence stakeholders. In the final part, a map of intelligence synergies in the EU is presented and explained. It draws on a comprehensive approach to intelligence in the EU and functional relationships between institutional entities concentrated in the hubs. The complex network organisation is verified with reference to interactions, connections, dependencies and feedbacks among the hubs.

This chapter is devoted to crisis management in the EU and the role of intelligence in developing early warning and crisis-management capabilities. The mechanisms comprising the Crisis Management Procedures are considered against the need to process and efficiently direct a large flow of information to appropriate EU agencies, such as the Situation Room or Watch-Keeping Capability. The EU Crisis Response System is also examined in the light of institutional capabilities of translating intelligence into effective decisions and actions. The chapter concludes with remarks on the EU’s capacity for forecast analysis and scenario planning in terms of effective risk management and threat assessment.

Military intelligence cooperation illustrates the predominance of vertical cooperation driven by Member States’ strategies and doctrines of national security. The problem of defence through military means and support for operations ‘out of EU area’ is tackled in the context of the deficit of political will on the part of EU Member States and the political ambitions of the Commission and the High Representative for CFSP. Political endorsement for the concept of CSDP is considered as a catalyst for the progressive expansion of military intelligence cooperation at the EU level. The establishment of intelligence-led units in the field of security and defence policy is explained in relation to military tasks corresponding to overseas missions and operations conducted by EU forces.

Intelligence tradecraft is defined as the methods developed and practised by every single actor involved in information management and intelligence production. This chapter reflects upon the relevance of secrecy and openness in today’s intelligence analysis. It also highlights the selective presence of the main intelligence disciplines at the strategic level of EU intelligence cooperation. The intelligence cycle inherent in strategic analyses of military aspects of security is juxtaposed with the policy cycle applicable to internal security and criminal intelligence. A general assessment of EU intelligence tradecraft captures horizontal and vertical determinants stemming from variable interactions between national and supranational actors. This chapter also offers some explanation of the quintessence of EU intelligence cooperation in technical and organisational terms.

Police and Customs Cooperation Centres (PCCCs) have been established throughout the Schengen area as an important institution reinforcing mechanisms and procedures of cross-border law enforcement cooperation. Since the first PCCC became operational in Offenburg in 1999, about 40 centres have emerged, performing various functions and tasks in the area of internal security and law enforcement and constituting a valuable local tool of direct cross-border cooperation. In the reflection period preceding the 2009 Stockholm Programme, the so-called Future Group (High Level Advisory Group on EU Internal Security) suggested that the EU should establish a model of PCCC applicable to all member states and serving as "real police-customs centres of crisis management capable of handling events on an international scale." This chapter seeks to verify the above proposal and to reflect further on the importance of PCCCs for internal security of the EU and for cross-border cooperation in the Schengen zone. Several PCCCs will be analysed in order to extract similarities and differences as functional and institutional prerequisites for the elaboration of a framework PCCC. The evaluation of the role that PCCCs perform in everyday cross-border police cooperation will be juxtaposed with new instruments of Schengen governance, adopted in October 2013, particularly new provisions on common rules on the temporary reintroduction of border control at internal borders.

Internal security has an increasing impact on the overall security policies of the EU. This chapter seeks to examine how strategic intelligence at the EU level has contributed to cross-border cooperation in the areas of law enforcement and criminal justice. Relevant agencies, mostly Europol, Eurojust and Frontex, are assessed in terms of their involvement in criminal information exchange, analysis and intelligence sharing. The chapter also highlights the complex network architecture of institutional linkages and emphasises specific elements of intelligence tradecraft adopted in the internal security hub. The European Criminal Intelligence Model, the EU policy cycle for organised and serious international crime and risk analysis models are evaluated as intelligence-driven approaches to internal security.

This chapter introduces the concept of intelligence and elaborates on its meaning, theoretical foundations, explanatory properties and cognitive values. The meaning of strategic intelligence is also explained. The concept of intelligence community is presented and discussed with reference to the related terms ‘security community’ and ‘epistemic community’. The cognitive framework explained in this chapter focuses on transnational network structures of bilateral or multilateral interconnections built on common strategic interests, congenial ideological bases and like-minded attitudes to national interests. Considerable differences in the understandings of the intelligence community by EU officials and government representatives are explained by the interpretation of the EU intelligence community as a distorted epistemic community.

EU foreign policy and external relations constitute another dimension of the EU intelligence community. This chapter explains the relevance of socio-cultural intelligence for the EU’s external activities. The political-diplomatic hub established within EEAS is described as a set of intelligence tools and practices related to the monitoring of areas outside the Union. The role of EEAS is analysed in the context of the surveillance and assessment of the external environment of the Union. The significance of the COREU network in matters of foreign affairs and security is also assessed. Finally, the case of socio-cultural intelligence practised by the EU during the Arab Spring in North Africa is analysed in detail.

The EU intelligence community has emerged in a global context of transnational threats, external pressures and global risks. This chapter describes the partnerships, collaborative efforts and tactical deals made by the EU with actors in the international arena. It explores both opportunities and benefits, and emerging and improving patterns of international intelligence cooperation. The emphasis is on NATO and the United States as strategic partners in security policy. The external dimension of the criminal intelligence hub is presented as an area that complements EU law-enforcement cooperation. The chapter concludes with an overall assessment of third countries’ relevance for strategic intelligence in the EU.

The concluding chapter makes an overall assessment of the EU intelligence community as a cooperative network based on an enhanced capacity to deliver and share. It highlights specific features of this community as a complex network of agencies and practices dedicated to securing strategic EU interests. Referring to the metaphor of ‘hunters and gatherers’, it discusses the impediments to the establishment of a single EU intelligence agency. It concludes with a thesis that the complex network of institutions, agencies and services involved in the gathering, processing, analysing and exchanging of intelligence in the framework of EU law makes a remarkable contribution to EU security policies and strengthens the preventive capability of EU agencies and national authorities.

/short description: The article relates the rise and fall of the revolutionary groups in Central America. Gruszczak states that behind the growth of revolutionary movements in the region, such as those in Guatemala, Salvador, Nicaragua and other Central American countries, were great abuses of civil and human rights. The author notes that the groups, which have been using revolutionary ways, or in other words armed struggle, to achieve their political goals, in 1990's changed their methods of action. Following democratization processes the left-wing militant groups have transformed themselves into political parties, working within the framework of democratic elections.

Introduction Part 1: Investigating Borders and Integration: Theoretical Aspects and Their Methodological Implications 1. The External Aspects of the European Identity Construction Ireneusz Pawel Karolewski 2. Neo-Functionalism, the Commission and the Construction of the EU's External Borders Valentina Kostadinova 3. Externalization and Securitization of Immigration in Europe: Using the Gravity Model to Understand Citizens' Behaviour in Italy, Germany and Poland Endri Xhaferaj 4. The EU's External Policy towards Eastern Europe on Migration Issues Bernhard Zeilinger Part 2: Assessing Policies: Neighborhood Policy, Governance and Security Issues 5. Sources of Misunderstanding: Intervening Variables Influencing the Effectiveness of the European Neighbourhood Policy towards Eastern European States Igor Lyubashenko 6. Spill over at the Border: The Social Forces Behind Poland's Access to Schengen Klaus Bachmann 7. Avoiding New Dividing Lines? EU External Governance and the Eastern Neighbours Marie Campain 8. Promoting Stability and the Rule of Law in the EU Borderlands: The Balkans Aleksandar Fatic 9. Russia and the EU's Neighbourhood Policy Template Przemyslaw Zurawski vel Grajewski 10. Defining Borders between the EU and the South Caucasus: The Role of the Energy Factor Samuel Lussac 11. Turkey, Central Asia and Energy: Dreams and Realities Gareth Jenkins 12. At the Borders of the EU: Migration and Democratization Policies Assessed Leila Mouhib 13. Immigration Control and Securing the EU's External Borders Artur Gruszczak